Speeches

The Recovery and Resilience Facility is enabling the issuance of NGEU debt with a plan assessment and monitoring procedure that is working reasonably well. This Parliament introduced democratic conditionality into the RRF Regulation, it is this conditionality that is allowing the Polish and Hungarian governments to put pressure on respect for the rule of law. Hungary and Poland submitted their plans in May. They have requested extensions, which have expired. At least in part, these delays have to do with respect for the rule of law. We are talking about the fight against corruption, the need for changes in the public procurement system, transparency in information on final recipients, non-discrimination in access to funds and even something that seems incredible: acceptance of the primacy of European law. Given the background and the lack of willingness of these governments to comply with the rules, it is difficult to think about approving the plans. We call on the Commission to keep up the pressure. This instrument will not only help us to finance the recovery, but also to enforce the principles of the rule of law in the Union.

Madam President, I wanted, of course, to start by thanking President Costa and President von der Leyen for their words of solidarity with the Spanish people, to which I join in supporting all the victims and relatives of the train accidents that have occurred in recent days. A year ago Donald Trump returned to power and, with him, returned a dangerous idea: that the international order is a hindrance and that the law of the strongest can replace the law. 25% tariffs against European allies, open threats, economic blackmail and contempt for the sovereignty of others. Trump is not a passing anomaly: It is a frontal attack on the Europe he helped to build. And in the face of its imperialist cravings, Europe cannot hesitate, it cannot hide, it cannot shut up. Because Trump only understands the language of power and Europe has power: It has economic power, it has commercial and political power. The question is whether we are willing to use it. In the face of tariffs and threats on Greenland, the response must be immediate and firm: suspend negotiations on the trade agreement with the United States, activate the anti-coercive instrument, strengthen the military presence in Greenland and urgently prepare a plan for the European Union to be in a position to respond if Denmark requests assistance under Article 42(7) of the Treaty on European Union. Mrs von der Leyen, Greenland is not just a NATO issue, it is also the responsibility of the European Union and, as such, we must take it on board and not look the other way. The same goes for Latin America. Generic statements are not enough, it must be said unambiguously: Trump's aggression against Venezuela and his threats of use of force against countries such as Colombia, Cuba, Mexico, Panama and Canada are unacceptable and illegal. And Europe cannot normalise them. Because America is not owned by Trump, it is owned by his peoples and his peoples. In Venezuela, Trump has made his goal clear and it is not democracy, it is oil. He demonstrates this by despising Venezuela's democratic opposition and announcing U.S. control over Venezuela's oil industry. That's his only interest. Our position must be clear: condemn the violation of international law and, at the same time, actively engage to facilitate a real democratic transition process. Mrs von der Leyen, I warned you at the December plenary session and today it is confirmed: The policy of appeasement and complacency in the face of Trump does not work. When it is not answered in time, the problem is aggravated. How many more provocations does it take to react? And let me, too, be clear about Gaza. The so-called Peace Board promoted by Trump is not a peace project, it is a business at the service of his friends. If we really want peace, Gaza must be governed by the Palestinian Authority, not by a council to distribute power and influence. Mr. Weber, time has proved you wrong. He accused us of breaking the pro-European coalition for opposing the infamous tariff deal with Trump. And today we are in this situation. But it's never too late to get back on the right side. Just as we understood each other and worked for unity to defend Ukraine, because it was to defend Europe, we now have to work for that unity to defend European sovereignty. Faced with the Monroe Doctrine, the European Union must respond with more sovereignty in defence, energy, technology and trade. In that context, we cannot be paralysed and, therefore, we must push ourselves to move forward also through strategic alliances such as the agreement with Mercosur, building a majority in this Parliament as soon as possible. Because that's our goal: turning every crisis into an opportunity to strengthen Europe. And in the face of a Europe of silence, submission and fear, we will build a sovereign Europe of courage, democracy and dignity. A Europe that does not kneel, a Europe that does not shut up. A Europe that knows how to defend its place in the world.

Madam President, Donald Trump's new national security strategy is neither a misunderstanding nor an occurrence: is a declaration of hostility against the European Union. He points us out as adversaries, legitimizes the far right and embraces a world ruled by unscrupulous autocrats and billionaires. Our historical obligation is clear: turning Trump's national security strategy into the European Union's declaration of independence. I want to address you, Mr. Weber. One cannot say that the European project is defended while negotiating with Trump's allies in this House, with the false patriots of the extreme right who want to destroy Europe. Mr Weber, when you ally with extremists, you endorse Trump's values. And that's why I ask myself: Are these the values defended by the European People's Party? The values of those who dismantle the media, attack universities and threaten judges and journalists? There is no possible equidistance between European democracy and Trumpist authoritarianism. Let's be clear. And I also address you, Mrs von der Leyen: flattery has failed. Appeasement has failed. The European history is clear: appeasing autocrats has never brought peace, only more aggression. Yesterday we saw again how the US administration of Trump threatened the European Union for legislating to defend the rights of European citizens against the technocrats of the big tech companies, and I have not heard a single word in this debate. Silence is the solution? No, no, no, no, no, no, Let's be clear. Socialists and Democrats are going to make it very clear that if we defend freedom in Europe it is the freedom to legislate as we see it and to protect our legislation from those who want to attack it. That is why tomorrow's Council has a historic responsibility. The European Union must use the €210 billion in frozen Russian assets. It's not just a question of solidarity, it's a question of justice and security. And, on the initiative of the Social Democratic Group, Parliament has approved the urgency procedure, because Putin's crimes cannot go unpunished. The massacres in Bucha or Mariupol cannot go unpunished. The suffering of more than 7 million refugees and the abduction of 20,000 Ukrainian children cannot go unpunished. Whoever destroys, pays. Putin must pay for the war he has unleashed, and if we do not stop him in Ukraine, our own security will also be at stake. The only possible response to Trump and Putin is to defeat flattery with strategic autonomy: defence autonomy, urgently implementing the European Defence Industry Programme (EDIP) and the Action for Security Europe (SAFE) instrument; energy autonomy, with an immediate proposal to ban Russian oil; commercial autonomy, concluding without further delay the agreement with Mercosur, and technological autonomy, defending without complexes our digital sovereignty and our laws, such as the Digital Services Regulation. Mrs von der Leyen, this strategic autonomy will not be possible without a strong multiannual financial framework, because cuts only benefit Europe's enemies. Today it is not just a political position that is decided, it is decided what Europe we are and what Europe we want to be. Faced with the Europe of fear, submission and retreat, we will build a Europe of courage, justice and autonomy. Faced with the Europe of others who want it weak and divided, we will build a Europe that is strong, sovereign and true to its values. That is the Europe at stake. And that is the Europe we are going to defend.

Madam President, today we are proud to take a historic step: Today, the first European Affordable Housing Plan is approved, a plan that does not fall from the sky. It is the result of three years of intense work since the previous legislature and, above all, of the S&D Group's determination to put housing at the centre of the European agenda. It is also the result of the commitment of the Commissioner for Energy and Housing. Dear Commissioner Jørgensen, thank you for sharing a fundamental conviction: housing is not just another commodity, but a fundamental right. Because the reality is hard: over the last 15 years, house prices have increased by more than 60% in the European Union and rents by almost 30%. 62% of Europeans fear not being able to afford decent housing. More than 1 200 000 people, including 400 000 children, are sleeping without a roof today. And this is not statistics, this is a social emergency. That is why this Plan matters and why it is now time to execute it quickly and with ambition. We need massive investment: €300 billion for affordable and decent housing. We need to reform state aid so that governments can invest unhindered in social housing and housing for the middle classes. We need to regulate short-term rentals at European level in order to return to the cities those who live and work in them and not to expel the elderly, teachers, nurses or young people from their neighbourhoods. We need to protect tenants, stop evictions of families and ensure fair and safe contracts. And we need a clear roadmap to end homelessness by 2030. The time has come to say it clearly: The age of speculation must come to an end, because the right to a house is above the profit of a few. Political will is now needed to turn commitments into reality. Almost 80% of Europeans say loud and clear that housing is a right and this plan is a victory for social Europeanism. But it will be judged by its impact on people's daily lives. Building Europe is also about building homes, homes that give security, dignity and a future. Let us continue to move towards a Europe of well-being, where housing is one more pillar of our social model. A Europe that protects, a Europe that cares and delivers. That is the Europe that we must all continue to build together.

Madam President, today is not a day for celebration. It is a day of sadness for every woman taken by violence and for every family with a pain that never ends. But for us, social democrats, it is also a moment to stand up with full strength. Every day, 140 women are killed – one every ten minutes – often by someone they once trusted. And we know the real number is even higher. Enough is enough. This is not a private problem, it is a European emergency. Too many women are questioned and not believed, and even asked to prove harm after surviving rape. We cannot remain silent. This impunity must end. The European Union must act with clarity and courage, recognise femicide, make 'only yes means yes' the law and include rape as EU crime. Let us move forward, strong and united, to build a Europe where fear has no place, justice is real and every woman can live free, safe and proud. Ni una menos.

Madam President, we have seen that, in recent voting times, there are groups that are resorting to the request for a secret ballot, and I would like to make a reflection in this House. A reflection on the transparency that is required of us as representatives of the citizenry. Citizens put us here to represent them and we have an obligation to be transparent and to say what decisions we are making. Perhaps there are Members who are ashamed of the decisions they make. I don't know. But it is not a democratic and transparent exercise to continuously request a secret ballot. That is why I am announcing at this stage that my political group, at the next Conference of Presidents, is going to request that the Rules of Procedure be amended so that what is now an exception does not become a rule.

Madam President, Mrs von der Leyen, what is being debated today and what is at stake today is not a simple budget negotiation, you know: This is the model of the European Union that we want to build for the next decade. And what your proposal offers is no longer Europe. We have been talking with institutional loyalty and constructive will for months. We have written to him, we have listened to him, we have made clear, viable and deeply pro-European proposals, but his response is still not up to the historical moment in which we live. Because what he proposes to us — that non-paper— it is not a rectification, it is a certain make-up. And Europe is not saved with makeup, Mrs von der Leyen, it is saved with courageous decisions, fair budgets and a shared vision for the future. In the S&D Group we do not ask for impossible ones. We ask for the essentials: the next Multiannual Financial Framework strengthens cohesion, agriculture and social investment. That every euro invested serves to reduce inequalities, not to consolidate them. That regions, cities and towns have a say in planning their own development and that this Parliament – the only institution directly elected by citizens – is not a stone's throw in the negotiations. Mrs von der Leyen, where in your proposal is cohesion policy with a strong budget for all categories of regions? Where is the European Social Fund that invests in education, vocational training, poverty reduction, equality, employment and health? Because this of the transversality of the social dimension sounds to me to not want to say how much money there is, so that there is no transparency and accountability and, therefore, it is dispersed. We want clear commitments and we want a budget with a social dimension, with a European Social Fund, with a European Competitiveness Fund that also includes that social dimension. Where is the common agricultural policy that guarantees our food sovereignty and the future of our farmers? These questions are not only asked by social democracy, today they resonate throughout Europe: These are formulated by farmers, who defend their livelihoods and dignity, repeated by environmental organisations, who fight for a more livable planet, and by citizens, who feel that Europe is moving away from their concerns. And let me recall one fundamental fact: Conditionality cannot be a tool to punish regions for macroeconomic decisions they do not control. It must be, above all, a guarantee of values: the rule of law, the Charter of Fundamental Rights, equality and freedom. The European Union needs a budget that looks ahead, that incorporates the capacity for common investment, that finances affordable housing, the green transition, innovation and defence, that uses the force of joint indebtedness not as an exception, but as a permanent tool of solidarity. And you also need the resources to make it possible. You can't do more with less. If Member States do not want to increase their contributions and, at the same time, we are demanding new priorities, then there is no alternative: the European Union must be equipped with a system of own resources. It's clear and it's obvious, because, without sound and fair funding, all the words are going to stay on that, on promises. That is why the Commission cannot continue to manage the future of the European Union in an accounting spirit alone. The future of Europe is not measured in spending columns, but in shared hopes. Mrs von der Leyen, today we tell you clearly and firmly that this proposal is not enough, but we also tell you that here is social democracy: to work, to improve and to change, because citizens deserve more. It deserves a Europe that cares, not calculates. A Europe that invests, not cuts. A Europe that protects its farmers, its workers, its young people. In short, a Europe that creates in itself, just as citizens believe in it. And the S&D Group will not rest until it becomes a reality.

Madam President, this is a turning point. In a world shaken by wars, the climate crisis and rising inequalities, European citizens expect more than just diagnoses: expects answers; answers that only a social and united Europe can give. And tomorrow, for the first time, the European Council is preparing to ask the Commission to present a European affordable housing plan. This is a historic step, and it would not have been possible without the tireless work of the Social Democratic Group, because it has been social democracy that has put housing at the centre of the European agenda, with a clear principle: Having a home is a right, not a privilege. Between 2010 and 2025, house prices in Europe rose by 60%. More than half of urban residents say that access to housing is their main concern and more than one million Europeans remain homeless; That is why we propose an ambitious response: €300 billion in European investment for decent housing, a reform of state aid to facilitate access for low- and middle-income families, the regulation of short-term rentals, the strengthening of tenants' rights and a European loan for sustainable renovation with social criteria. Because a house is not just a rooftop, it's where we create a family, where we care for our loved ones and build hope. And that hope must also guide our action in the face of the climate emergency. The European Union will only be strong if it leads the green transition with social justice. That is why we advocate maintaining the 90% emission reduction target by 2040, transforming it into law and ensuring that no one is left behind. We want a European adaptation law to prepare us for heatwaves, droughts or fires; We want a just transition directive that protects workers with training, dialogue and anticipation, and a more ambitious social climate fund that connects climate justice with social justice. And as we build a sustainable future, we cannot ignore the present pain and destruction in Gaza. Ceasefire and the release of hostages are imperative, but peace will only be possible if it leads to a viable Palestinian state. Nor can peace be built on impunity: The Council must act by suspending the Association Agreement with Israel, because Netanyahu must be held accountable for his genocide, and justice is non-negotiable. And in the face of Putin's criminal we must be equally firm: we know that he does not want peace and only defeat will sit him down to negotiate; That is why we must now approve the 19th package of sanctions, confiscate the 200 billion in frozen Russian assets and definitively ban oil and gas imports, as this Parliament has proposed. The Council can no longer delay the inevitable. Ladies and gentlemen, let us build a Europe that looks its citizens in the eye again, a Europe that offers a roof to those who do not have it, peace to those who suffer war, work to those who seek dignity and a future to those who only know uncertainty. Because when Europe dares to be brave, it becomes credible again; because when Europe proves to be human, it becomes great again.

Madam President, President von der Leyen, today we can clearly say that an important part of this European Commission work programme bears the social democratic seal, and is proof that dialogue, cooperation and engagement between pro-European forces deliver concrete results for citizens. In the face of noise and division, we have chosen the path of responsibility and action. Thanks to the joint work between the Commission and Parliament and the impetus of our political group, the European Union will have a European affordable housing plan. We know that home is not a luxury good, but a right. We will review the rules on state aid so that municipalities can build public housing without fear of being penalized. And we will move forward with a legislative proposal on short-term rentals to ensure that our cities remain livable and not investment parks. This is a victory of politics that puts people ahead of the market, but there is no dignity without jobs and without rights. That is why we have managed to include it in an EU anti-poverty strategy with concrete objectives and real funding, including the reinforced child guarantee so that no child in the European Union grows up without opportunities. And because the future of work is being defined now. We promote a quality employment act with legislative proposals to regulate the use of artificial intelligence in the workplace in order to guarantee the right to disconnection and teleworking. This is the true face of European progress. And that program also requires looking to the future with a transformative vision. The European economy will not only be strong if it generates green jobs. That is why we stand for a European Green Deal with social justice. The European Union must stay the course and secure the 90% climate target by 2040 with concrete legislation. It is not enough to reduce emissions, we must adapt. That is why, in addition to increasing the resources of the Social Climate Fund, we will push for a European adaptation law and a just transition directive. Because climate justice and social justice go hand in hand. We have also taken a decisive step in sustainable competitiveness. Revision of the Public Procurement Directive to introduce social and environmental criteria is also a way to strengthen the role of SMEs and regional contractors. So, too, is the creation of a European programme for the leasing social mobility of vehicles to incentivise clean and accessible mobility, and this was called for by our political group a week ago. Let me end by highlighting the reference that has been made to the protection of minors on social networks. I think it means putting on the table a great deal of concern from European families about how we protect our children from the challenges that lie ahead. Ladies and gentlemen, this programme demonstrates that the European Union moves forward when it engages in dialogue, not when it is blocked. But now comes the most important thing: make these proposals a reality. The time has come to choose the alliances that we move here in Parliament to work. We can work together to deliver on that agenda or they can continue to look the other way with totally different agendas. The truth is that our Union cannot afford any mistake at this time. The Social Democratic Group chooses to continue building because we believe in a Europe that protects and progresses, in a Europe that unites generations and territories, in a Europe that does not shrink from the future, but conquers it with courage. Let us continue the pro-European forces building that Europe, a Europe that remains the greatest promise of hope in our time.

Madam President, saving so many thousands of innocent people from death is an objective that so many of us here in this House have shared over the last two years and we must therefore all be satisfied. So many of us here have been calling for an end to the terror that was happening in Israel and Palestine for the past two years, and I would have liked to see the same intensity and the same smiles that I have seen today in this House of those who have denied a genocide that has killed tens of thousands of innocent children - tens of thousands of innocent children! For all Democrats, for all of us who think peace is necessary, today is a day to celebrate, but it is also just the beginning. The end will only be possible on the day that there is a reality, which is that the people of Israel and the people of Palestine, two States, can live together in peace.

Madam President, I want to start by expressing all our solidarity with Ukraine, which has been resisting Russian aggression for more than three years, and with all the European countries that have seen the Putin regime violate its airspace, sabotage its infrastructure and put the lives of its citizens at risk. Every Russian drone flying over our union is a warning, and that is that Putin will not stop. We said it a long time ago: Appeasement doesn't work with dictators. It didn't work in the past and it won't work now. Putin never wanted peace: neither in Georgia, nor in Crimea, nor in Donbas, nor today in the whole of Ukraine. Putin will only negotiate when he feels he is losing. That is why we must help Ukraine win this war. Mrs von der Leyen, the time has come to put forward a proposal to confiscate the EUR 200 billion of frozen Russian assets. And the Council must assume its responsibility and authorize Ukraine to use Western weapons against all military targets from which Russia launches its attacks because there is no time to waste. This is a turning point and only the European Union can guarantee Ukraine's survival, and our own security also depends on Ukraine's survival. But it's not enough to help. The European Union must also be strengthened. We need a European defence industry capable of action, a European pillar within NATO, a common air and anti-drone defence system, and greater innovation, cybersecurity and common production. Putin challenges our freedom, but our response must be more Europe. A Europe that is strong, united and capable of protecting its sky, its earth and its future. Let's not be afraid of the noise of drones. Let us respond with the strength of our union.

Mr President, today marks two years since the terrorist attack by Hamas, which left 1,195 people killed and 251 hostages. Two years since that day of horror that changed life forever in Israel and throughout the region. I want to start by remembering the victims, their families, whom we have embraced here, in Strasbourg, and in Israel, when I visited the horror of the kibbutz and the music festival where the barbarism was unleashed. We will never forget their pain or stop demanding the release of all hostages. But terrorism cannot be fought with genocide. Terror is not defeated by killing more than 67 000 Palestinians, including 20 000 children; Nor does it turn Gaza into a devastated land where two million people survive without water, without medicines, without light, without food and without hope. Terrorism is defeated by the rule of law. Europe knows that. We defeat terrorism in all its forms. We defeated him with justice, not revenge. That is why, in the face of the clamor of millions of citizens demonstrating in the streets of our cities demanding an end to the genocide, the European Union cannot stand idly by. And in the face of the courage of men and women aboard the humanitarian flotilla who have tried to break the siege of Gaza and bring aid to those in agony, we cannot remain silent while they are cowardly detained by the Government of Israel. The Commission has taken steps, but the Council must act now by suspending the association agreement with Israel, imposing sanctions on the Netanyahu government and declaring an arms embargo. And it must do so together with a mechanism for Gaza in order to rebuild what was destroyed and restore dignity to the Palestinian people. Trump's plan cannot serve solely to stop the war and return the hostages. Any peace plan must also serve to open the way once and for all to the creation of the Palestinian State, because without that horizon there will be no peace possible. And the main obstacle to peace is Netanyahu. Because Netanyahu has acknowledged funding Hamas to make the two-state solution impossible. Europe must choose complicity or courage. And courage is about defending the only possible solution: two peoples, two States, living in peace and equality. Let's stop the genocide. Let humanity speak.

Madam President, can we afford a blocked Europe when Putin escalates his war against Ukraine and launches incursions into European territory? Can we stand still when Trump has declared a trade war against our workers? Can we remain silent in the face of the genocide that Netanyahu commits against the Palestinian people? Or can we close our eyes as millions of families wait for our response to problems like housing or wages? The answer is simple: we can't. But I want to make some clear messages also in this debate, Mrs von der Leyen: the European Commission cannot stand on those who become the crutch of those who deny the climate change that kills our citizens and ravages our territories, those who deny the sexist violence that costs the lives of thousands of women every year and those who take away the right to abortion, those who applaud Netanyahu's genocidal plan while exterminating the Palestinian people or those who turn housing into a speculative business for vulture funds. That is not the Europe we need. That is the Europe we need to overthrow. Mrs Aubry, I tell the Left Group that we share the same position on Gaza. We condemn the genocide and demand an immediate end to Netanyahu's impunity. But there is something that differentiates us socialists from you: You have renounced negotiation as a way to achieve results and, instead of continuing to push for concrete measures in the face of genocide, you propose a motion that you know will fail and that could only go ahead with the votes of the extreme right. I think it is important to take that into account, but, also, Mrs von der Leyen, we have to be aware that each of us, on an individual level, are nothing. You are not Europe. Of course, I am not Europe either, nor is this building, nor is the Berlaymont. Not even the Council or the prime ministers. Europe is all citizens, and that is why I demand today that we listen to the voices of hundreds of thousands of European citizens who have taken to the streets in Amsterdam, in Berlin, in Madrid, in Milan, across Europe, calling for an end to genocide. Let's hear those voices. Without the role of the Social Democratic Group, the Commission would never have made such important commitments as the suspension of the trade part of the EU-Israel Association Agreement and the sanctions against the Netanyahu government, the refusal to give in to Trump in defence of our digital sovereignty, the presentation of a European affordable housing plan or the commitment to maintain climate neutrality. Faced with the empty cry of the extreme right and a left that long ago gave up negotiating, our response is clear: dialogue, negotiation and commitment bear fruit to improve the lives of citizens. That is why, Mrs von der Leyen, my warning is also clear: They have to choose between their anti-European enemies or their European allies. And let's be clear: Our support is not unconditional, it's up to you. You will only have our support if you keep the agreed promises. We want to see their promises in the programme of work that the Commission is due to present in November, because social democracy will not accept that Europe be chained to fanaticism, injustice or lies. Our Europe is one of peace in the face of war, justice in the face of genocide, solidarity in the face of selfishness, dignity in the face of speculation and equality in the face of discrimination. That is the Europe we will never let fall. That is the Europe we Social Democrats defend.

Madam President, as I hope that this debate will in some way be useful for European citizens, I will ignore and make no further reference to the figure of Mr Weber and I will focus on what President von der Leyen's proposals have been. I have to tell you that, from the S&D Group, we will be vigilant, critical and constructive. You have taken up many of the proposals that this group put forward today, but they cannot simply remain in an announcement so that today this debate ends in a good climate, but must be the Commission's real agenda for the coming months: We want a timetable, we want legislative proposals, we want a budget - something that little has been said today - we really want the political will to build. This Europe has been built with the cooperation of pro-European forces and with the prominence of social democracy. We will not excuse ourselves from our responsibility, but we will do so without being held hostage by those who want to rob us of our values, our ideals and our proposals. Responsibly, we'll keep working.

Madam President, Mrs von der Leyen, I am sorry, I am very sorry. I have to tell you that it has become clear here today who your greatest enemy is: Mr Weber, the European People's Party. You have made every effort today to try to bring here a programme of work where all the pro-European political forces would feel represented. You have made that effort, but you know today who is responsible for that pro-European alliance and that platform not working in this Parliament. It has name and surname, it is called Manfred Weber, it is called European People's Party. Madam President, today we have heard you call for urgency and unity. But the words that resonate in the streets of Europe are other: Where is Europe? Because the urgency and unity we need cannot be at the expense of the ambition or interests of European citizens. Where was Europe when the pact with Trump was signed, which is unfair? Accepting 15% of tariffs without any retaliation is unacceptable. Promising to the United States purchases of gas and oil for hundreds of billions of euros – and also investment in defence, without powers to do so – is an abuse of power. You went to Scotland to bury on a golf course the Draghi and Letta reports and our strategic autonomy. I remind you where you should invest: here in Europe, €800 billion a year in common debt to finance the green transition, the digital transformation, defence and the European social model. Our position is clear: We'll amend the agreement. We will demand that American producers meet the same standards we call for in the Union, because farmers cannot be the losers of their pact with Trump. And if Trump continues his trade war with respect to our digital laws, we must activate the anti-coercive instrument. Mrs von der Leyen, where is Europe when Gaza dies every day? More than 64,000 Palestinians killed, 2 million displaced, houses, hospitals and schools razed. Famine used as a weapon of war. Machine-gunned children looking for food. I would also have liked it here today if we could have invited Hind Rajab, a Palestinian girl known thanks to journalists – many of whom have been murdered – and the world of cinema. A girl who was killed when she went to get food. And behind this girl is Salma, there is Brahim, there is Mohammed, there are thousands and thousands of children whose voices we will not hear again, whom we will not be able to invite here, who have died because of the massacre of the Government of Israel. We've waited too long. We received your proposals and that presentation of proposals to break with the Agreement. We call for it to be a total breach of the Agreement, but we accept those first steps, which come too late and have cost many lives. We have to keep working and showing our faces. And in front of that tourist resort that Trump and Netanyahu intend to do, the "Gaza Facility" must be launched. Because if Gaza dies, the soul of Europe dies. Let's stop the genocide. Genocide must be stopped. Where was Europe also regarding Ukraine? You have announced, with regard to Ukraine, that you are going to ask Russia for some funds. Activate, once and for all, the 200 billion Russian assets frozen in order to be able to contribute to the reconstruction of Ukraine. And where was Europe in the fight against climate change? This summer, part of Europe has burned. Let's strengthen our commitment to climate neutrality. Mr Weber, you say that we must stop in order to promote employment. Where are we going to put industries, where are we going to put companies, where are our freelancers going to work, if our territory is being devastated by the effects of the fight against climate change? We need a European affordable housing plan, paid scholarships for young people, a quality employment package and achievements for women. And all these challenges need and demand a sufficient budget. Mrs von der Leyen, Mr Weber, the responsibility is not to abdicate our values and interests. The responsibility is not to agree and not to seek allies in the extreme right that wants to destroy Europe. Social democracy has always been building Europe and will continue to do so responsibly, but without giving up being part of the decision-making process.

Madam President, within the framework of the structure of the plenary session, each group has the freedom – determined within the reflection of its group – to present the topical debate as an initiative that falls under the responsibility of each of the groups. We are a political group that has obviously always respected freedom of expression, and we will continue to do so, but we also respect the fundamental rights and values of the European Union. Rule 169 and Rule 40(1) of Parliament's Rules of Procedure make it clear that European values and principles must be respected in plenary debates, and the topical debate presented in this case this week by Patriots is totally contrary to those European values and principles. To criminalize the immigrant population is to incite hatred. In addition, because it is a lie and because you start talking about the danger of immigrants against our women and our children, and you end up asking for the boats that save immigrants to be thrown down. It is totally unacceptable for this institution to allow such discussions.

Madam President, Prime Minister Frederiksen, welcome to the European Parliament. Your presence here is not just that of a Head of Government; is that of a courageous, pro-European leader committed to social justice, a leader who has shown that she can govern from a firm standpoint, with conviction and responsibility. Under the slogan "A strong Europe in a changing world", Denmark assumes its eighth Presidency at a time when history is watching us. Global balances change, external threats intensify, and internal ghosts return that we thought were overcome. But Europe has only one possible path: more unity, more solidarity and more democratic ambition. That is why we support this Presidency's prioritisation of a secure, competitive and green Europe. Because we understand competitiveness not as a race of inequalities, but as the ability to build economies that innovate without excluding, that lead without polluting, that protect employment without sacrificing social justice. And we know that there is no social justice possible if we do not guarantee a right as basic as that of housing. That is why we also believe that it should be a priority during this time. Europe also needs a budget that meets the challenges. We want a fair financial framework, with own resources and a stronger, autonomous and people-centred European Social Fund Plus. We say it loud and clear: there is no European defence or strategic autonomy if we do not guarantee territorial cohesion and social cohesion. It is possible to cover everything, it is possible to do everything: advancing the new challenges by also defending the Europe we know today. Mrs Frederiksen, we welcome your push for the Equal Treatment Directive. Even if it has been withdrawn, you have decided not to give up. Because equality is not shelved. Because the fight against discrimination is not postponed. Because building a Europe without racism, homophobia and machismo is a democratic urgency. It is also urgent to raise our voices outside our borders. In Ukraine, with the confiscation of Russian frozen assets in the face of the Putin massacre and, in Palestine, with the suspension of the Association Agreement with Israel in the face of the Netanyahu genocide. Mrs Frederiksen, Denmark's history in Europe is the history of a country that has been able to defend its convictions with courage. A country that has not needed to raise its voice to make itself heard. A country that has understood that sovereignty is not lost in our Union: It is shared, multiplied, transformed into a collective force. Let us recall the words of Jens Otto Krag, the Danish Prime Minister who signed the Accession Treaty, in his speech in Brussels: My wish is that the Communities pursue their internal policies in a progressive spirit of social conscience. That desire is also ours and, with your Presidency, Mrs Frederiksen, we will have a real opportunity to make it possible.

Madam President, Mrs von der Leyen, I am sorry to tell you that, every time Mr Weber makes statements on this motion of censure, he puts you in more trouble, but, in any case, as president of the Social Democratic Group I want to make it clear, from the outset, that this motion led by the extreme right will not have the vote in favour of my group, not because we defend the whole course of the Commission, but because we are not going to give away a single vote to those like Orbán, Le Pen or Abascal who want to destroy the European Union. This motion is not an act of scrutiny, it is a reactionary act at the heart of the European project. And, in the face of that assault, there is no doubt, we will be where we have always been: defending Europe, its values, its dignity, freedom, justice. Mr Weber, at least I find it paradoxical that you have spent a year devoting your efforts to convincing the European groups that the ECR Group is a pro-European group and today a Member of the ECR Group has taken the floor to defend the motion of censure against the European Commission. How can Europe be built with those who deny climate change, with those who attack the 2030 Agenda, with those who despise science, with those who relegate women to silence or advocate Nazism, with those who dismantle public services or ally with Putin and Netanyahu to destroy international law and annihilate Ukraine and Gaza? The far right does not want a better Europe, it wants there to be no Europe. And in social democracy, on the other hand, we have managed to build the European Union, stone by stone, and, in the face of its hatred, its denialism and its authoritarianism, we will continue to defend Europe: Europe that protects, cares for and liberates. Mr. Weber, let me be very clear: This motion is also the direct result of the failure of its strategy in the European Parliament. They hold pro-European groups accountable as they negotiate policies with the far right. I'm sorry, that's not possible. We have to keep working. Wasn't it you who voted with the far right to block the Ethics Body? Wasn't it you who joined the radicals to dismantle the European Green Deal, to launch a witch hunt against environmental NGOs, to eliminate the right to the Child Guarantee? Is it not your group that uses the Committee on Petitions to attack governments that are not in your political group, such as Spain or Slovenia? You really need to reflect on this issue. And you, Mrs. von der Leyen, do not look the other way. Why did you announce your intention to withdraw the Ecological Affirmations Directive a day after the European People's Party and far-right groups demanded it by letter? Who do you owe your support to? Where was the compromise given by the pro-European majority? Ladies and gentlemen of the People's Party, today I demand a clear answer: With whom do they want to rule? With whom do they want to destroy Europe or with whom do we fight every day to build it? Respect the agreement of the legislature. Respect the word given. And, if you betray it again, be clear that social democracy will lead a resistance. We won't give in an inch. Because in the face of hatred, in the face of lies and in the face of destruction, our response will be more Europe, not less. More democracy, not less. More justice, not less.

Madam President, the last red line crossed by the Orbán government is not an isolated event, or even a national eccentricity, it is a European shame. The Prohibition of the Pride March is not only a cowardly attack against part of its citizens, it is the umpteenth manifestation of an authoritarian regime that has turned power into an instrument of fear, censorship and hatred. A government that spies with facial recognition on those who defend human rights, that fines those who exercise their freedom of assembly, that manipulates the idea of child protection to impose an ideology of intolerance. A government that turns the different into an enemy. That, ladies and gentlemen, is repression. And I will warn one issue to the European Commission, which I thank for the commitment it is maintaining on this issue, but the rule of law cannot really be defended by withdrawing the Equal Treatment Directive. We need policy coherence. We need the Commission to seek interim measures from the Court of Justice to suspend the outrageous Child Protection Act. We need to push, once and for all, for Article 7, to keep frozen the European funds that a liberal government does not deserve to manage and we need its Commissioners to be in Budapest on 28 June, which is where citizens need them. Because it's not just about Hungary, it's about citizens. Every time civil rights fall back in one Member State, the whole Union falls back. Every time an LGTBI person is silenced, our democracy loses a voice. That is why today we proudly say: To defend the rights of the LGTBI+ community is to defend freedom, equality and human dignity. And to our Hungarian friends we say, you are not alone. We see you, we hear you! And on 28 June we will march with you in Budapest, side by side, proud and loud. Ten years ago we lost the great politician and activist Pedro Zerolo. He taught us that equality is not given away, it is conquered, enjoyed, defended and, above all, he taught us that pride is not hidden, pride is celebrated. Let us celebrate pride with rebellion, with hope and conviction. Because Europe will only be Europe when there is never someone who has to hide who he loves in order to feel safe.

Madam President, while I was preparing this speech this afternoon, I received an alert on my mobile: at least 59 Palestinian civilians killed at a food distribution point. Can anyone get used to this being the news we've received every day in recent weeks? We can determine all the humanitarian aid we want from the European Commission: Meanwhile, thousands of trucks are waiting in Rafah to access Gaza. It has been decided to lock more than two million Gazans in less than four hundred square kilometers, starve them and, from time to time, open food distribution points to take advantage of and kill them with bullets. This is what is happening and this is what we have to talk about, because life in Gaza has been razed to the ground. There are corpses of children under the rubble, there are bodies wrapped in blankets, there are devastated schools, mothers breastfeeding their children among ruins. More than 55,000 civilians have been killed. 94% of hospitals are destroyed. The population lives overcrowded, without water, without medicines, without food. What else needs to happen before we recognise that the Netanyahu government systematically violates Article 2 of the EU-Israel Association Agreement? What is the threshold of horror that must be overcome if the Commission and the Council are to act with the dignity and firmness that Europe must represent? The revision of the Agreement is not sufficient: The immediate suspension of any political and trade agreement is a matter of consistency with our own values. How long will President von der Leyen continue to look the other way to a government that has turned the violation of international law into doctrine? Mrs Kallas, the European Union cannot continue to be paralysed or held to double standards. It is necessary to prohibit the supply of weapons to Israel, to freeze the assets of those responsible for the illegal occupation and to cooperate with the International Criminal Court. If Netanyahu steps on European soil, member states have to comply with international legality. It's not about hostility, it's about principles. It's about humanity. And, precisely because of humanity, it must also be clear that the people of Israel are not Netanyahu's genocidal government. As thousands of citizens clamor for the release of hostages and an end to extermination, Netanyahu continues to hijack national politics. What greater betrayal can there be to the people of Israel than to have financed Hamas with thirty million dollars a month since 2018? Ladies and gentlemen, recognizing the Palestinian state is not a concession, it is to affirm that peace is built with justice, and without two states living in peace, the war will not end. Faced with the dangerous escalation between Israel and Iran, the European Union cannot just watch from the barrier. Our diplomacy must act urgently to stop the spiral of attacks. Ladies and gentlemen, it is up to us to be on the side of those who fight for peace, for freedom and for justice. Let us remember the words of the Israeli writer David Grossman: It is worth fighting for Israel. For our Palestinian friends, I wish for an independent life, and I wish that, seventy years from now, our Palestinian and Israeli grandchildren and great-grandchildren will be here and sing their national anthems, and in Hebrew and Arabic they will sing the same verse together: "to be a free nation in our land".

Madam President, 'to wipe Gaza off the face of the Earth', 'there are 2 million Nazis in Gaza', 'the army must behave in a vengeful and cruel manner', 'to drop an atomic bomb on the Strip'. Ladies and gentlemen, these are not phrases from isolated fanatics: These are statements by members of Netanyahu's government and the ideological basis that demonstrates what is happening in Gaza today. And are there still those who are surprised that the world is beginning to call what is happening in Gaza genocide? How is silence possible? How is it possible to be silent in the face of an extermination and ethnic cleansing that is broadcast live, day by day? How is it possible that President von der Leyen has not yet denounced these facts? Our response to the Russian invasion was forceful, swift and exemplary. And now? What is the value of international legality if it is only applied when appropriate? Do we want the European Union to go down in history by repeating the mistakes of the past, such as what happened in Rwanda or Srebrenica? Yesterday the European Union decided to revise the Association Agreement with Israel, but that decision had to be taken a long time ago. Spanish President Pedro Sanchez and then-Prime Minister of Ireland Leo Varadkar wrote a letter on 14 February 2024 calling for an urgent review, and there was no response. Did 53,000 people have to die and it took 14 months to make this decision? Yesterday the UN warned that 14,000 babies could die in the next 48 hours if they do not receive humanitarian aid, and more than half of that time has already passed; Thousands of children may have already died. Ladies and gentlemen, no more euphemisms, we must speak clearly and act forcefully. The revision is not enough: The Association Agreement must be suspended, an arms embargo must be imposed, trade with illegal settlements must be prohibited. Our denunciation is not against the people of Israel, on the contrary: Our cry of alarm is born in their defense, because the people of Israel are not Netanyahu. In front of his government there are courageous voices, such as that of Yair Golan, leader of the Democrats, who yesterday reminded Netanyahu that "Israel is walking towards becoming a pariah state, as South Africa was" and also that "a sensible state does not kill babies as if it were a hobby." It is with leaders like Golan, it is with Israel that it does not remain silent, with Israel that defends human rights, with Israel that wants the liberation of hostages with whom we must build a just and lasting peace that recognizes the two States, the State of Israel and the State of Palestine. A few words from the recently deceased José Mujica should resonate in this Chamber, but above all in our consciences: Power doesn't change people, it just reveals who they really are. That is why we must act, because if we do politics without humanity what we demonstrate is not leadership, but indifference. And the European Union cannot be indifferent, it cannot be silent. As a European, I don't want to be ashamed that I wasn't on the right side of history.

Mr President, dear Commissioner Šefčovič, Donald Trump and his vision of the world are a direct threat not only to international trade, but also to the values that underpin our democracies. Its trade war against the European Union, with unjustified tariffs, threats to our industries and permanent blackmail, is the most obvious manifestation of authoritarian economic nationalism that despises international law and cooperation between equals. Trump and his far-right partners – inside and outside the European Union – do not believe in a rule-driven world, but in the law of the strongest. Faced with his onslaught, we cannot and must not hesitate. We are here to firmly defend the European model, a model based on social justice, the welfare state and an economy that puts people at the centre. The European Union must respond forcefully. Our response must be deployed on several fronts: the protection of our workers, consumers and businesses; upholding the rules-based international order, with a strong and reformed World Trade Organisation; and the negotiation against Trump from a position of firmness, without giving in to any kind of blackmail. We have the tools, but we must use them when necessary if this threat continues. We must adopt sanctions and levies on big tech companies that break our rules and exclude US companies from European public procurement if this threat and blackmail continues. At the same time, we must strengthen the internal market, boost domestic demand and support industry and the regions most affected by this trade war with a direct aid scheme. Let's not forget that the world is bigger than Trump. 80% of our exports go to other markets. Let us strengthen the agreements with Canada, Japan and Mexico. Let's move forward in Mercosur, India and with our partners in sub-Saharan Africa. We diversify our value chain and make the European Union a leading global power in fair and sustainable trade. But there is one issue that is fundamental, and that is that there are elements that are not negotiable: the rule of law is non-negotiable. European legislation is non-negotiable, because we are a unique model in the world. That's made us different. That's made us strong. And we cannot accept blackmail that will allow Europe to change and modify the legislation in what we have advanced so much: in the welfare state, in terms of equality, also in terms of sustainability issues. The European Union cannot be held hostage to electoral calculations or political lukewarmness. The challenge we face is existential. It is a matter of deciding whether we want to be a strong, sovereign global actor with a voice of our own or whether we resign ourselves to being mere spectators subjected to the whims of a billionaire demagogue who despises everything that the European project represents. Ladies and gentlemen, this is a transformative moment. This is the time to raise our voices, to proudly defend the European project and to demonstrate that, in the face of chaos, the European Union is the hope of a just, democratic and sustainable order.

Madam President, only one question: I would like to ask, please, the services to give the group leaders and the groups all the information, very clearly, about this from the beginning, because if we have information that, for example, this debate will be for the May II plenary, and we decide as a group to support it in May II, it's so difficult now to take a decision about this time. Only to clarify, we as the S&D Group wanted this debate for May II.