Speeches

President Metsola, President von der Leyen, representative of the Czech Presidency of the Council, I begin with a few words of thanks to Magdalena and Agnieszka for their commitment, for their solidarity, but, above all, because you are the clear example of the history of Europe; of a Europe that it has always welcomed; of a Europe that has opened its arms to those fleeing wars, famine; of a Europe that wanted to have the principle of solidarity as one of those values; of a Europe that has blended; of a mixed Europe; of a Europe that has made us rich and diverse and of which we are very proud and very proud. Thank you very much. It is difficult to analyse the state of the Union without repeating what we have been saying for some time, and that is that we are facing historic challenges: We have done so with the COVID-19 pandemic and we are doing so now, in the face of that war initiated by Vladimir Putin that threatens our values and the international balance. That is why it is so important that we remain united to strengthen our commitment to Ukraine’s freedom and integrity while acting swiftly, ambitiously and in solidarity to mitigate the economic and social effects of this war: You only have to go to the supermarket to see that the shopping basket is more expensive every day. Measures have been taken to contain inflation, but food and diesel prices do not seem to touch the ceiling, and yes, the European Central Bank has raised the price of money, but that will also mean that they rise and that mortgages cost more, not to mention the heating bill. Ladies and gentlemen, this is the state of our Union, let us be clear; clear, but not pessimistic or catastrophic, because we are here for that, to solve it, to provide solutions, that there are; Another thing is that we have enough will to be able to start them up. As always, crises highlight our weaknesses, but they also tell us where we need to impact: strengthening social policies, energy market reforms, reforms in taxation and economic governance, and accelerating the green transition so that we do not regret that we are too late. Our commitment to the Ukrainian people is firm, but in order to ensure the support of European citizens it is not only good to jeopardise the military victories, which are very good, but we must also put ourselves in the shoes of those who are suffering the consequences of this war, and also here, in the Union, because, if we do not do so, we will see growing not only the rejection of war, but also the populism of the extreme right. President von der Leyen, in the same way that we were loyal partners in the face of the pandemic, we will be loyal partners now to face this crisis and avoid a recession. We are late, but I am glad that we have finally reacted and listened to what the Socialists and Democrats Group has been saying for a long time: we need to cap the price of gas and help families and businesses pay the bill, and we can do that with a share of the windfall profits of energy companies; Everyone must reach out because it is not fair that, while there are those who have difficulty making ends meet, others are becoming millionaires at the expense of the suffering of families. We are not the navel of the world: I have just returned from Latin America, which must be a priority for the Union and has not been so far. I am glad to hear from Mrs von der Leyen the mentions she has made in this regard, because they show the need for greater cooperation between us: It is a natural ally for that global order. We must be more present and not leave that space to other powers. As I said, I am also concerned that the extreme right will grow in this situation, and therefore we must act firmly in defence of the rule of law: the Commission, Mrs von der Leyen, is a guarantor of the principles and treaties and must therefore act clearly and firmly in this area. Finally, leaving aside the institutional issues, I want to talk about the political situation in which we find ourselves: I am sad to have to say this here, but the state of our democracy, at this historic moment, seems to me as fragile as that of our economy. Ghosts return that we thought were overcome: some Member States have become autocracies, such as Orbán's Hungary, and in others pro-fascist parties can win elections: is worrying and dangerous. Mr Weber, ladies and gentlemen of the European People's Party, from here I appeal to you to reconsider your role in the European project, because, after the Second World War, the founders of Christian democracy understood that the best patriotism was to seek the common interest of the whole European Union at the hand of social democracy, and not exclusionary nationalism; I see that they are losing that path, normalizing and supporting the entry of the extreme right into the institutions: I hope they rectify. I hope they rectify because we have a shared responsibility: We are on time and Europe is waiting for us.

Madam President, dear Prime Minister, dear Sanna, first of all welcome; welcome, on behalf of the Socialists and Democrats Group and on my own behalf: It's a pleasure to have you here today. And is that, from the beginning of your mandate, and in spite of the historical challenges we face, such as the pandemic, the war ... you continue to lead Finland in a stable and strong way, and you do it with a European heart, knowing that only by working together, only by staying in unity and only reinforcing solidarity can we build the brave way forward. Yes, Prime Minister, because courageous people and women like you are needed: courageous women who do not cower at Putin's threats and who, with determination, have led their country to join NATO; courageous people who not only make Finnish citizenship safer and more secure, but also NATO and European members; courageous, to build and strengthen a more secure world order, based on legality, human rights and peace. And it is brave women like you who forge the future and end up studying in the history books! (Applause) Thousands of Ukrainian civilians have lost their lives since that terrible February 24, millions have been displaced or have fled to their neighboring countries. In the face of Putin's atrocities, the Union has taken historic steps, and Finland's support and your leadership, Prime Minister, have been essential to this. And, the more Putin threatens, the more unity he will find! Now Putin wants to sow divisions by cutting off our energy supplies, hoping that this will incite a great social unrest that causes distrust of our institutions. Well, we won't allow it! As you have also said, this is not the time to continue doing the usual thing, you have to do different things. Changing the rules of the electricity market is not enough, no: we must urgently stop speculation in the gas market, increase its transparency, build the necessary infrastructure and tax the exorbitant profits to help those who have the most difficulties, because the best anti-Putin antidote and against its anti-European allies of the extreme right is that of more cohesive and democratic societies, resilient and capable of responding and putting solutions. Our welfare states must be strengthened, and the advance of poverty and inequality must stop; This is why there is a need to move forward in a social Europe: because beyond these immediate emergency measures we need to continue moving towards a horizon. The European Union is, as the Treaties make clear, a Union of common values, and therefore we must not allow Orbán and his anti-European colleagues to hold us hostage in order to be able to act globally, so the time has come to move towards a qualified majority system in decision-making, and you have referred to that issue in your speech, and we welcome you. Prime Minister, as Social Democrats we know that the green and digital transitions will only be possible with a strong social dimension. This is how to ensure the well-being of citizens in all its dimensions, this is how we will achieve more equality: Yes, also gender equality, a real equality where women in politics are not required to triple that of men. Because, as you well know, dear Sanna, we have come to stay, to forge our rights, to decide on our lives and on the lives of the women and men of the Union, for yes. This is how there will be more women and more young women willing to write the future, and this is how we want to shore up this new page in the progress of Europe and humanity.

Madam President, Madam President von der Leyen, Prime Minister, we are starting another complicated presidency. Now, with the war in Ukraine and its consequences, it seems even until COVID-19 is something of the past. But they are crises that overlap and force us to look deeply. The two years ahead of the legislature are going to be two decisive years. We know that instability will continue and that is why it is so important to stay the course for major transformations, for green transformation, for digital transformation and also to respond to unexpected turbulence. Prime Minister Fiala, we support the priorities of your programme: strengthening common freedom, security and prosperity, managing refugee and refugee crises, Ukraine’s post-war recovery, as well as energy security and containing inflation. But we will not be able to do it without taking into account the impact on people, that is, social policies. And that's what our group is worried about. Yesterday we missed more mentions in your work programme of the social issue, but today I must also welcome your acceptance of our request to organise a social summit to update the social policies that we agreed on a year ago in Porto. This is excellent news, Prime Minister, because we must protect ourselves from external threats, but also from internal ones. We must protect ourselves from injustice, inequality and poverty, because these will also be threats to the European project. That is why it is so important to talk about these social consequences. Another important issue is gender equality, because we have made a lot of progress in this regard, but there is still a lot to do, for example, to achieve equal pay. In addition, it would be a good gesture for your Government to ratify the Istanbul Convention, because it is the main legal instrument we have to fight against gender-based violence. The rule of law is also fundamental and, there, I am confident that your Presidency will make a difference. Prague is the geographical heart of Europe, it is the symbol of a people's struggle for their rights, for freedom and for democracy. I hope that you will intercede in this regard in the Visegrad Group. You are well aware that values are non-negotiable and that the European Union cannot give up defending the rule of law. Under the Czech Presidency, the Council can finally organise serious and effective hearings on the deterioration of the rule of law in Hungary and Poland, following the procedures of Article 7. This does not require unanimity, only political will. Authoritarian populism is a threat to Europe and to all its countries. Not all Visegrad governments are the same, we are aware. Prague has the opportunity to lead a new effort for freedom, a new democratic spring. In this democratic effort, we must listen more to citizens. That is why I also miss some mention in your programme of the Conference on the Future of Europe. Citizens expect much more and we must undertake necessary reforms, and that means overcoming unanimity in important areas. Finally, we need to look at the challenge of migration head-on. We can't let any more time go by. Europe has the opportunity to give substance to the word solidarity. Mr Prime Minister, you have chosen a very successful motto for your presidency: "Europe as a task, Europe as a mission". That phrase Václav Havel uttered in his Charlemagne Prize speech continues to reflect who we are: a project of solidarity, a project of the future, a project that we all build together. Count on the Socialist Group to work hand in hand for that future of peace, prosperity and freedom during these months.

Madam President, when Margaret Atwood wrote in 1985, we all thought it was science fiction. He spoke of the future, of a future country where there was a total ban on abortion, because the only function of women was to have children. And the author herself, a few days ago, lamented that the Supreme Court of the United States had made her novel a reality. In the most powerful country in the world, women have no power over their own bodies. A court, made up mostly of older men, male, retrograde, anchored in the past, has decided on the young women of the 21st century. A woman, a girl who becomes pregnant as a result of rape or a non-consensual fruitless relationship, the life of a mother who is in danger or a fetus who has no chance of getting ahead: all that doesn't matter. The only thing that matters is that the child is born, even without taking into account that it may be a child without a mother or that it may be a child in a family without resources, with great needs. They force women to have unwanted children, but they don't help them any more. In the United States the right to bear arms is indisputable, the right of a woman to decide on her own body does not exist. Abortion does not disappear by prohibiting it, only the safe conditions of abortion disappear, which happens to be clandestine, in conditions dangerous many times for the lives of women. Women who have resources will go to other countries and those who do not will have to endanger their lives. The right to abortion is an inalienable human right. The Socialist Group has repeatedly called for the inclusion of sexual and reproductive rights, including the right to safe and legal abortion, in the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. Women of the United States, women of the world, you are not alone. We will continue to fight together, because there are many women who are aware of how important it is to fight for our rights, so that our daughters can not have fewer rights than our mothers.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, in all my years in the European Parliament I believe that I have not lived through such a defining moment as this. A fast-paced legislature that has forced us to react urgently to events as brutal as the pandemic and now the invasion of Ukraine. We have a responsibility to be the protagonists of today's history in order to be able to decide the future of millions of Europeans and of Europeans tomorrow. And for that we need height of sight and a lot of common sense. As we continue to move forward with urgent measures, such as aid to Ukraine or sanctions on Russia, we must also think about our common future: what Union we want and what steps are needed. This exercise started with the Conference on the Future of Europe and is not yet over. As happened after the fall of the Berlin Wall, it is time to give a new impetus to enlargement. No one from outside, no dictator out of date, will be able to exclude those who in their own right deserve to enter the Union. But this will require not only reforms in the aspirants, but also reforms in our own Union, starting with eliminating unanimity in foreign policy decisions. The prospect of enlargement is undoubtedly the most successful foreign policy of our Union, because the horizon of integration is the only vaccine to overcome historical resentments between our countries and our communities, to prevent wars and promote peace. Well, North Macedonia has been a candidate country for 17 years and has been waiting 13 years to start negotiations; And that, after having made important sacrifices in favor of the European dream. Does this really seem normal to you? On the other hand, Albania, which has been a candidate since 2014 and has been waiting for more than four years to start negotiations. Ladies and gentlemen of the Council: damage the image of the Union when they do not keep their word with those who have been waiting for a long time to enter our Union. We must keep our promises and send a clear message: the future of the Western Balkans lies in the European Union. Ukraine, the Republic of Moldova and Georgia as well. Our commitment is clear. The road is long, but it is worth doing. And they must also address the necessary reforms in all areas. In the area of the rule of law, of course, but they must also strengthen the role of civil society and the social partners. Finally, we must not forget the internal dimension of this crisis, this war; the social and economic consequences. I said it in plenary last year and I repeat it again: If we are not able to tackle inflation, to guarantee fuel and food prices, we will have a very difficult winter: in the short term, social instability and, in the long term, the increase in populism. Council leaders, open your eyes. At a crucial moment to move forward in the Europe we want, do not neglect citizens. Listen to what they told us at the Conference on the Future of Europe. We gambled too much. Enlargement? Yes, yes. Take care of our house? Also.

Madam President, two weeks ago, my Group of Socialists and Democrats voted against a text that did not respond to the needs posed by climate change. It was a tough decision, yes, but necessary. Some blamed one group or another for blocking crucial legislation. But do you know what the reality of that vote was? What he taught both of us? That we cannot fight climate change if we are not united, if we do not listen to each other, if we are not able to make these climate ambitions look out for a large majority and not a small minority, which would have been irresponsible. From that vote until today, Europe has suffered an extreme heat wave, severe droughts in many regions and, sadly, thousands of hectares that have been devastated by fires. In my region, in Castilla y León, more than 30 000 hectares have been burned in the largest fire in the history of our country, in the province of Zamora, in the Sierra de la Culebra – they will allow me to launch a message of solidarity with all neighbours. We have to act. Today we voted on a compromise. And it is not perfect, of course it is not, like all the commitments we reach, because the commitments what they imply is that we all give in to be able to have a common position. But this is the starting point that must allow us, as the European Parliament, to negotiate with the Council and we must do so without wasting a minute. 2030 is fast approaching and the only way to act is to do it now. That is why I invite everyone, all those responsible in this House, all MEPs, to stop hanging medals on who is most responsible or not for this result and let us all get to work. Let's stop blaming ourselves and be responsible. The Fit for 55 package is the necessary response in a climate emergency, not only to enable this Parliament to take this proposal forward, but to be accountable to a planet that cannot wait any longer. And I repeat: From the Socialists and Democrats Group we want to work for a green transition with a red heart and today we take another step to make it possible.

Madam President, first of all, I think it is important and good that we reduce emotions and tension. Politics is put heart, but also tranquility. We will work again from the parliamentary committee to try to build a common, coherent position. And, please, let's not cheat the loner. If the Socialist Group has voted against it, it is because there was a majority on certain issues that some have brought up with amendments with the far right. That is why we had to vote against it. They can't ask the far right to vote to downgrade ambitions and then ask us to approve that. So, let's be consistent.

Madam President, we are asking for a three-minute interruption without leaving the Chamber, since my group needs to make a final consultation in order to determine the final vote. (short suspension of the vote)

Madam President, the other day, when I was following the news coming to me from the Council, I have to tell you that I had contradictory feelings. On the one hand, relief; It was a relief to see that the unity of the twenty-seven was finally maintained, because that is our best weapon to deal with Putin's threat and also to support Ukraine. I was glad that the sixth package of sanctions was adopted, despite the concessions. I was not surprised, honestly, because some who do not know the meaning of the word "solidarity" tried to take a cut out of the crisis. But that was within the expected. What I did not expect is that both the Commission and the Council would forget the internal dimension of this crisis, that they would not have discussed this Parliament's resolution on the social and economic consequences that we had just adopted. Of course we are going to support Ukraine. Of course we must strengthen our collective security. Of course we have a responsibility to avoid a global food crisis. But not wanting to see how this war affects the daily lives of Europeans is a dangerous myopia. Yes, dangerous, because there is nothing more than going out and talking to people. Come on, we don't even need to talk to people. I imagine that any of you go to the supermarket when we can leave this Parliament and see how the shopping basket has become more expensive. And surely they are aware that there are many families, many families in Europe who have real difficulties, who do not have more than fifty euros per week to fill the shopping basket. And that's what we need to talk about; I therefore regret that this issue was not discussed in depth in the Council. We don't know how long this war will last. It is no longer an emergency situation and all our policies must look at this dimension from now on. Actually, we already have the largest influx of refugees, and especially refugees, since World War II. The solidarity shown by citizens, and especially the countries that have a border with Ukraine, is commendable. Now, let's see if governments are up to it, because we need to fund integration policies for all these people. And I think it is time for the Council to sit down and talk about the migration pact, Mr Michel. The climate emergency and the food crisis, to which the Commission itself has referred, seem to indicate that migratory pressure is not likely to be mitigated. So what do we have to do? Work from now on, work and be prepared. Let us seek a dignified, solidarity-based and ambitious solution to the demographic challenge, because the creation of new financial instruments will be the best way to ensure this. If the Member States were to introduce a tax on profits falling out of the sky from electricity in a coordinated manner, as requested by this Parliament, EUR 90 billion could be collected annually. Look at the social policies we could do with that money. Therefore, we have the possibility to act more. I conclude with one proposal, or better, two. The first is to read Parliament's resolution on the social and economic consequences. And the second, that we organize a new social summit, like the one held in Porto last year, to respond to this moment of inflation and social uncertainty that we are experiencing. Ideas are not lacking. We lack courage and conviction that we can do things better.

Mr President, thank you, President von der Leyen, for being here today, in the first person, to show the European Commission's commitment to upholding the rule of law, which it knows is an absolute priority for this Parliament. This is a difficult debate, of course. It is again another consequence of the authoritarian drift in Poland and the degradation of its rule of law. On the one hand, we welcome the fact that the Polish Government has finally admitted that it has to dismantle its disciplinary chamber, that it has to put an end to its arbitrariness and its sanctioning regime, that it has punished judges according to its rulings and that those judges must be rehabilitated. But, on the other hand, we still have to see Morawiecki fulfilling these points. That is why I repeat the message of the Socialist and Democratic Group and that of this Parliament: not one euro from the recovery fund until all the conditions indicated by the Court of Justice of the European Union have been met. Before approving Poland's recovery plan we need to see real changes, other than just make-up measures. I'll be clear: To rehabilitate these judges is not only to review their cases, it is to return them to their positions and fields of specialization. Moreover, the conditions set by the Commission do not address all our concerns. The changes must be profound and must be maintained. The Commission should rigorously verify that there are no reversals or retracements before the payment of the recovery funds. My group will be extremely vigilant in this, including the rule of law conditionality mechanism. The Commission cannot accept the lowering of our levels of democracy either in Poland or in any other Member State. In this war of grave economic and social consequences, we admire the efforts and solidarity of Polish citizens in welcoming refugees. This solidarity cannot be a bargaining chip to give the Government of Poland any special treatment in compliance with the rule of law, because Polish citizenship deserves no less. And neither does the Union.

Madam President, this week we are once again taking an important step in our fight against climate change. Already in 2018, my political family marked a line to equip us with what the European Green Deal would be. We competed in the 2019 elections with this initiative as an absolute priority and, since the beginning of this legislature, our political action has focused on making it a reality. In the first months of the legislature, if you remember, we declared the climate emergency in this Parliament, and in July last year we passed the Climate Law, a binding law that aims to achieve climate neutrality by 2050. I want to highlight the efforts and determination throughout this process of our Vice President, Frans Timmermans. With the Goal 55 package, we will be able to achieve the objectives of the Climate Law and turn them into reality. This requires a profound transformation of our economy. Our industry, agriculture, means of transport are going to have to adapt as quickly as possible to achieve climate neutrality. This transformation will also impact all areas and all citizens. And there is only one way to carry it out, the one that we have always asked for from my group, the one that guarantees that this transformation is socially just: a green transition with a red heart. This is why the measures we propose today are accompanied by mechanisms that counteract costs and offset efforts to make this transition not only happen, but also socially fair and where there is no choice between paying the electricity bill or eating. Therefore, we propose, on the one hand, to create a social climate fund to help the most vulnerable households and, on the other hand, to secure and complete investments in sustainable infrastructure. In this context, the war in Ukraine cannot and should not be an excuse to slow down the green transformation, as some in this House raise. On the contrary: It must be a signal for Europe to stop being dependent on fossil fuels and authoritarian regimes. Finally, this just and green transition cannot remain at our borders. If it did, it wouldn't be efficient for our citizens. The carbon border adjustment mechanism is therefore indispensable to prevent carbon leakage. And at the same time, this carries with it our responsibility to help those least developed countries reduce their carbon footprint. In short, the Goal 55 package establishes the mechanisms to make this transition effective and is the best antidote against populists and denialists. We could use this House to try to attack some for putting their principles on the table, being wrong. I'm not going into that provocation; I'm not going to go into that provocation, because it would be irresponsible. And I understand that here the groups that are working to make this a reality must do so responsibly, trying to reach a majority agreement in this Parliament to make it possible to start negotiations with the Council. Only in that way will we be able to make it a reality. Agreements always mean making assignments. Obviously, it is not the agreement that the socialists would have reached, but it is the fruit of work, of dialogue, of understanding, of how to make politics a responsible exercise. Therefore, this approach of the European People's Party seems to me that all it does is delve into the differences, when what we need at the moment is to be able to work together for the same objective. Dear colleagues, we asked for responsibility in today's vote to show that our vote in the Climate Law was not only a political declaration, but a firm commitment to the citizenry. With this vote we choose to leave a better planet for future generations. With this vote we choose that the green transition is not paid for by those who have the least. With this vote we choose to make history.

Madam President, it is within this Parliament's obligations to be concerned and to work to guarantee human rights and fundamental rights in all parts of the world. We don't care what country it is. And if this Parliament has to raise its voice to tell the US administration to stand up for the rights of its women, then we do so, as we have done with many other countries, by guaranteeing the rights of women inside and outside the European Union. Women's rights are therefore also human rights and this Parliament must speak out on this.

Mr President, Shireen Abu Akleh, a Palestinian-American journalist who worked for Al-Jazeera for 25 years, was killed on 11 May while reporting from Jenin. He was one of the most prominent voices in the Middle East, covering the Arab-Israeli conflict for decades; He was working with a helmet and a vest with the word in very large letters when he was shot in the head where the helmet did not cover him. On behalf of this House and the Socialists and Democrats Group, I would like to convey our deepest condolences to the family and friends of the Palestinian journalist, as well as to all those who appreciated and valued her work. We will miss Shireen and condemn with all our might this cruel murder, but let us not remain in condemnation or weeping: We want to ask for explanations and actions. On the one hand, this House must call for a prompt, international and impartial investigation to clarify all the circumstances in which this heinous act occurred, and, on the other hand, we also call for an investigation with the same determination into the violent acts that occurred at his funeral last weekend, because the images of a coffin on the shoulders of friends and family being attacked by the Israeli security forces with batons and beatings strike our hearts and indignate us: No one should suffer this inhuman treatment at the funeral of a family member or friend, it is contrary to freedom of worship and human dignity. This tragedy is the symptom of a growing frustration and tension on the ground fuelled by the complete absence of progress in the peace process after 74 years of the establishment of the State of Israel and the beginning of the occupation of Palestine. The situation of Palestinians in the West Bank and East Jerusalem is deteriorating every day, mainly due to house demolitions, threats of evictions and continued settlement construction. Nor can we stop thinking about journalists and media workers. In a few weeks I will lead a high-level delegation from our Group of Socialists and Democrats to Israel and Palestine. I conclude by making it clear that the message we have to convey is our absolute condemnation and that we need to move forward in a genuine peace process for Israel and Palestine.

Madam President, I will be allowed to use one minute of this plenary session of Parliament to deliver a message from thousands and millions of voices of Europeans to tell the women of the United States that we are with them, that we cannot take a step back. (Applause) Not a step. (Applause) We need to guarantee our rights and we are with all women in the world, with our eyes, our body, our choices.

Madam President, let us speak without euphemism, ladies and gentlemen: We're at war. The European Union supports Ukraine as an assaulted country with all the means at our disposal: sanctions, arms, aid to refugees and diplomacy. Without the courage of the Ukrainian people and without the support of the European Union and our allies, Ukraine would not have resisted Putin's criminal aggression or thwarted his plans for rapid conquest. A decisive battle is now being fought in the Dombás and progress must be made. The next step must be to cut off gas and oil, as the President of the Commission announced to us today, in line with what this Parliament had already raised, and we must therefore welcome this. In parallel, we must work towards a disconnection strategy that includes the construction of regasification plants and internal interconnections, joint negotiation with alternative suppliers and an urgent acceleration of renewable energies. In this regard, I am totally against what the representative of the European People's Group has said: I believe that, now more than ever, it is necessary to advance in the promotion of policies to combat climate change, because they are the ones that have highlighted the very shortcomings that we have as a European Union. Sinking Putin does not mean abandoning to their fate those countries most affected by their high dependence on Russian gas and oil (we are aware that there are countries much more affected by these decisions). Sinking Putin means resisting, strengthening our resolve and reacting collectively to a crucial moment in Europe's history, without ignoring the asymmetric effects of this crisis, trying to understand that it is therefore necessary to apply the principle of solidarity to all the measures we take. Sinking Putin also means ending a European Union of first- and second-class citizens, incorporating Romania and Bulgaria into the Schengen area and protecting our values. I have had the opportunity to see in person what a country like Romania is doing, putting into practice the fundamental principle of the European Union, solidarity, border management and support for refugees. It is not possible that, on the one hand, we are thanking them for that management and, on the other, we are not able to understand that they have the same right as the other countries, when they meet all the criteria, to be part of the Schengen area. This is another reflection that we should raise and it is, above all, a wake-up call to the Council. Our citizens are aware of the drama they are experiencing and now it is the European Commission that must rise to it in the face of the financial challenge posed by all these measures. Today we need a major, urgent economic plan to curb the rise in poverty, inequality, unemployment and the loss of purchasing power as a result of rampant inflation caused by rising fuel and food prices. It is intolerable that, while the large energy multinationals earn extraordinary income from the profits fallen from the sky, it is the most vulnerable who pay the consequences of this war. That money that is in the pockets of some is at the expense of the suffering of families who today can not pay the electricity bill and see them and wish them to make ends meet by being able to pay all the bills. We must therefore act in that direction. Instead of repeating the mistakes of the past and cutting back in the midst of a crisis, we must extend the escape clause of the Stability and Growth Pact to invest in new technologies, social justice, stronger defence and a carbon-free future. If the European Union wants to maintain international leadership in the face of a growing bloc of autocracies, we will have to step up support for the most vulnerable populations who are suffering the consequences of Putin's barbarism, both in Africa and in our immediate neighbourhood. Moldova's future as an independent state and its desire to be part of the free world must count on our financial and military commitment, not just good words. Once again, in our history we are faced with the historic imperative of restoring peace in Europe and building it beyond the confines of our Union. But we cannot accept peace without justice, because it is always the humiliated and offended, as Dostoevsky reminded us, who deserve relief from their suffering, who deserve justice. The only way to achieve a dignified peace is the defeat of Putin and the victory of freedom and democracy in Ukraine, which requires our unity and our sacrifice. We resisted in 2012 to protect the euro, we resisted in 2020 to curb the pandemic and we will resist in 2022 to preserve peace and democracy.

Madam President, almost a year ago, under the leadership of the Portuguese Presidency and our Prime Minister, Antonio Costa, we committed ourselves to this unique project called the Conference on the Future of Europe. I have had the honour of chairing the Working Group on a Stronger Economy, Social Justice and Employment, and its conclusions, with citizens' recommendations at the centre, are very clear. Citizens want a shift towards a more inclusive, more resilient, more sustainable European Union, where the digital and green transition is possible, but with a social dimension. Under a renewed social contract, the proposals focus on reforming the European Union to improve people's well-being and human progress, without depleting resources or destroying our planet. Ladies and gentlemen, it is time to strengthen this Union and turn the proposals into reality. It is time to establish a true social Europe. Citizens demand stronger rights for children and youth, living wages, minimum income, social dialogue and strengthened collective bargaining, accessible housing, day centres and gender equality. Companies should never have been allowed to exploit economic freedom by undermining social protection. That is why the European Pillar of Social Rights must be legally binding and integrated into the Treaties together with the Protocol on Social Progress. It's time to see the faces of the people behind the numbers. We need to reform our tax rules taking into account the impact of COVID and the green and digital transitions. We also need to secure sufficient resources to do so. The Next Generation EU has been an important step, but it is time to move forward in other ways as well. Finally, we must put an end to the tyranny of unanimity in the Council. This weakens our ability to respond quickly globally. It harms our basic democratic principles and the rule of law, as well as our fight against tax evasion. The Conference on the Future of Europe has been a milestone. We have managed to engage citizens to express their views on the future. Let's not let the discussions now remain purely institutional, because that says little to the citizenry. Let me be clear. Changes to the Treaties or to a Convention cannot be considered as an end in themselves, but are the important and necessary tools to improve people's lives. Let's not let them down. Let us work together to show them that this process has been worthwhile.

Madam President, Mr Prime Minister, welcome to this House, which is the House of European Democracy. Thank you very much for your words about our dear President Sassoli who, as you well said, represented the best of the European spirit and, therefore, we will work on continuing his legacy, well aware of how important that work was. As you well described in your speech, we are facing a series of crises that we have been shackled for several years and which are now exacerbated by the war in Ukraine. They are not easy challenges, but our best weapon right now is unity and determination. We have already seen this in the response to the pandemic, both in its health dimension and in its economic and social effects. With unity and solidarity we were able to take forward the NextGenerationEU and now the key to facing the consequences of Russia’s war against Ukraine is once again unity and determination. Almost ten years ago, when you presided over the European Central Bank, in the midst of a sovereign debt crisis, and when some predicted the collapse of the euro, you spoke three words that have made history: ‘whatever it takes’ (whatever it takes). And that same spirit is what we must now demonstrate in the face of Putin's threat to our values. Just as ten years ago, the answer to overcoming this crisis must be more integration, because sharing our sovereignty is how we are stronger and more masters of our own destiny. But to continue building this House we need to put more bricks. We urgently need an Energy Union, a Fiscal Union, a Health Union, a Defence Union. And we must move forward and work for it, because this project of peace and freedom, which has been growing over the last decades and has established friendship and solidarity among our countries and among our citizens, is still not enough. Since that Schuman declaration, the Union's objective has also been to contribute to peace and the development of our values and to international relations based on law, human dignity and multilateralism. Unfortunately, the desire of Ukrainians to be part of this project has cost them dearly. Unlike the Soviet Union, the European Union does not impose itself. The European Union does not oblige, the European Union does not dominate, but attracts by its promise of the future, by its values of freedom and human dignity, as claimed by the Maidan protesters in 2013. That is why we cannot close the doors to any European country. Supporting Ukraine’s self-defence and legitimate aspirations compels us to rethink our internal policies in the Union, our aim to advance a transition towards more ecologically and humanely sustainable economic development. We cannot give up on this objective. It is urgent to agree on an energy policy that frees us from fossil fuel imports and that bets on renewable energies by diversifying sources, which must be accompanied by measures that also guarantee affordable prices for companies and families. Let us not forget that we also need to think about the future of young people, who need decent jobs and access to housing, who need to think that their future can be better than that of their parents and that of previous generations. We need to give a message of optimism to these generations of young people who are waiting for more and better Europe. Citizens told us very loudly and very clearly during the Conference on the Future of Europe process: They want more social policies and they want to reduce poverty. And for this it is essential to extend the suspension of tax rules over time, because without public investments we will not be able to comply with our proposals, nor with our support for Ukraine, nor with the support for refugees, nor with the sanctions that we have agreed, nor will we be able to comply with our roadmap for a just transition and phase out fossil fuels. Mr Draghi, we are counting on you in the Council to defend realistic fiscal policies with the moment in which we live. And we also need to address an issue that is totally unacceptable right now: There are those who are getting rich at the expense of the suffering of families. There are companies that with the rise in the price of energy are having exorbitant benefits at the expense, I insist, that many families fall into poverty and can not even pay the electricity bills and, therefore, something must be done with those benefits fallen from the sky to not allow this injustice. We can and must move forward with our project, but always with dignity and well-being at the heart of our policies. Because our Union is against no one, it never has been. We will say it again and again for Putin to hear, but above all for the Russian people to hear. Let's all say it loud and clear: We will do everything we can to ensure the future of our European Union.

Madam President, over the weekend we had the opportunity to hold the last plenary session of the Conference on the Future of Europe, the conclusions of which were very clear as to what the next steps should be. That is why it is important for this Parliament to hold a debate on this matter and, in addition, for that debate to be accompanied by a resolution where we can express the position of this institution on the fundamental issues to be taken into account in that Conference. There is agreement on the part of a significant number of groups in this House on the resolution and it should therefore be placed on the agenda for a vote on the day after the debate, that is to say on Wednesday.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, the summits of NATO, the G7 and the European Council have served to strengthen the international coalition against Putin's criminal war and to strengthen our mutual defence and expand sanctions. In particular, the EU Summit reached a key agreement to start also alleviating the impact on families and businesses on energy prices. The achievements of the Summit show that when we act with solidarity and unity there are never losers, there are always winners. On the one hand, we are making progress in ensuring the energy supply that, of course, is of particular concern to partners in the north and east through joint purchases of gas and storage capacity. On the other hand, we adopt measures aimed at counteracting the increase in energy prices in the Iberian Peninsula partners, recognizing the energy island, which is a very important step, but we must also understand that it is only a first step, because we need to adopt measures to be able to cushion this increase in the price of energy in all the countries of the European Union. The agreement of the European Council should be the first step to put in place a plan inspired by the Next Generation to finance the triple additional effort required by the war in terms of energy, defence and reception of refugees, as well as the survival of the Ukrainian government itself. Putin's criminal attack forces us to accelerate the energy transition, improve interconnections in Europe and improve energy savings. Accelerating the energy transition will allow us to lower our energy bill, reduce our external dependence and combat climate change. There is no better way to guarantee our energy sovereignty than to stop relying on tyrants who use their fossil fuels as an instrument of blackmail. Now that our security is openly threatened, the plans for a defensive autonomy of the Strategic Compass project also force us to spend more and better with the obligation to invest in technological and human systems. The welcome of more than four million human beings fleeing war crimes reconciles us with the values of the European Union, with the values we espouse. But our successful response to the human tragedy does not absolve us from achieving a new migration and asylum pact to deal equitably among the EU-27 with the reception of refugees – of all refugees – wherever they come from. Neither history nor our consciences will forgive us for looking the other way at the corpses left in the streets and houses of Bucha. The fifth package of sanctions should ban the import of coal, oil and gas from Russia, cut off the Kremlin's access to cryptocurrency exchanges, take action against oligarch facilitators and take more aggressive measures against Russian banks and energy giants. War has taught us that there is no victory without unity and sacrifice. Only with unity and sacrifice between institutions, between governments and between political families will we achieve the end of Putin's regime.

Madam President, President von der Leyen, of course, the European social model is a model of success if we are really able to ensure a balance between economic growth and social justice. That means that we are able to take advantage of the fact that this economic growth translates into people being able to live better. I would therefore like to know where the European Commission's proposal to introduce minimum income legislation in the European Union is that can be implemented by the Member States.

Madam President, President von der Leyen, the pandemic and the war in Ukraine have given another face to the European Union. The Union has shown that the European project can also be a powerful shield for people's health, also to defend the safety of European citizens and to improve their living conditions. The Porto Social Summit was an opportunity where leaders took a number of actions and committed to continue working for the European Pillar of Social Rights, supporting urgent proposals and targets in this regard. However, it is time to know what the Commission is doing on this issue. The pandemic and the war can only justify more ambition than ever to be able to advance in the social field of the European project. In 2019, the Commission presented us with a social agenda that is more urgent than ever and I therefore ask you: Where are we with regard to the proposal for a European unemployment benefit reinsurance scheme or with regard to the target of reducing by 15 million people living below the poverty line?

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, every day that passes the news that comes to us from Ukraine is more bleak. I do not mean the advances on the front, no, what is terrible and bleak is to see that in 2022 atrocities like those we have seen during these days in Bucha can occur. Those maniated bodies, that macabre scenario on the road. Every day that passes seems more to attend to a duel between civilization and barbarism, between humanity and cruelty. We still have in our retinas the images of the bombing of the mother-child hospital in Mariupol, where a girl, a pregnant woman and her baby died. These crimes will be investigated, because we will not stop until the culprits pay for it. But now we have the responsibility to mitigate as much as possible this madness provoked by Putin. And the first thing is to protect childhood. No boy or girl should ever know war. We are doing everything we can to get this over with as soon as possible. But there are already seven and a half million children who lived in Ukraine and have left their homes. They've had to get out of their lives overnight. Some live in hiding, others have had to move away from their cities and other countries, even leaving behind their families, their parents, their grandparents. The European Union can and must help them, they are in the situation they are in. And this requires a package with a battery of measures to be worked out and negotiated between the Commission and the Council, with an urgent proposal coordinated with the Government of Ukraine. Emergency aid is urgently needed to ensure shelter, drinking water, food and hygiene products for children and their families. But let's not forget that they are boys and girls and they also need places to play, continue with education and also psychosocial help. Let us continue to insist on humanitarian corridors. Let us not allow those who try to flee to be coldly murdered again. The Union must work with international organisations to ensure evacuation and that these people can be protected. These people are also particularly vulnerable to mafias. Along with so many volunteers waiting for them at train stations in so many European countries, they also sneak in undesirables that only intend to exploit and sexually abuse women and children. That is why it is so important that public authorities are involved. This is how we can channel all that torrent of solidarity, which is important, which we must value, but which we obviously need to enable and ensure that not a single child or a single woman falls into the hands of the child trafficking network. There are already more than four million people arriving from Ukraine to the European Union. An important step for common management has been the solidarity platform that facilitates the exchange of information between Member States and agencies. But we also need to make further progress on the migration pact. The United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, which was also ratified by the Russian Federation, commits signatories to ensure protection and care for the well-being of every child. For some, these human rights conventions may be a utopia, an unattainable ideal. They're not for me. For my group, they are not. They are a guide for the world, to build a more advanced society, a project of peace, democracy and solidarity that shows that it is possible. Hopefully one day the leaders in Russia will understand that too.

Madam President, also on behalf of the Socialists and Democrats Group, I would like to join that message of thanks for your presence in Kiev this weekend. All of us who have been able to see the images during these days of the atrocities that are happening in Ukraine, the images of Bucha, with what the Putin regime is doing, have evidently become more aware than ever of the importance of defending freedom, defending democracy and everything that this institution, the European Parliament, represents. Thank you very much for your presence there, because your presence there is also a sign of the commitment of this whole House to freedoms.

Madam President, the tension and uncertainty we are experiencing in Europe these days are unprecedented in half a century. And yet today I want to send a message of reassurance to Europeans. The European Union stands ready to face the effects of this war and ensure that there will be no shortage of food. And this is because we have been preparing for a long time. Who was going to tell us that sixty years after the creation of the common agricultural policy we would find ourselves in this situation? The CAP has undoubtedly been one of the European Union's greatest achievements. During the COVID-19 crisis we already saw the resilience and capacity of the European food sector, despite the nervousness of some initially trying to stockpile food. However, COVID-19 has already put the food sector and the distribution chain under severe pressure. They made a huge effort to secure supply across the Union and now they need our full support. The agricultural, fisheries and livestock sectors face high fuel prices and difficulty importing feed and fertilisers. This is not a new debate, ladies and gentlemen. In this House we have already spoken for several years about the necessary measures. Precisely, the European Green Deal and the Farm to Fork Strategy aim to help us produce sustainably, reducing our dependence on oil, gas and fertilisers. The war in Ukraine only confirms the decisions we had already taken and obliges us, on the one hand, to speed up the pace and, on the other hand, to strengthen the sectors affected. It is time to assess the impact of the war on policies and adjust them to ensure that production is maintained, but also that farmers, fishermen and ranchers maintain their incomes. Some farms will soon have trouble feeding their animals. We urgently await this Commission proposal to secure feed. The big challenge for our agriculture will be to cut dependence on the fertilisers we import from Russia and Belarus, which we can hardly do without in the short term. We must intensify the search for alternatives. At the same time, we must ensure liquidity for farmers and ranchers with the flexibility that the common agricultural policy already allows. Let us make use of the crisis reserve, but at the same time think about the future. We must use all the mechanisms available in the common organisation of agricultural markets to stabilise prices, prevent speculation and ensure a decent price for both producers and consumers. And, in addition to the carriers, the high price of fuel also affects the fishing sector and for both it is necessary to find support. As I said at the beginning, we make a great collective effort, but we have all the instruments to deal with this crisis. Others don't, let's not forget. Putin's irresponsibility not only forces us to stand in solidarity and ensure food for Ukraine and the refugees, but we must also be aware of the global consequences. We cannot simply resign ourselves to Putin's brutality derailing the United Nations' second Sustainable Development Goal: eradication of hunger. Ladies and gentlemen, there are no shortcuts to challenges of this magnitude. Looking the other way doesn't move us forward. Only firm step, unity and confidence to be doing the right thing.

Madam President, Prime Minister Trudeau, welcome to the European Parliament. You stand at the heart of a European democracy that can and should feel yours, because it was also built with the courage of Canadians who eighty years ago sacrificed their lives on this continent to bring democracy and freedom back to Europe. It was some time later, with the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989, when we entered a horizon of hope that we believed would never go back in time. We felt that we would always live in peace, based on multilateralism and without satellite countries or nuclear threats. Today, Putin's criminal war over Ukraine has changed the civil and political order. This imperialist barbarism takes us into the struggle between the democracies and autocracies of the previous century, as if we had learned nothing from the suffering of that "world of yesterday" of which Stefan Zweig spoke. The tragedy in Ukraine has propelled an unthinkable common response in Canada, the United States and the European Union, with which we are walking further than we did in 2014 after the annexation of Crimea. Together we have turned Putin into an international pariah with serious damage to his economy. And together we must and can do much more: cut off Russia's access to cryptocurrency exchanges, pursue tax havens that protect oligarchs and strengthen our cooperation. Because if we want to free ourselves forever from tyrannies, together we must lead a global transition, based also on renewable energies. The outbreak of war in Europe has exposed the need to equip the European Union with its own resources. For the first time we have agreed to provide one billion euros in military aid for a third state, whose democratic values are the last frontier with the aggressor. To stop Putin, Canada and European allies we must also make our commitments to NATO, including spending on defence of 2% of GDP. Building a better future requires promoting democratic values not only with words, but with deeds, demonstrating that our values offer a more dignified life than autocracies. One of the transatlantic values is solidarity, a spirit of welcome that we must now strengthen in the face of the exodus of refugees fleeing terror. This situation requires us to live up to and fight inequalities at the heart of the transatlantic agenda. Because only a social model based on equal opportunities will be able to defuse the far right that Putin holds on both sides of the Atlantic. Mr Trudeau, if on this long and difficult road we maintain transatlantic unity, Putin will give up and spend his last days, we hope, before the International Criminal Court. History has taught us that no war of occupation is won, however powerful the invading army may be. The spirit of 1989 will live on thanks to the transatlantic strength and courage of the Ukrainian people.