Speeches

Madam President, the institutional relationship between the European Union and Cuba underwent a major shift with the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement in 2016. However, after six years, the result has been disappointing, especially in terms of respect for human rights. The very harsh repression of the demonstrations of July 2021 was further proof of the permanence of the harshest features of the regime, which is not willing to evolve or reform itself from within. Mr Borrell, you seem to justify your trip at meetings provided for in the agreement. Couldn't you put them off? Couldn't he be replaced by his secretary-general in them? Today he told us that during his visit he had the opportunity to listen to critical Cuban voices. Can it be more explicit? I say this because, according to my information, human rights defenders, the numerous political prisoners and their families are displeased, discouraged, because you have not met them. Termination: you announce the visit of the EU Special Representative for Human Rights to the island in November. I don't think it's much of a novelty. I remember that years ago – the privilege of being older – it was Mr Lambrinidis. The results are in sight. I will ask my group, the day after Mr Gilmore returns from Cuba, to appear in this Parliament to explain to us the objectives and results of that trip.

Mr President, I too would like to begin by condemning the Russian attack on the New Kakhovka dam. This attack has caused an unprecedented environmental and humanitarian catastrophe, and is yet another sign of the brutality of the Russian aggression and its utter lack of scruples. But I would like to refer to other points that will be the subject of the resolution that we will be voting on. It seems to me that the most urgent and imperative thing is to continue to help Ukraine, including with weapons and ammunition, to successfully cope with the Russian aggression and to ensure the survival of the country. Ukraine is experiencing moments that seem decisive and we must prepare the global recovery package, as called for in the resolution that we are going to vote on. It is also important to strengthen sanctions against Russia and to ensure that they are effectively enforced, and to prevent third countries from helping to circumvent them. I know the Council is on it. Finally, Ukraine's accession to the European Union must follow in its footsteps, without prejudice to the institutional reforms that enlargement to the Balkan countries and eastern Europe calls for.

Mr President, Commissioner, the European seaweed production sector has great potential. It is paradoxical that, Europe being such a continent turned to the sea, we are at the same time one of the largest importers of seaweed in the world. In my country, in Galicia, I know that several companies and also scientists from the University of Vigo are working on the valorization of different species of algae to obtain cosmetics and biofuels. In addition, there are already companies in Galicia that grow algae for human consumption. I can therefore only welcome this initiative by the European Commission. In particular, I welcome the fact that it addresses an aspect that seems to me to be fundamental: the excessive length and complexity of authorisation procedures. The Commission is quite right to say that the algae sector needs simplified procedures and also to ask Member States to simplify licensing procedures. Algae farming therefore faces, to a large extent, the same problems as the European aquaculture sector, whose growth unfortunately remains stagnant due to bureaucratic hurdles. Let's avoid falling into the same mistake with algae now.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, I am not going to repeat myself on the action plan, as I have said before: untimely, counterproductive, poorly explained, legally confusing and unfair with dragging. In recent years, in my opinion, the European Commission's fisheries policy has suffered from a structural problem: the predominance of radical environmentalism to the detriment of the fisheries sector. That situation, in my view, is partly due to the Commission’s own organisational structure. I do not see fit that the Commissioner responsible for the environment and oceans is also responsible for fisheries policy. De facto, this division of competence reinforces the superiority of the ecological pillar over the economic, social and employment dimensions of fisheries. Fishing is diluted. I remember perfectly well the problems four years ago in including the word 'fishing' in the title of Mr Sinkevičius' portfolio. The European Commission – I believe – should proceed as soon as possible with a reorganisation so that DG MARE is dependent, for example, on the Commissioner for Agriculture. After all, the relevant Council formation is AGRIFISH: agriculture and fisheries, and both are extractive sectors. I would dare to say: Why not a European Commissioner dedicated exclusively to fisheries? Why not take back the Directorate-General for Fisheries, DG FISH? Mr Sinkevičius, last Tuesday, Europe Day, the fishing industry joined an unprecedented protest. Fishermen from Germany, France, Italy, Ireland, the Netherlands and, of course, Spain expressed their deep unease. Commissioner, it is not enough to say that you listen to the sector. It has to be an effective, consistent dialogue. Also with actions that are consistent with that dialogue. Fishing needs deeds, not words. The future of the planet has to be green and blue, but the future of fishermen cannot be black.

Mrs Hazekamp, I do not know those cases to which you refer. But, I insist, the European fleet is well regulated. It is forbidden not to respect the policy of adhered fins. And if there are cases like the ones you're referring to, I suppose the full weight of the law will fall on the offenders. So that's not a problem. There are always individual cases that may break the law. But that doesn't mean you have to change your policy. What needs to be done is to apply the law well to offenders.

Mr President, Commissioner, as we all know, since 2013 the Union fleet has already implemented a strict policy of adhering fins. However, the measure does not apply to other fleets catching sharks internationally. It has already been said: countries such as China, Korea and Japan systematically block the implementation of a policy of fins adhered to in the different RFMOs. Moreover, in November last year, a few months ago, CITES Parties decided in Panama to include almost all shark species, including tintorera, in its restrictive Appendix II. This means that, at the international level, sharks and their body parts can only be placed on the market sustainably if they are CITES certified. I'll be clear. The problem is not the European Union. Our fleet and CITES authorities comply with standards that ensure sustainable trade in sharks. The problem is fleets and trade authorities in third countries with lower sustainability standards. If we want to effectively solve the problem at hand today, we should concentrate our efforts on the activities of third countries. I urge the European Commission – as have other Members who have preceded me in the floor – to step up diplomatic pressure in the relevant RFMOs to achieve this. level playing field international transparency in catches and in the policy of adhered fins. A ban on trade in shark fins would have a negative impact on the European fleet and would only aggravate the lack of a level playing field without solving the underlying problem. (The speaker agreed to answer a question under the "blue card" procedure)

Mr. President, Peru has been experiencing a situation of very serious political instability since 2018, which has been reflected, as in many countries in Latin America, in serious clashes between the Executive and the Legislative. In addition, the COVID pandemic generated a serious crisis in the country that cut economic growth and left a record death toll. This spiral of instability reached its peak after Castillo's election in 2021 and his subsequent attempt at a self-coup last December. We have experienced in recent months a very serious escalation of violence and public disorders, violence that must be remedied. There must also be a proportionate use of force on law enforcement officers. The Peruvian people and their representatives must abandon maximalist approaches and dialogue and collaborate so that they can get out of the crisis. It seems that the solution is clear, according to many observers: early general elections will have to be held, but these run into institutional difficulties. From the European Union, we have to support the democratic and constitutional order of Peru, a friendly country, a preferential partner of the Union, and we are also the first foreign investor in the country. Our economic and trade relations have only increased in recent years. We must help restore stability in this brotherly country.

Commissioner, I applaud initiatives, such as the European Year of Youth, which seek to bring the European Union closer to young people. Young people are the future and they need to be well aware of the functioning and objectives of the European Union and its institutions and to be aware of the importance and impact they have on their lives. I therefore very much welcomed the Council recommendation of 2018 which seeks to strengthen the European dimension of education. I also think it is essential that young people get to know Europe on the ground, first-hand. In this sense, in recent years there have been several successful initiatives such as the Discovery EU programme, which has been in high demand by young Europeans since its launch in 2018 under Erasmus+. What is your assessment, Commissioner, of the operation of the Discovery EU programme? Are you studying other similar initiatives for young people to get to know and learn about Europe? In a recent resolution of 14 December 2022, Parliament also adopted another initiative to make young people aware of European cultural routes and to have a voucher under the Erasmus+ programme.

Mr. President, China is a great power, key in today's world. A country that the European Union cannot ignore and whose cooperation is also essential to face global challenges. We must correct the very serious imbalance in our trade relations and our over-reliance on Chinese products in certain areas. It makes us vulnerable. I think of critical materials, such as lithium. We want to remain a powerhouse in the production of vehicles, also electric, and we cannot absolutely rely on Chinese lithium. We must diversify our supplies to avoid absolute dependence on China. Risks must be reduced. I am thinking, for example, of Chile's lithium. Unfortunately, China is now committed to changing the international order that has allowed it to transform rapidly over the past twenty years. He is a permanent member of the Security Council and does not seem to care about Russia's clear violation of basic principles of international law, such as territorial integrity and the non-use of force. It is closer to Russia than Ukraine. This influences our relationship with China. And I'm done. The world is increasingly polarized. Alongside Moscow's challenge, tension is growing between China and the United States, our most important ally and partner. It is clear that we cannot be indifferent to Washington's approach to China.

Madam President, I welcome the conclusions of the European Council. I particularly welcome the references to restrictive measures. I have been insisting in recent months that the EU and Member States' enforcement services must be strengthened. I am glad that the conclusions are along those lines. Sanctions are not only to be adopted, but also, and above all, to be implemented. In addition, it would be highly desirable if, apart from the Member States and some like-minded countries, more countries joined some of our sanctions. Of course, what we have to ask all countries is not to help Russia avoid its impact. We must be very vigilant and prevent products that we do not export to Russia directly from reaching it through third countries. I therefore welcome the appointment of Mr O’Sullivan as special envoy. I shall end now, President, with a few words on the condemnation of the war. We must continue to strengthen most of the countries that reject Russia's illegal behaviour. It therefore seems to me necessary that joint communiqués adopted at high-level international meetings, involving European countries or the Union, should include a clear condemnation of Russia's war against Ukraine and the use of force. This is no time for ambiguities, abstract phrases, or implicit phrases. We must be clear and forceful.

Mr Borrell, I think we should be more ambitious. These initial agreements reached are too punctual on very specific topics. I am concerned, and I suppose you too – although, of course, neither you nor I have a crystal ball – that in the future we may have an administration in Washington that is very far from the positive line of now and that we may return to a stage of distancing, as we had in the Trump stage. Therefore, ambitious political, economic and commercial agreements would now be desirable, and not be limited to critical materials or electric car batteries.

The United States is the most important partner for the European Union. Russia's aggression against Ukraine has shown once again the enormous relevance of this relationship and also of NATO. We should now strengthen these links by taking advantage of these years when we have an administration in Washington that is really close to Europe. I welcome the initial agreements reached by Mrs von der Leyen with Mr Biden this Friday, but I would have liked them to be more ambitious, not limited basically to critical minerals and the problem of electric cars. I find it a pity not to have reached the TTIP agreement at the Obama stage. There was a lack of political will in Washington and also in Europe. If we had, we probably wouldn't have the problems that now exist with the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA). In this context, Mr Borrell, do you not think that now would be a good time to take a leap forward in the ties with the United States - economically, commercially, and also politically - to ensure a strengthened institutional framework for this relationship that future administrations in Washington cannot ignore?

Mr President, we have had a year of Russia's cruel and unjust war against Ukraine. Unfortunately, the economic sanctions on Russia did not have the expected result in the past year. I expect, however, a positive effect from the latest oil measures we have taken. Sanctions, as the New York Times, they are a marathon, not a sprint; It is a slow poison, as Mr Borrell says, which this morning gave us important figures on the decline of the Russian economy this month. In any case, we have not achieved Russia's economic isolation. There are states that help her get the products she needs and that also buy her oil and gas. In addition, they have improvised a fleet of cargo ships. It is highly desirable that many of the countries that have condemned aggression should also join our sanctions. But still, China and India contribute to the maintenance of the Russian economy. I welcome the recent commitment of the European Council to step up measures to combat the circumvention of sanctions. We will see the support and scope of the new UN resolution. What we have to do is continue to weaken the Russian economy so that it does not continue to feed a machine of destruction and death.

Mr President, Tunisia is a country which, after the Arab Spring ten years ago, raised great hopes. It was apparently one of the few successes of this movement, but afterwards the political, social and economic situation deteriorated. I am concerned about the events of recent months. The political process launched a year and a half ago is producing surprising results; I'd call them disappointing. The constitutional referendum had a very low turnout and the recent legislative elections have barely exceeded 10% of voters. It seems obvious and worrying that there is a great distancing of society from the process launched by President Saied. It's a disenchantment situation. After the elections, a new institutional political actor, the Assembly of Representatives, is now emerging. Commissioner, Council, what do you expect from the new Assembly? What do you think your line of action will be? It is not easy for me to foresee what will happen in Tunisia in the coming months. Therefore, I would be grateful if you would be a little more precise and explain to us how you intend to act at this somewhat disconcerting moment. I would like this new Tunisian Assembly to be able to help the country move forward politically and to involve more sectors of society in this process. In addition, I hope - I would like to repeat - that it will serve to drive forward the much-needed economic and social reforms in the country. Tunisia is a very important neighbour, an advanced partner of the Union. Logically, in the current state of Russia's unjust war against Ukraine, we are very focused on what is happening in Eastern Europe. But the southern shore of the Mediterranean is also key for European countries. We must accompany the Tunisian people, help them in this situation, characterized by a long economic crisis as well, and the absence of structural reforms in this area, the economic and social. Very little has been done in the last decade. The situation of Tunisia's neighbours on the southern shore of the Mediterranean does not contribute to improving the state of affairs; Neither Algeria nor Libya can expect much help to enable Tunisia to emerge from this crisis. Therefore, we Europeans cannot abandon them at such difficult and complex times.

Madam President, this week, on Wednesday the 15th, marks one year since the shipwreck of the fishing vessel Villa de Pitanxo. This is one of the biggest losses in European fisheries in the last 40 years. It is a tragedy that continues to move us all. From the plenary session of the European Parliament, I would like to reiterate my sincere condolences to the families and relatives of the 21 victims. I also pay tribute to their perseverance and commitment in the search for justice. This Parliament, through the Committee on Petitions in the autumn and the Committee on Fisheries this week, has supported the necessary descent to the wreck of the Villa de Pitanxo, an operation of vital importance to better understand the reasons for the shipwreck, to try to recover the bodies of the deceased and also to advance in the criminal investigation. A few days ago the Government of Spain finally began the procedures to inspect the sunken vessel. Let's hope it goes down to the wreck as soon as possible. Addressing the demands of the family is a matter of legality, but also of humanity.

Madam President, we must continue to help Ukraine at this crucial time, including by increasing the shipment of arms. On the other hand, we should get virtually the entire international community to join in condemning Russian aggression. There are still many countries that, incomprehensibly, abstain or adopt very unreasonable positions of neutrality. The condemnation should not, moreover, be merely declaratory, but should be accompanied by the adoption of some of the sanctions that Western countries and the United States have imposed. likeminded We've launched. At the very least, we should ensure that these third countries do not help Russia circumvent sanctions. By the way, the High Representative was in South Africa last week. From your blog, yesterday I found out what you told them. South Africa's attitude towards Russian aggression is being unacceptable. I hope that Mr Borrell has been persuasive and that the South African authorities will at least initiate a change in their position. On the other hand, we must all be very vigilant to ensure that the sanctions imposed in our countries are complied with. The United Kingdom, for example, has managed to double the number of officials working in the relevant Treasury agency. I hope that the European Union and the Member States will also strengthen these administrations.

Madam President, we have just ended the year 2022, which the United Nations General Assembly declared the International Year of Artisanal Fisheries and Aquaculture. But I'm afraid artisanal fishing doesn't have much to celebrate. To the crises of the Brexit and COVID added to the war against Ukraine, with its impact on inflation and fuel prices. In my opinion, the report we are debating today contains an accurate diagnosis of the problems facing small-scale fishing in Europe, which is so important and so numerous. I congratulate the rapporteur, Mr Pimenta Lopes, for addressing issues such as the safety and habitability of ships, the necessary revision of the definition of the small-scale coastal fleet or the unfair abolition of subsidised diesel. I also welcome the fact that the report insists - again thanks to an amendment tabled by the People's Group - that fishermen's guilds, which are so important in Spain, obtain legal recognition and opt for financial assistance on an equal footing with producer organisations. I hope that the European Commission will incorporate our proposals into its evaluation report on the Common Fisheries Policy. Ladies and gentlemen, I would like to conclude with a reference to Ribeira, an important fishing village in my autonomous community of Galicia. I recently visited her with the Conselleira do Mar. There we could see again the strength of its auction and the importance that the fishing sector has for the whole region. The mayor of Ribeira, Manuel Ruiz, usually says that without fishing we are nothing. And indeed, the European Union and the rest of the public administrations must make a firm commitment to artisanal fishing as a substantial backbone of coastal communities dependent on fishing.

Madam President, Commissioner, I fully agree with you on the importance of Latin America for the Union. Did you refer to the Mexico and Chile agreements? We have to finalize its processing. We can't waste any more time. I hope that the greater commitment of the Lula Government to the fight against climate change will favour the Agreement with Mercosur. I hope that the protectionist concerns of some European countries will not continue to hamper it. It is also true that many Latin American countries have to make an effort to respect human rights, democratic freedoms, the rule of law, legal certainty and social progress. We cannot forget the human rights situation in the region, particularly in Cuba, Nicaragua or Venezuela. How are we going to achieve greater respect for human rights in these countries? In conclusion, I would like to have a word of condemnation of what happened in Brazil at the beginning of January. The constitutional order must prevail in this great country, a strategic partner of the Union, as is Mexico. I also welcome the fact that Brazil has announced its return to CELAC.

Mr President, first of all, I congratulate the rapporteurs on their reports. We are, of course, facing a very complex geopolitical scenario. Russia's aggression against Ukraine has brought the war back to European soil. We should continue our assistance to Ukraine and do more to ensure that most countries in the international community not only contain the aggression, but also join the sanctions on Russia, especially those close to us. I am thinking of the Balkans, Latin America or North Africa. The war has also highlighted the need for transatlantic cooperation. The rapporteur, Mr McAllister, is quite right when he says that there should be regular annual summits with the United States. The latest was in June 2021, with the declaration ‘Towards a renewed transatlantic partnership’ and the launch, for example, of the Trade and Technology Council. We need another summit this year to deepen relations, solve problems - for example, the so-called Anti-Inflation Law - and achieve greater coordination in foreign policy through the creation of the transatlantic political council called for by this Parliament. In terms of defence policy, we also have the Strategic Compass, but the scenario has changed radically with the Russian war and we should update it.

Madam President, tomorrow's European Union-ASEAN summit in Brussels demonstrates the high level of its relations, which are now 45 years old. ASEAN has been a strategic partner of the European Union since 2020, as has already been said. The historical, political and economic links between these two areas of integration are very important. In this multipolar world, so complex and conflictive, it is very positive for the European Union to have a partner like ASEAN in an area as dynamic as the Indo-Pacific. Together we must also contribute to the end of the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine, a very serious violation of the basic principles of international coexistence. I would now like to refer to a country as important as the Philippines, the founder of ASEAN and with such deep historical relations with Spain, my country. The Philippines is a strong ally of the West that has voted with us, with the countries of the European Union, at the United Nations condemning Russian aggression. Now, with President Marcos in the Philippines, a new political stage is opening up in this country in which I am confident that the rule of law and respect for human rights will advance. I have the hope, the firm hope, that the murder in 2020 of the young Spanish Diego Bello, Galician like me, will not go unpunished and that the arrest warrants decreed in March of this year by the judicial authority against the three police officers suspected of murder will soon be executed. This crime, which has moved Spanish public opinion, must be punished. Criminal proceedings should not continue to be blocked. Philippine law enforcement has to act. Diego Bello's parents deserve justice.

Mr President, culture is a very important element of the European Union's foreign policy. I welcome the fact that the resolution we will be voting on tomorrow recognises the role of the Council of Europe's programme of cultural routes, which has great potential in strengthening our relations with the rest of the continent and also with our neighbourhood. I particularly welcome the fact that the resolution calls on the European Commission, building on the success of the free Interrail initiative for DiscoverEU young people, to consider the creation of an action under the Erasmus+ programme for young Europeans to obtain a travel pass to visit and discover the roads of Santiago and other European cultural routes. As Chair of the Intergroup on European Cultural Heritage, Camino de Santiago and Other Cultural Routes, I would also like the Commission and the Member States to continue the work of identifying and mapping these itineraries, including in digital format. En particular, y termino, deberían señalizarse las rutas a Santiago que recorren todo el continente europeo utilizando los símbolos sugeridos por el Consejo de Europa, como la concha amarilla.

Mr President, the recovery of wolf populations in Europe causes major environmental and agricultural challenges, both in wildlife and, above all, in the cattle of livestock farmers, who are suffering significant damage. There is a need for an immediate response from both national and European authorities. The conservation status of the wolf already justifies a review of its level of protection. In addition, both the European Commission and the governments of the Member States must support those regions where coexistence between wolves and livestock farmers is increasingly difficult. In my country, in Spain, the main regions affected are Galicia, Castilla y León, Asturias and Cantabria. Unfortunately, the Spanish Government, far from contributing to the solution, has banned the extraction of the wolf indiscriminately throughout the territory. The Government of Spain must rectify and allow an active management of the wolf. In addition, it would be intolerable and incomprehensible if a region like Galicia, the second Spanish region that hosts more wolves, were left out of the fund of 20 million euros to mitigate the damage of the wolf.

Madam President, China is a great power which, both by its size and by its political, economic and demographic weight, we cannot ignore. It is clear that we need to count on China to face global challenges. We have to coexist with China. A relationship where there will be cooperation, but also competition and rivalry. Speaking of cooperation, China, a permanent member of the Security Council, must openly distance itself from Moscow and actively contribute to the end of Russian aggression. There are no ambiguities or neutralitys. Or they shouldn't fit. But I want to refer today to the technology sector: I am concerned about exchanges of advanced technologies. The Union must be vigilant, especially with those susceptible to military use. We have seen how recently, on 7 October, the Biden Government (the High Representative just referred to this) adopted restrictive measures on the export of advanced semiconductors to China. Are you going to talk about these restrictions, Mr Borrell, in the framework of the meeting of the Trade and Technology Council on 5 December? From what I can see, he's sending in some of his collaborators next week. You do well. It seems to me to be a very important topic, very topical and I think, of course, that you have to follow it with great interest. The issue of semiconductors is key. We can't be dependent, but we have to be careful about exports, which is where Washington is. They will have to update relations with China, also taking into account their attitude towards Moscow.

Well, I think that in the European Union we are having feeding problems. Here we have it, as you know very well, for example, with the problem of cereals or sunflower. The war in Ukraine has triggered an increase in food prices, further disrupting or disrupting food supply chains, not just energy. Here, the problem that is going to occur is that there will be less fish caught by the European fleets and, therefore, prices will also rise. It is a problem because, in fact, this contributes to breaking down, or reducing, the consumption of a protein, in addition, very healthy. We will have to import more from other non-European countries where fishing, in addition, is not as sustainable or close to those sustainability criteria, etc., of the European fleet. That is why I do believe that there may be, or will be, a problem of food security in Europe, when we talk so much about strategic security, about strategic autonomy. I think that is why the measure is very inopportune.

Madam President, the shortcomings of the veto on bottom fishing that we are debating today are well known to all. I am referring to the indiscriminate use of scientific data, the absence of a socio-economic impact assessment, the lack of sufficient consultation or the totally unjustified refusal to distinguish between trawling and longlines, contrary to what, for example, ICES says. Basically, the Commission has worked with a fat brush and not with a fine brush. This Parliament, this Chamber, two weeks ago censored the Commission's behaviour by means of an amendment tabled by my group, the EPP. The Commission has also received unanimous criticism from the Parliament of Galicia, the first fishing region in Europe, and from the four Member States concerned (Spain, Portugal, Ireland and France). The first news about the impact of this veto is worrying: in Galicia, catches of the species concerned have fallen by up to 60% and turnover has decreased significantly. Before this trend can be confirmed, my group and I once again call on the Commission to suspend the application of the veto to bottom fishing and to review it as soon as possible. I would like to recall that on 15 September, the same day that the regulation we are debating today was adopted, this Parliament adopted a resolution calling on the Commission to refrain from proposing more rules that would jeopardise our food safety. Commissioner, we cannot continue to legislate in the food sector as if nothing were happening. Therein lies the war in Ukraine and its terrible consequences – multiple consequences, too. At an exceptional moment, with the price of the shopping basket skyrocketing, it is not understood that the Commission is limiting the fishing of fish caught by the European fleet. There are vulnerable ecosystems, certainly, but our food security, our fishermen and their families are also vulnerable. Because of its legal, scientific, procedural and, of course, also shortfalls in terms of opportunity - let us think about the tragic circumstances that Europe is experiencing today and the economic and social situation - for all these reasons, I insist: the most sensible thing is the suspension of the measure. (The speaker agreed to respond to an intervention under the "blue card" procedure.)