Speeches

Mr President, Commissioner, first of all I would like to congratulate my colleague Gabriel Mato on his excellent report, which was preceded by very extensive consultations. The successive crises resulting from COVID-19, the war in Ukraine, the impact of the Brexit, the increase in fuels, the challenges of climate change and the decarbonisation of the fleet, the problem of generational renewal, the need to make the landing obligation more flexible, the controversial concept of fishing capacity... These are matters of concern to the fisheries sector and deserve an appropriate response from the European Union. A response which, in my view, must be to reconsider a number of the rules in force and to address a reform of the common fisheries policy. We need – as the Gabriel Mato report calls for – a reform that takes into account economic and social considerations in a balanced way and does not predominantly reflect an environmentalist vision. The sea-chain industry is a key player in the European economy – and must remain so – and is a key player in the production of the highest quality animal protein. We need to design a CFP that will guarantee us a modern and competitive fisheries sector, especially in economic and social terms, and we also need an institutional rethink of fisheries in the European Commission's organisational chart.

Mr President, Commissioner, as I feared, there have been many exaggerations, lies and falsehoods here. I am also convinced that this debate would not take place if there were no elections in Galicia in the near future, we are verifying this. Galicia is the victim of a double injustice on the part of the Government of Spain. Knowing the latter of the accident since December 8, he only informs the Xunta almost a month later, on January 3. In addition – second injustice – it does not fulfil its functions and does not activate the corresponding means or plans. I can assure you, Commissioner Sinkevičius, that the Xunta de Galicia will neither rest nor rest until the coasts and beaches are completely clean. It is carrying out a huge deployment of means, in addition, by sea and air, beyond its competences, in view of the total inaction of the Spanish Government. In recent weeks we have witnessed – today too – a machinery of disinformation, a veritable dumping of hoaxes by the Government of Spain and also by the Socialist Party and the Galician Nationalist Bloc, even posing as Galician photos of Sri Lanka and Texas. I call for common sense, for responsibility. Please abandon the electoral manoeuvres and falsehoods now. I am also afraid that they may damage the image of Galicia and our prestigious sea-industry chain. From the Popular Party, of course, we cannot allow it.

Mr President, cooperation with China to address global challenges is essential. In addition, it is a very important trading partner. But it is also true that China is increasingly behaving like a competitor and a rival, as the report that we will vote on tomorrow points out. We therefore need to diversify and reduce risks in our trade relations with China. It's not about decoupling. It would also be impossible. It seems to me that the results of the recent bilateral summit – the first in person in recent years – are scarce. You were there, Mr. High Representative, and you would have several questions. Is there any serious commitment on the part of China to correct the very serious and growing trade deficit of the European Union with this country? Has our dependence on critical matters such as lithium or the situation of graphite, which has been the subject of recent obstacles to its export from China, been addressed? Have you addressed at the summit the necessary cooperation with China in the fight against so-called illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing? This subject is included in this report and was the subject of a comprehensive resolution adopted very recently by this House. China must continue to be urged to influence Russia to end the war of aggression against Ukraine and not to cooperate in any way in this war of aggression.

Mr President, thank you to the rapporteur for his comprehensive report and also to the shadow rapporteur, Mrs Zovco, for her work in particular. There are many challenges that the European Union must seek to address in coordination with the United States. I am thinking of Ukraine, the Middle East, relations with China, the Sahel, but also with regard to climate change, terrorism, the threat of new pandemics or illicit trafficking in the Atlantic basin. That is precisely why I am defending the idea of creating a transatlantic political council that this Parliament has been supporting for the last 15 years. I usually support summits with the United States, but I am afraid that the results of the last one have been scarce in terms of trade. We need an agreement on fundamental minerals as soon as possible, and we also need to solve the outstanding problem of steel and aluminium. If we had concluded TTIP, we would not be in this situation right now. My group has tabled an amendment to this effect: number one. I hope the House will support it. We do not know what will happen in the presidential elections in November, but we should take advantage of the last year of the Biden Administration to strengthen as much as possible the strategic partnership with the United States, our most important ally and an indispensable partner.

Mr. President, for me, our policy towards Venezuela today should be summarized in two words: prudence and demand. Prudence because, since the signing of the Barbados Agreements, the regime's response has been utterly disappointing. He ordered the suspension of the effects of the primaries and reiterated the disqualification of María Corina Machado, and the Attorney General issued arrest warrants against numerous political leaders. One of them, Roberto Abdul, has already been arrested. In this context, the European Union should not consider lifting sanctions on the regime. I believe, Mr Borrell, that both you and the Spanish Foreign Minister were quick to propose a review of European sanctions. Prudence, I insist. It is not the first time that the regime has used negotiations like those in Barbados as ploys to simply buy time and win concessions from the international community. On the other hand, demand, he said. The international community has to be demanding of the Maduro regime. We risk democracy, freedom and respect for human rights, not just oil concessions. The regime must take clear positive steps and must ensure that democratic presidential elections are held as soon as possible. That presupposes that the candidates have full freedom to participate in them, including María Corina Machado, and the release of political prisoners, some three hundred.

Mr President, Commissioner, President-in-Office of the Council, enlargement policy is one of the most successful in the European Union. Since the adoption of the Copenhagen criteria, 16 countries have joined the Union and have had to carry out extensive reforms. Now, the Russian aggression against Ukraine has brought back to the present the long-stalled enlargement process. In this context, I think it is important to make some considerations. Firstly, it is clear that Article 49 of the Treaty and the Copenhagen criteria have to be met. Enlargement is an individual process based on the merits of each country. The delay of a candidate cannot mean that the other countries have to delay their entry, and I find it inconvenient to set fixed dates. We cannot speed up deadlines or, as has been said, allow shortcuts, or create erroneous expectations. The Union also needs to be ready for enlargement: This is called enlarging or absorbing capacity. And this means, among other things, more budgetary resources. I am concerned that in this context there is talk of cuts and that these cuts may affect cohesion or agriculture. And I finish: enlargement to the east cannot make us forget the southern neighbourhood. The European Union must also pay the utmost attention to the serious problems facing our neighbours on the southern shore of the Mediterranean.

Mr President, Commissioner, President-in-Office of the Council, the reform of the Treaties must be approached with prudence and as broad a consensus as possible. In a complex world, the European Union has to be an effective player capable of making decisions. But we must ensure that they rest on the broader consensus in order to have greater legitimacy and ensure its effective implementation. I know the difficulties that unanimity can pose, but I believe that we should not demonize it in certain areas of great importance and sensitivity. So far, it has allowed the Union to continue to function and ensured that decisions have the greatest support without creating divisions. The unanimity rule, for example, has not prevented eleven packages of sanctions against Russia from being adopted in the last eighteen months. Moreover, in my view, the thresholds for qualified majority voting proposed in this report, which we are debating today, are very low in terms of population. Many citizens may not be represented in decisions, even for the reinforced qualified majority of four-fifths of states, only 50% of the population is required. It seems to me a very insufficient threshold. The process of European integration is based on a union of citizens and states. It is necessary to ensure a broad representativeness of both. In any case, I welcome the fact that there is this debate and that we all participate from different groups and different nationalities, and we can give our vision. It is disappointing that a report on the reform of the European Union prepared only by French and German experts has recently been presented to the Council. I don't think that's reasonable. I remember the group of sages chaired by Felipe González in 2009, with such important personalities as Lech Wałęsa or Mario Monti, among others. I advocate a realistic and gradual approach to reform, step by step. Or, as Juncker said in 2017, patiently, floor to floor. We must continue to add new apartments to our European home.

Mr President, I welcome the fact that the summit with the United States was finally taking place. I hope the next one doesn't wait another two years. We must return to the annual system of summits, already in place at the time of Clinton. The challenges we share with the United States are many: Ukraine, the Middle East, the complex relationship with China, the instability in the Sahel, the Indo-Pacific, etc. Cooperation and coordination with the US – our most important ally – are therefore imperative. At the bilateral level, unfortunately, the results of the summit are not outstanding. The agreement on fundamental minerals, necessary to avoid the problems that the US Inflation Reduction Act generates for European electric vehicles, remains unfinished. The European Council, a few days ago, had to insist on this point. It is indeed a pity - and I reiterate this - that we have not concluded TTIP: Now we wouldn't be in this situation. And we will have to find a solution soon to the problems of steel and aluminum. Not much time can be wasted: in less than a year we can have in Washington an administration that is indifferent or less committed, of course, to the European Union. Finally, I welcome the increase in funding for the Erasmus+ and Fulbright Schuman programmes.

Madam President, in this globalised and interconnected world in which rivalries and conflicts are growing, the European Union cannot limit itself to being an economic power, a regulatory power and a leader in development aid. We have to be a real global player, also at the political and security level. Europe is experiencing today – it has been said – an unusual and very serious situation in its neighbourhood. To the east, Russia’s terrible aggression against Ukraine. In the southern neighbourhood, the Hamas terror group's savage assault on Israel poses a serious risk of escalation. And I add the difficulties that several Mediterranean countries are going through, the worrying instability in the Sahel. Unfortunately, the area of prosperity and good neighbourliness of Article 8 of the Treaty is a long way off. We need more effective political action, not just reactive. The European Union cannot aspire to be a global actor if in its own neighbourhood it is not able to actively defend its interests and values, act in a unitary and cohesive way and contribute effectively to its stability. Speaking of cohesion and unity, what a spectacle that of the Spanish Government that, oh, surprise!, exercises the Presidency of the European Union.

Mr Schinas, a further comment: I very much welcome this initiative on ports. I think it's very useful. A lot of this cocaine is coming out there. I have always spoken of the need for great cooperation of the Atlantic facades, including also the United States and even, why not, the countries of the Gulf of Guinea. A quadrangular alliance that would also involve African countries. And I think the issue of ports is vital, and I think we need to increase the number of containers. It cannot be that only 5% or 3% of containers are checked or checked. You have to check a lot more.

Mr Vice-President, I am very pleased that you are with us today. Organised crime is a very serious security problem in the European Union. It is clear that it is transnational and that it also takes advantage of the single market and Schengen. Cooperation and exchange of information between Member States should be increased. I want to dwell on the threat of drug trafficking, which poses many security problems in Latin America. We regularly read in the press about important cocaine caches from Latin America that are intercepted in Algeciras, Hamburg, Antwerp or Rotterdam. That is why we Europeans and Latin Americans must make a joint qualitative leap in the fight against drug trafficking and increase, for example, controls at ports. It is also imperative to increase triangular cooperation with the United States on drugs. Unfortunately, it seems to me that the language of the joint communiqué of the EU-CELAC summit was very continuistic on organised crime. I see that a couple of weeks ago there was a meeting between interior ministers of the European Union and fourteen of their Latin American counterparts, the so-called Latin American Committee on Internal Security. What do you think, Mr Vice-President, of the need to increase cooperation between the two sides of the Atlantic in the fight against organised crime and, in particular, drug trafficking?

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, last year the Russian economy suffered the impact of sanctions with negative growth. But it appears to have rebounded by 4.9% in the second half of 2023 and could reach 2.3% growth by the end of the year. Next year the figures will also be positive according to all forecasts. The reality is that the Russian economy is not suffering as much as we expected. I think that in January, the High Representative told us in this Chamber that sanctions on Russia were a slow poison, but are they really achieving all their objectives? It's a more than legitimate question. I would like to touch on three issues briefly. Firstly, does the European Commission know whether the means to effectively monitor compliance with sanctions have been strengthened both at Member State level and even at the level of the Council and the Commission itself? Secondly, we are trying to reduce our energy dependence on Russia, but I am concerned that several Member States are maintaining high purchases of Russian liquefied gas. Termination: there is a need to continue to put pressure on third states so that, as far as possible, they join our sanctions or at least do not help Russia circumvent them. I welcome the fact that Mr. O'Sullivan's travels are producing some results.

Madam President, I welcome the comprehensiveness of this report, which touches on very important and topical issues. I am concerned, like everyone else, about the lack of transparency on the part of the Chinese authorities as regards the number of vessels making up their high-seas fleet and the activities of this fleet. Much of the Chinese fleet is accused of numerous illegal practices, including illegal fishing and even inhumane working conditions. Needless to say, all this prevents us from having the level playing field we want. The fishing industry complains about unfair competition from these practices by the Chinese fleet, which also exports a lot to Europe. It is necessary for China to take serious measures to combat illegal fishing, and one of the necessary steps is for it to ratify the FAO Agreement on Port State Measures as soon as possible. On the other hand, I am also confident that the new control regulation we have just discussed today will help prevent fraudulent imports. I welcome, Commissioner, the regular bilateral dialogue between the Commission and China in the framework of the so-called 'Blue Partnership'. Such cooperation with China in the multilateral framework is also necessary. This is without prejudice to our working with other countries such as the United States and Japan. (The Chair took the floor from the speaker)

Madam President, it has been more than five years since the Commission tabled its proposal. Trilogues have lasted two years. A very complex dossier, therefore. Thank you for your efforts, Clara, as a speaker. The agreement reached in general seems to me to be balanced, realistic and gradual, although some aspects do not fully satisfy me. The text is much better than the one adopted by Parliament in 2021 and the unrealistic, inflexible and disproportionate Commission proposal. Thanks to the hard work of my group, we have managed to avoid excessive measures. I have made an effort to take into account the singularities of the artisanal fleet and, as a Galician, I celebrate the formula for shellfishing on foot. There are also specific formulas in toll and margin of tolerance that I hope will soon solve the problems, for example, of the tropical tuna fleet. The Regulation introduces novel and complex provisions. For all of them we have achieved temporary gradualness. For example, the use of on-board cameras only for certain fleet segments. There will also be long transitional periods in the control of engine power, geolocation and electronic fishing logbook. In traceability there will also be a five-year transition for the processing sector. I know of the reluctance about the cameras, but they will not be installed in principle on ships with less than eighteen meters in length and there will not be a big brother either. For the first time, all Member States will be obliged to have a system of recording recreational fisheries, an activity with increasing impact on fisheries resources. The Regulation will bring better European harmonisation on sanctions and better control of imports through the CATCH system. This is a very complex regulation that will require, first of all, very extensive legislative development through delegated and implementing acts. In this task, the Commission and the Member States should be in close dialogue with the industry and thus avoid placing an undue burden on operators. I end with a relevant issue. This regulation generalizes digitalization and will allow the improvement in data collection, so necessary for the good governance of the sector and the defense of its interests. We know what the absence of data means. We have seen in the fishing ban in 87 areas the severity of the lack of data. Finally, I welcome the fact that the Spanish Federation of Fishermen's Guilds will soon be launching a system of free training courses on digitalisation.

–Lady President, the European Union needs trade agreements because its economy is a major exporter of goods and services. It is vital to be able to continue exporting to the world to maintain our industries and create jobs. In addition, while the population is growing in the rest of the world, in Europe we have a shrinking demographic. We cannot do without foreign markets. We also have to import materials where we are loss-making. I am thinking of energy or certain critical matters. We need to make sure that we have suppliers who provide us with these goods. To this end, we must diversify our supplies and not rely only on certain countries in terms of essential materials, as we know well from the case of Russia and energy. We need free trade agreements, which also help fight inflation - a serious problem that we have again in Europe - because they lower costs. Protectionism, on the other hand, has economic costs for entrepreneurs and industries. Europe cannot become protectionist. We need agreements that open mutually beneficial markets for us and that do not forget those more sensitive products that must be the object of attention and defense. The European Union has several pending trade agreements: with Mercosur, Mexico or Australia. In the remaining months, the Spanish Presidency should make every effort to conclude them. In conclusion, I always say that it is a pity that no free trade agreement was reached with the United States, the so-called TTIP. This agreement would have saved us today, among other things, the difficulties posed by the so-called Inflation Reduction Act.

Mr President, Mr Mandl, we are in an extraordinary situation in Europe because of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. We must continue to support Ukraine. And I welcome the fact that Switzerland has condemned Russia's behaviour at the United Nations and joined the sanctions packages we have adopted. Ukraine urgently needs more weapons and more war material. Switzerland should lift its limitations on the re-export to Ukraine of war material manufactured there. I would also like to refer to the need to update the legal-institutional instruments of our relationship with Switzerland, based today on a very large number of agreements – more than a hundred – which are very old. We need a framework agreement, as has already been said, that allows a more structured and agile management of the relationship, and that includes a dispute settlement mechanism. Switzerland should not oppose this institutional modernisation which would facilitate the relationship with the European Union. The European Union is its first trading partner and receives more than 50% of Switzerland's exports. Its legislation needs to be more swiftly aligned with EU legislation and obstacles in economic and trade relations need to be avoided. We will all benefit if the institutional framework is modernized and if the relationship is updated. I hope that the Swiss Government will become aware of this after the October elections.

Mr President, I would like to know this: What reaction did they have in these contacts you had last week about that idea of risk reduction? Could it be a little more precise? And, here, President von der Leyen, a few days ago, in the debate on the state of the Union, announced to us the opening of an investigation against Chinese subsidies to Chinese electric vehicles. I would like to know if there has been any reaction from your Chinese interlocutors against that investigation into the possible dumping.

Mr President, Mr Dombrovskis, cooperation with China to address global challenges is essential. In addition, this country is a very important trading partner. We cannot ignore China, but we also have to be aware that China is increasingly behaving like a competitor and a rival. I agree with the approach of President von der Leyen, who also endorsed the G7: We need to reduce the risks in our relations with China. This is not about decoupling, which would be impossible. Our objectives must be to correct the very serious and growing imbalance in our trade relations, to protect the export of advanced technologies, and to reduce our excessive dependencies on supply chains and critical raw materials. And China also has to play fair so that our companies do not continue to suffer from a lack of reciprocity, transparency or equality in the playing field. Mr. Dombrovskis, you were in China a few days ago. How do you think the Western G7 and European Union thesis on risk reduction has been received in China? What reactions have you seen in your contacts with the Chinese authorities?

Mr President, Commissioner, it is good news for me to open negotiations on an agreement on critical or fundamental minerals between the European Union and the United States. This agreement seems necessary so that our exports of electric vehicles to the United States are not harmed by the Inflation Reduction Act enacted last year, as already stated. In this way, the European automotive industry, which has a very strong export vocation, will be able to benefit from the clean vehicle subsidies granted by the United States and compete on the US market on an equal footing with the United States and other third countries: Chile, Korea and Japan. We cannot lose competitiveness in this industry that is so important for Europe. I have had occasion to stress several times in this Chamber that, in my opinion, it was a pity not to have reached a free trade agreement with the United States at the Obama stage, when the work of the so-called TTIP was already well advanced. If we had succeeded, it is possible that the situation now would have been much easier and we would not even have needed this agreement. I'm finishing up, Commissioner, what's the point? timingWhat schedule are we talking about? I believe that the negotiations on this agreement must be concluded and concluded as soon as possible. We have to be aware of the moment we are living in and not waste much time because the administration in Washington may change next year and become the new administration much more indifferent towards the European Union.

Mr President, Mr Borrell, there were many expectations for the summit after more than eight years, but we have to ask ourselves whether the results have really been up to par. I am referring to three important points. First, the absence of a firm commitment to close the pending agreements with the region, specifically with Mexico and Mercosur. The brief mention of Mercosur in the final communiqué is disappointing. Secondly, I welcome the mentions of commitments to democracy, free elections and human rights. But we all know that it would be surprising if the governments of Cuba, Nicaragua or Venezuela changed their behavior. I reiterate here my displeasure at the presence at the summit of Venezuelan Vice-President Delcy Rodríguez, sanctioned by the European Union. By the way, shortly after the disqualification of such a qualified opposition candidate as María Corina Machado was announced. Finally, the increase in insecurity and drug trafficking in Latin America, which also has repercussions on this side of the Atlantic, is very worrying. Well, we have to make a real qualitative leap in cooperation with Latin America against this scourge, against drug trafficking. And I'm afraid the joint statement doesn't reflect that. It's more of a continuationist. In short, the most important thing about this summit, in my view, is the fact that it has already taken place, that it has been held. But the results seem limited to me for a region like Latin America, where the Chinese presence is growing.

Mr President, Mr Borrell, the situation in the Sahel is very worrying, of course: very serious political instability, precarious economic and social situation, very serious security deficiencies, impact of climate change, fragility – almost non-existent – of public institutions... The recent coup d'état is in addition to those that have already taken place in Mali, Sudan - to which I refer later - Guinea, Chad, Burkina Faso. It seems that we have only Mauritania left as a friend of the West or the European Union there. At the beginning of your term of office, Mr Borrell, I remember when you were on the Foreign Affairs Committee, saying and repeating today, that the instability of the Sahel directly affects Europe and made the Sahel a high priority for the region. He rightly claimed, then, that we needed more engagement. Now it is clear that you have to rethink what to do, or we all have to rethink it. I do not know if there is much time, because in the meantime Russia is very active, as you said before, and China itself. How are your contacts with ECOWAS? Can you tell us more about your recent contacts with ECOWAS? Because, in relation to Niger, they had a more military intervention attitude at first; Now they are more in the line of leaving time for diplomacy. And then how are your contacts with the United States going? Are they talking to them about the Niger crisis? Do they also seem to privilege diplomatic channels?

Mr President, Tunisia is a very important neighbour, an advanced partner of the Union. We must accompany the Tunisian people in the difficult and complex political, economic and social situation they are going through. Since 2011 we have been supporting change in the country. The memorandum recently signed with your authorities I understand corresponds to this basic position. We cannot ignore Tunisia at this time. We cannot marginalize the country. We cannot, in the end, forget the southern shore of the Mediterranean. In addition, in recent months the problem of migration has worsened and is affecting European countries. We need to help Tunisia control migration flows and fight more effectively against the mafias that traffic in human beings. But, logically, the relationship with Tunisia must be guided by international law and also by respect for human rights, which must include the treatment of migrants. I hope that the memorandum will also serve to speed up those economic and social reforms which, unfortunately, have been totally forgotten in Tunisia in the last decade. And finally, a word of solidarity with other Maghreb countries, with Morocco and with Libya, which in recent days are going through very serious difficulties due to major environmental disasters.

Madam President, I join the condemnation for the totally unjust disqualification of María Corina Machado and other Venezuelan leaders. The situation of dictatorship in Venezuela is a source of permanent frustration. The disqualifications cited, the recent one by María Corina, show that the Maduro regime has no will to reform or to listen to the recommendations and warnings of the international community. Latin American countries have to contribute to solving the situation in Venezuela, but Europeans also have to push for progress. The coming months will be key for the country. What is the Spanish Presidency doing about this? For example, are they demanding the release of political prisoners? The persecuted democratic opposition must be strongly supported. We can't leave her. And I end with a final word on next week's EU-CELAC summit. I find it humiliating, like many others, that Vice-President Delcy Rodríguez, sanctioned by the European Union with a ban on entry and transit into the territory of the Union, is planning to attend this summit on behalf of Venezuela. The Maduro regime thus shows its most challenging and provocative face.

Mr President, I am concerned, as has already been said, about the attitude that a number of African countries are taking in the face of Russian aggression against Ukraine. Only half, practically, have voted in favour of United Nations resolutions condemning aggression. Many remain on the sidelines, as if the war were not with them and it was only a matter between Europeans. There has only been one recent initiative by some African leaders who have traveled to Russia and Ukraine. War should not be indifferent to them. Russia violates basic principles: territorial integrity and non-use of force. It is very serious that Russia should return to imperialism and colonialism in the 19th century. Since the European Union-Africa Summit in February 2022, it seems to me that we have not resolutely boosted our relationship with the continent. Russia – Lavrov in particular – has done so. The Russia-Africa Summit takes place later this month in St. Petersburg. I know Mr. Borrell was in Niger last week. On top of that, what are we doing from the European Union to talk to Africans about Russia's war? Have we told you about the risks involved in the Wagner Group?

Madam President, restrictive measures have become one of the most important instruments of the Union's foreign policy. We see it now in the case of Russia and Belarus. We see it also with Iran, Nicaragua and Venezuela. Sanctions, of course, are not only to be adopted, but also – and above all – to be implemented. Member States need to monitor sanctions compliance more closely and strengthen their enforcement services. The Commission should also do so. I would like to recall the regrettable events that occurred in my country in January 2020, when the Spanish Government ignored the ban on entry and transit into European territory that weighed – and weighed – on Delcy Rodríguez, vice-president of Nicolás Maduro’s regime. The duty to immobilize any assets or assets in its possession was also ignored. These facts have not been sufficiently clarified, nor have responsibilities been purged. For all these reasons, I welcome the fact that we have this debate today and that steps are being taken to strengthen compliance with sanctions, such as adding the violation of restrictive measures to the list of EU crimes. Finally, I believe that the role of the European Public Prosecutor's Office should also be expanded.