Speeches

Madam President, in the face of Russian propaganda, we must insist that the invasion of Ukraine is an illegal and unjustified aggression, which openly violates the European security architecture and the commitments made by Russia in the Helsinki Final Act, the Paris Charter and the Budapest Agreement. Moreover, it is a clear violation of the most basic principles of international law, such as the non-use of force, which the entire international community accepted after World War II. Russian propaganda, which uses media such as RT, its embassies, informal channels and social media, wants to spread a false version of the reasons for the invasion of Ukraine. At the same time, it seeks to divide and polarize our societies. Its aim is to distort reality and sow distrust, insecurity and even fear in Western countries. We have to be very active to counter this disinformation. Externally, the European External Action Service, the Union delegations and the embassies of the Member States have to play a diligent role and try to combat the indifference of many countries to Russia's behaviour, and even, in some cases, the understanding of this behaviour. I am thinking especially of some countries in the so-called 'global south'. In this regard, I welcome the sanctions imposed yesterday by the Council against some disinformation factors abroad. We must combat Russian propaganda and also prevent Moscow from finding ways in third countries to evade the impact of our economic sanctions.

Mr President, Commissioner, I thank you for the information you have provided on the draft UN agreement on plastics that is now being negotiated in Korea, in Busan. Plastic pollution is one of the main problems of the environment and, in particular, of the marine environment. It is essential that we be ambitious in this negotiation. I am a member of the Committee on Fisheries and I am aware of the importance of clean oceans, as it is fishermen who suffer the most from the pollution of the sea. I am going to stop at microplastics, which must occupy an important place in Busan's negotiation. The maritime transport of plastics must be regulated in a stricter way to avoid the dumping of plastic pellets or pellets. At European level, we are all making progress. As you know, in April Parliament set out its position on the proposal for a regulation on the prevention of plastic pellet losses and we included maritime traffic in our position. I hope that the Council will soon conclude its work and that interinstitutional negotiations will begin as soon as possible. But we all know that European negotiations are not enough. We must involve the entire international community and also achieve global regulation. That is why we must work firmly within the framework of this United Nations Agreement, as well as within the International Maritime Organization (IMO). In the IMO we need stricter binding rules on pellets, such as the use of high-strength packaging and under-cover stowage procedures in all cases. I end with two questions, Commissioner: What is the place of plastic pellet pollution in the Busan negotiations? And secondly, what progress are we making in this area as the European Union in the IMO? What are we doing within the IMO? It's another important question.

Madam President, the United States is our most important strategic partner. We are united by broad and intense ties, we also share values, our economies are increasingly integrated... The strategic relationship must continue regardless of political changes. Both sides face very serious geopolitical challenges: the war in Ukraine, the rise of an increasingly rival China, the crisis in the Middle East and global threats such as climate change, pandemics, terrorism, drug trafficking... For all these reasons, transatlantic relations remain essential and, the United States, the indispensable partner. We should not devote ourselves to cultivating differences. Instead of trade confrontations, let us promote a positive agenda by strengthening, for example, the Trade and Technology Council. We must continue to be able to hold regular – hopefully annual – summits to coordinate actions at the highest level. Together we will be stronger than separately; the international context requires it. For its part, Europe must also adopt a more active attitude: for example, developing a strong defence industry and continuing to help Ukraine. And America, the Trump Administration, must also understand that, acting together with us, we can work better for security and prosperity on both sides of the Atlantic.

Madam President, Commissioner, the oceans face many threats, it is true: climate change, pollution from waste and dumping, plastics, maritime transport, hydrocarbon exploitation, illegal fishing ... We must protect the oceans, but without falling into maximalist extremism: protection is not incompatible with all human activity. The so-called "European Ocean Pact" should have a holistic, comprehensive vision that seeks to integrate human activities in a sustainable way and in dialogue with those affected. The next conference in Nice must be properly prepared. I focus now on fishing: Protecting the oceans is vital, including for the livelihood of our fishermen. The European fisheries sector is highly regulated, carries out sustainable fishing, fights illegal fishing and contributes to our food security: We must ensure their prosperity and competitiveness. I would like to stress the importance of RFMOs, regional fisheries management organisations. Precisely, the agreement on marine biodiversity on the high seas, known as BBNJ, recognizes the role of RFMOs and the regulations they adopt. In RFMOs and other international organisations, we need, Commissioner, leadership from the European Union to ensure that our high standards are globalised: In this way, we will achieve not only real protection of the oceans, but also the level playing field that our fishermen want so much. Marine protected areas, as you point out, require special treatment, but this must be based on scientific criteria and take into account the specific objectives of the area in question, not mere percentages. For example, if it is about protecting seabirds, it makes no sense now to insist on a ban on bottom trawling. We cannot fall into the demonization of certain fishing gears as does, for example, the marine action plan presented last year by the European Commission.

Madam President, in June 2022 we banned the import of Russian oil by sea into the European Union and also the transport of Russian oil by sea to third countries for a price higher than that set by the G7, but in recent weeks the press has widely denounced that more than 70% of Russian oil transported by sea uses the so-called Russian ‘shadow fleet’. Last September, this fleet had transported more crude than ever before. The consequences are worrying: on the one hand, the measures imposed to cut the revenues of the Russian economy, in particular from its budget, by which it sought to weaken the Russian war machine, are breached. On the other hand, these ships, old and poorly secured, represent a danger to maritime safety and the environment. Incidents, spills from this fleet have already been reported. A serious incident could cause a major catastrophe. I welcome the measures that the Commission has put in place in recent months and that the Commissioner has explained to us today, and I see that he wants to further strengthen them. There are, of course, many ships that are still operational. We must monitor and limit as much as possible the activity of this fleet. It is certain that their coverage, transhipments, flag changes, breaches of environmental legislation, etc., must be monitored. We must also improve coordination between European countries, which must strengthen their means of investigating incidents and the activities of vessels of this fleet transiting their waters. According to the international press, there have been accidents in European waters this year with these types of ships that have not been investigated. I also find it useful to put pressure on states that lend their flag to so-called 'shadow ships' or provide facilities for successive flagging.

Madam President, Mr Vice-President Schinas, thank you for that comprehensive briefing. Drug trafficking does not understand borders and requires international cooperation. This is precisely one of the pillars of the EU Strategy. Today Europe is the world's first cocaine market. From Latin American countries come much of the stash through European ports. I know of the Vice-President's concern for ports and I believe that this alliance of ports that he has created is very necessary. Police cooperation and the exchange of information between the European Union and the countries of the Latin American region is particularly relevant. In the declaration adopted at the European Union-CELAC Summit last year, leaders pledged to continue fighting illicit drug trafficking. I welcome the progress made, for example an agreement between Ecuador, and also Europol. Finally, I have to say that I am somewhat surprised - I was going to say perplexed - because the Pact for the Future adopted in New York just two weeks ago does not contain any explicit reference to international drug trafficking. None. I don't know if it's because we're thinking about a drug-free future. The Millennium Declaration, 24 years ago, did. I do not understand who negotiated this pact on behalf of the European Union.

Madam President, in the international community the world is far from being more peaceful, more prosperous and more just, the objective of the famous Millennium Declaration adopted in 2000 by the United Nations. Now we are going through a very difficult and dangerous stage. Challenges such as climate change, pandemics, organised crime or mediocre economic growth proliferate. Wars and conflicts are also increasing and worsening. The Pact for the Future has just been adopted, but, paradoxically, in the current situation in the world and in Europe we seem to be returning to the blackest past. Especially on this continent, in Europe, with Russia's terrible war of invasion against Ukraine, which has already lasted two and a half years, as if the prohibition of war and the use of force were no longer in force. In the southern neighbourhood, the conflict with the Middle East, following the terrorist attacks a year ago, continues to escalate into a regional war and we do not even know how far it can extend. Ladies and gentlemen, the area of prosperity and good neighbourliness sought by Article 8 of the Treaty on European Union today seems like a chimera. Confrontation and war prevail in our neighbourhood, not cooperation. We need to regain respect for the most basic principles of international law. The illegal anachronistic revisionism of Putin's Russia must not prevail. I welcome the emphasis that the Pact for the Future places on international law, but I think it should have been more forceful in condemning war. And I'm done. Is a consensual reform of the UN Security Council desirable? I would like it to include a permanent seat for the European Union, which must strengthen its foreign, security and defence policy. We need greater unity of the twenty-seven, greater cohesion and greater unity of purpose.

Madam President, the situation in Cuba has not improved: serious shortages persist, medicines, food, electricity, water, etc. are lacking, and human rights are still not respected. Six months ago this Parliament adopted a resolution on the worrying increase in the number of political prisoners in Cuba. The number exceeds a thousand prisoners arbitrarily imprisoned in inhumane conditions, many of them even minors. A particularly symbolic and important case is that of José Daniel Ferrer, human rights defender and opposition leader; Unjustly detained on several occasions, his situation was the subject of a specific resolution by this Parliament in November 2019. Following the peaceful protests in 2021, he was imprisoned again, and remains in prison, incommunicado and in deplorable conditions: There are serious fears about your state of health. We in the European Union must once again demand the release of José Daniel Ferrer and all political prisoners; In addition, it is urgent to impose sanctions against those responsible for human rights violations on the island and to consider suspending the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement with Cuba.

Madam President, organised crime is one of the most serious threats to security in Europe, as my colleague Mr Zoido has just described very well. I want to focus on one specific aspect: drug trafficking. And a fact: Since 2020, the European Union has become the largest cocaine consumption market in the world. I would like to make a few brief considerations. Firstly, I believe it is necessary for the European Commission to redouble its efforts and offer a joint response to this scourge. It is true that security is a primary responsibility of the Member States, but we cannot forget that drug trafficking transcends borders and requires a common response at European level. In addition, we must increase cooperation and exchange of information with third countries, mainly those in Latin America. The Commissioner referred to Europol's data exchange agreements with Brazil, Ecuador, and it seems to me that it was also Bolivia. I believe, along these lines, that what needs to be done is also to follow up on the declaration adopted in September 2023 following the meeting of EU interior ministers with their Latin American counterparts, with the so-called CLASI. Are you planning to hold the annual ministerial meeting set out in last year's declaration in the coming months, Commissioner? Another key aspect is the role of European ports, one of the priority themes in the new EU roadmap adopted in October 2023. Around 70% of drug seizures in the EU take place in ports. It is essential to strengthen the controls and the means in them. I am very pleased that, in Spain, for example, the port of Vigo in my region, Galicia, is renewing its container scanner system to improve the detection of drug caches. We must also promote inspections and controls at ports of origin and cooperation with ports in third countries must be strengthened. The European Ports Alliance is a step in the right direction. Latin American countries are also working to create their own network, which I think is a great idea. And both alliances should cooperate closely. I would like to know what the Commission intends to do with the Copolad III programme, which has been in place since 2021 and expires in January 2025. Do you think of its renewal? I heard the other day – from a Latin American source – that no, for lack of funding. This worries me a lot.

Madam President, I would like to start by regretting that the High Representative is not joining us today in this important debate on the situation in Venezuela. On July 28, as has already been repeated, presidential elections were held and, despite all the obstacles and difficulties that the regime imposed on the opposition candidacy, it was clearly and forcefully victorious, as many international organizations could prove, but Maduro, instead of respecting the clear popular will, intensifies the repression, threatens, imprisons, allows mistreatment of the detainees and even their death. The legitimate winner of the elections is Edmundo González Urrutia, but he has had to leave the country. This Parliament, the home of European democracy, must recognise his victory and declare him president-elect. This declaration would also be important to put pressure on the governments of the Member States, urging them to act accordingly and to actively contribute, together with other members of the international community, to ensuring that the will of the Venezuelan people is respected. Ladies and gentlemen, we must increase the pressure on Maduro and his regime: We cannot be silent, we cannot resign ourselves, we cannot be accomplices in the policy of fait accompli that he carries out. In addition, it would be very convenient for the Member States to support the lawsuit that other Latin American countries have filed against Venezuela in the International Criminal Court and also to ask the prosecutor to request an arrest warrant against Maduro. In addition, we must strengthen EU sanctions against the Venezuelan regime and continue to demand the release of all political prisoners, including, incidentally, more than a hundred minors, and even European citizens. The message seems clear to me: let us strongly support the decision of the Venezuelan people and declare Edmundo González Urrutia president-elect. It is not a time for ambiguities, it is not a time for silence, nor is it a time to look the other way.

Madam President, I reiterate what I have been saying in the last two years in this house: we need to step up our military assistance to Ukraine in its legitimate response to the Russian aggression. We are in a war in which there is a great difference between Ukraine and Russia in terms of human and material resources. Moreover, the Putin regime knows no limits or restrictions: It strikes the entire territory of Ukraine indiscriminately, attacks energy infrastructure, Ukrainian factories, even health centres, regardless of the harm to the civilian population. On the contrary, Ukraine uses limited means and attacks military targets with very restrictive rules that prevent it, for example, from reaching legitimate military targets on Russian territory, such as air bases and missile launch bases. I am confident that this imbalance can be corrected, as we called for in the resolution adopted by a large majority last July. Ladies and gentlemen, despite the bold intervention in Kursk, the situation in the Donbas of the Ukrainian Army is very precarious and the Russian troops are continuing their advance. The European Union and the Member States must continue to provide military assistance to Ukraine; in particular, we need to speed up the production of ammunition. To paraphrase the High Representative, Mr Borrell, it is more ammunition and faster. Finally, sanctions evasion remains a matter of concern. We need to strengthen our means to monitor compliance with sanctions in the Member States themselves and continue to put pressure on third states to stop helping Russia circumvent sanctions.

Madam President, Commissioner, thank you for your very short presentation. Enlargement policy has been one of the most successful in the Union, contributing to the transformation of the acceding countries. Yesterday, in this House, we commemorated the 20th anniversary of the Treaty of Athens. For its part, the European Union has also gained in size – very important in a multipolar world in which large countries rival each other. The next enlargement will have an impact on the Union itself and some of our policies will need to be rethought. I want to share some ideas. Firstly, I believe that the European Commission should carry out an impact study on what the accession of each candidate country will entail and the consequences it will have in each area. We need to analyse the impact of enlargement on policies as relevant as cohesion or agriculture, for example. In this respect, I regret that the Commission's recent communication merely states that these policies will have to be rethought, but, for example, does not call for more resources. We have to be clear. Enlargement will also need more resources, especially in cohesion and agriculture. It doesn't have to mean cuts. Ultimately, we have to assess the integration capacity of the Union itself and the decisions that will have to be taken. Gradual integration should also be carefully studied. It cannot become an a la carte integration, as the Commission itself says in its document. There have to be a number of conditions. It is not only about rights, but also about duties. And I understand, on the other hand, that the ultimate goal will remain full membership. Termination: the next enlargement of the Union looks to the east of Europe, but we also need to look to the south. Precisely for the Southern Neighbourhood we need a more ambitious and more resourced policy. The stability and prosperity of the southern shore also greatly affects the European Union.

Mr President, I thank Vice-President Schinas for his very comprehensive presentation. The European Union is in a very serious situation. Over the past two years, Russia's unjustified war against Ukraine has concentrated our efforts, but it cannot make us forget the southern neighbourhood. The serious risk of escalation in the Middle East, the difficulties facing the countries of the Southern Neighbourhood or the situation in the Sahel are profound challenges that the European Union cannot ignore. We have to act. The agreements with Egypt or the recent agreements with Tunisia and Mauritania are therefore in the right direction. Egypt is a very important neighbor, with a relevant geostrategic weight. The joint statement of 17 March, promoted by President von der Leyen, makes our partnership with Egypt strategic. It will thus facilitate political dialogue at the highest level, contribute to strengthening the country's stability and enhance its capacity to address current economic and security threats. Egypt is in fact experiencing a very difficult economic situation, marked by high public debt, high inflation and a severe shortage of foreign exchange. I hope that this partnership will help to stabilise the country's economy and promote the necessary structural reforms. This partnership covers other important topics, as Vice-President Schinas told us, such as investments in energy, cooperation in the field of migration or student exchanges – Erasmus + – among others. The promotion of democracy and human rights and fundamental freedoms is also present in the partnership with Egypt. Ladies and gentlemen, Egypt has a great deal of capacity for dialogue with Israel and with Palestine. In the current difficult circumstances in the area, Egypt must continue to work towards a ceasefire and the release of hostages and continue to facilitate the delivery of humanitarian aid to Gaza. The European Union cannot aspire to be a global actor if in its own neighbourhood it is not able to actively defend its interests and values and act in a cohesive and effective way. We must make a decisive contribution to the stability and prosperity of our neighbourhood, which is at a very difficult stage today.

Madam President, first of all I would like to thank the rapporteur for his report. I welcome the fact that for the first time there will be a specific regulation on the prevention of pellet pellet pellet pellet losses in the European Union. The recent pouring of pellets from the Toconao in Atlantic waters highlighted the desirability of the maritime transport of pellets being included in the scope of this Regulation. I myself tabled amendments to this effect a few months ago together with my colleague Dolors Montserrat. I welcome the fact that Parliament's position is moving in this direction. The original proposal of the European Commission was too limited – as is well known – in this area of maritime transport. Of course - as the Commissioner reminded us - it is necessary that the European Union and the Member States continue to address this important issue also within the framework of the International Maritime Organization (IMO), where it seems that steps are being taken in the right direction, but still insufficient. In this regard, I welcome the adoption last March by the IMO Marine Environment Protection Committee of the recommendations for the maritime transport of plastic pellets in containers. I understand that these recommendations are not yet binding. And, Commissioner, I would like you to inform us about the steps that will be taken within the framework of the IMO itself so that these recommendations can soon become binding law. Returning to the European Union, I hope that the Council will also adopt an ambitious position on maritime transport. I hope that in this way the trilogues will be fruitful and that we will be able to make progress in preventing microplastic pollution in maritime transport. One last consideration: wanted to underline the effort that had to be made by the Government of the Junta de Galicia in the management of the pellet discharge from the Toconao, which implemented a large deployment of measures, including at sea and in the air, beyond its competences. I regret the electoral use made by some of the accident in Atlantic waters, regardless of the damage it could cause to the fishing sector, which is so important in my land. I hope that the Spanish Government will now start and exercise its powers, in particular by claiming from the shipowner the corresponding responsibility for the damage caused and the expenses incurred.

Mr President, Commissioner, the situation in Venezuela is only getting worse. The Barbados Agreement provides for the participation of all candidates in presidential elections and the release of political prisoners. But Maduro has chosen to follow the opposite route. As we denounced in this Parliament recently, María Corina Machado's ban on standing for election continues and arbitrary arrests of politicians, journalists or human rights defenders are on the rise. This is the recent case of Rocío San Miguel, a Spanish citizen, who has been wrongfully accused and whose trial lacks the minimum legal guarantees. This case is in addition to the three hundred political prisoners such as General Hernández Da Costa, unjustly detained since 2018. In this context, I would like to ask the Council - well, the Commission, which is here today, not the Council - what it really expects from the elections called by Maduro on 28 July. On the other hand, I believe that, if the current situation persists, when the time comes to renew Venezuela's sanctions in May we must strengthen them. Not, of course, to soften them, but to reinforce them. The message is clear: In order for there to be free and democratic elections, María Corina Machado must be able to stand and political prisoners must be released. All the institutions of the Union must put pressure on the regime and, if possible, act in a coordinated manner along these lines with the United States.

Madam President, cohesion policy is one of the hallmarks of the European Union. I congratulate Mr Novakov on his report. The single market is key, but so is cohesion, an important source of funding which also facilitates economic and social convergence between Member States. After the 2009 financial crisis and the COVID-19 pandemic, several countries have suffered serious setbacks in their economies. For example, Spain. In 2007 it had a per capita income of 103 % of the Community average, but it has fallen in recent years to the current 85 %. Spain is therefore again eligible for the Cohesion Fund. Unfortunately, however, the recently adopted revision of the multiannual financial framework does not include the implementation of the Cohesion Fund for Spain. This will mean a loss of about 6.6 billion euros for the Spanish treasury. Which doesn't seem to worry the government. It is very regrettable, when Spain still needs important transport and environmental infrastructure. And I'm done. I welcome the fact that Mr Novakov's report calls for an increase in the general cohesion budget. This important policy must not be cut.

Mr President, I welcome the fact that today this Parliament is going to approve the Advanced Framework Agreement between the European Union and Chile. It modernises the previous one from 2002 and will allow us to further strengthen our relationship with Chile, a leading partner of the Union and with which we share important economic, social, cultural and, of course, also political ties. I would like to stress that Chile has been one of the Latin American countries that has most strongly condemned the Russian aggression against Ukraine and has also criticized the terrible human rights situation, for example, in Venezuela and Nicaragua. There are many aspects of the agreement that I could highlight, but I would like to stress that it will favour the import of critical raw materials, in which we Europeans are loss-making. It will therefore help to diversify our supply and make us less dependent on countries like China. I am thinking, for example, of lithium. In addition, we will not only import these raw materials, but we will also contribute to the creation of added value in this type of Chilean industry. This agreement is not only about trade, goods and, above all, services, public procurement also occupies an important place and also refers to issues such as the fight against crime and drug trafficking. I had the opportunity to travel to Chile less than a year ago as a member of a delegation of the Committee on Foreign Affairs and was able to learn about the threat posed by organized crime and drug trafficking in the country. I welcome the fact that the agreement includes provisions on this matter. The agreement is already signed, it will soon be ratified - I hope - and I welcome it. Both Chile and Latin America are very important. I must therefore regret that such important modernisation agreements with other Latin American countries, such as Mexico, have not yet been fully concluded and that the Spanish Presidency was not able to conclude an agreement with a country as important as Mexico.

Madam President, I very much welcome the Commission's willingness to review the level of protection of the wolf in Europe. This position is in line with what has been defended since 2021 by the Xunta de Galicia and other regions affected by this problem in Spain, my country. We now need the Council - unfortunately absent today - to take a decision as soon as possible to allow the European Union to present the proposal to amend the protection status of the wolf at the next meeting of the Standing Committee of the Berne Convention. The legitimate concerns of those living in the countryside, especially European farmers, cannot be ignored. They have a real problem with the wolf. There is an urgent need to strike a balance between the interests of the primary sector and the conservation of the species. I am concerned that, in Spain, the government has adopted measures unilaterally – just the opposite of what the European Commission is asking for – and has extremed the level of protection of the wolf without scientific backing. I hope you will now take note, listen to the European authorities and not oppose the Commission's proposal in the Council. This is a very important issue for communities such as Galicia, Cantabria, Asturias and Castilla y León. I hope that, given the information available on the status of the wolf, the Spanish Government will finally correct its decisions on this matter.

Madam President, the war in Ukraine has brought to the table the debate on further integration of the Union and the future of enlargement. These are important and complex issues that we need to address with prudence and as much consensus as possible. The Treaties are the result of many years of integration, long and arduous negotiations, and reflect delicate balances between the different visions and interests of the Member States. On the other hand, further integration in some areas does not necessarily require an amendment of the Treaties; Let us not forget, moreover, that there are passerelle clauses. We must be cautious: it seems to me that there is currently no very broad consensus in this House, let alone in the Council, on the reform of the Treaties and, moreover, no Treaty amendment is essential for us to make progress – at least in part – in the enlargement process. We want enlargement to remain one of the Union's most successful policies. To this end, the accession criteria must be met, without any shortcuts. Enlargement will also require more budgetary resources, otherwise policies as important as accession or agriculture could be affected. These are not cuts in them, but more resources.

Madam President, the third year of war has already begun at a time when the military situation in Ukraine has deteriorated. The way forward seems clear: we need to strengthen and modernise our defence industry and provide ammunition to the Ukrainian army as soon as possible. The European Commission is already acting in this direction: I am thinking of the European Defence Fund, the Ammunition Production Support Regulation, the so-called EDIRPA Regulation and other proposals that have not been announced today. I see well a Commissioner for the defence industry, but I also hope that, within the Council formations, there will be a Council of Defence Ministers. The Russian threat is brutal, very serious, but we cannot forget other risks to our security. I am thinking of the crisis in the Middle East, which has not been given the necessary attention in recent years, or the serious situation in the Sahel, which has a direct impact on our borders. Finally, NATO is essential, but we Europeans must increasingly take responsibility for our own defence and increase our capabilities. It seems clear that we cannot depend exclusively on the United States if, in addition, we do not know who will occupy the White House in a few months.

Madam President, this is surely the last debate on Cuba in this legislature. Looking back, we can ask ourselves if there has really been any progress in recent years. The Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement with Cuba was a change in legal-institutional relations with the EU, but it has failed to improve the situation on the island. There is a very serious deterioration of the economic and social situation. About 88% of families would be in extreme poverty and political repression is only increasing, as I was recently confirmed by representatives of the Cuban Observatory for Human Rights. There are already more than a thousand political prisoners in the country and the new Cuban Penal Code – last year – has not improved things either. Mr. Borrell traveled to Cuba in May. Mr. Gilmore did it in November. However, we are not aware that any political prisoners have been released since then. A few weeks ago, MEPs from different groups addressed a letter to the High Representative, joining the initiatives of relatives calling for the release of all political prisoners and concrete steps towards democratic change in the country. The legislature is over, but the situation in Cuba has not improved in the last six years. I do not think the balance of the agreement is positive. We must increase our pressure on the regime, including studying the imposition of sanctions on those responsible for persistent human rights violations against political prisoners. I would have liked Mr. Borrell to have accompanied us today. I'm sorry for your indisposition. I am surprised, on the other hand, that so far no Spanish socialist has taken the floor. I believe that the worrying situation in Cuba deserves the attention of all Spaniards.

Mr President, I would like to begin by expressing my condolences on the recent death in a helicopter accident of the former president of Chile, Sebastián Piñera. My condolences to the family and to all the Chilean people. Ladies and gentlemen, I am moving to Barbados. The Barbados accords generated some hope for change in the dire situation in Venezuela. But Maduro's actions in recent weeks are incompatible with these agreements: the primaries held by the democratic opposition are rejected; María Corina Machado is not allowed to participate in the presidential elections; attacks against the opposition are on the rise; there is no release of prisoners, on the contrary, there are new arrests. Let's pass a message loud and clear. The reliability of a democratic transition and the path opened by Barbados rests on two pillars: the full participation of all candidates, including Maria Corina, and the release of political prisoners. In the current context of non-compliance, it is inopportune to ask for the revision of the sanctions on Venezuela, as the Spanish Foreign Minister recklessly did. We need to be vigilant and demand full compliance with the Barbados agreements. They cannot be a ploy of the regime to buy time and concessions. Finally, is the European External Action Service coordinating with the United States? A country that, incidentally, has already announced that, if this situation continues, it will reinstate sanctions in April.

Mr President, it is already two long years of an illegal and cruel war waged by Russia against Ukraine. It is imperative to continue to support this courageous country. We are witnessing a war of attrition, where the supply of ammunition is essential. Russian troops are using projectiles far in excess of Ukrainian ones: five more times, apparently. This difference should not persist. Unfortunately, the Russian munitions production machinery is taking the lead, which is very worrying. As the United States did in the early years of World War II, the European Union must be the arsenal of democracies. All Member States should contribute to this military assistance. I am concerned about recent reports that military aid from countries such as France, Italy or Spain has not exceeded EUR 1 billion. Ladies and gentlemen, in addition to arming Ukraine, we must encourage the development of the European defence industry, all the more so since we do not know who will occupy the White House in ten months' time. On the other hand, I welcome the fact that last week's European Council gave the green light to the Ukraine Facility, which will allow us to increase our financial assistance to the country. I hope that in Washington they will do the same and soon unblock funding to Ukraine.

Mr President, Commissioner, I hope that Parliament will take a strong and critical position on the European Commission's Action Plan and I would like to congratulate the rapporteur, Mr Herbst. I agree with him that acting does not mean prohibiting. The Action Plan is open to criticism for a number of reasons. Among others, also for stigmatizing bottom trawling, a highly regulated activity thanks to which Europeans can consume fish species that are mainly fished with this art and are very important at the table of Europeans. If you want to reform trawling, go to the Regulation on the conservation of fisheries resources and the protection of marine ecosystems with technical measures. The report we are discussing also refers to the Implementing Regulation of September 2022 determining deep-sea fishing areas and prohibiting bottom fishing with all types of fishing gear in 87 areas of the Atlantic Ocean, without socio-economic impact assessment, without sufficient data, without a solid scientific basis and without distinguishing between the different fishing gears, which have completely different impacts on the bottom – trawling is different from longlines. And I take the opportunity to ask the Commissioner what the Commission is waiting for to reconsider its Plan, receive all the data and exclude longliners.