Speeches

Mr President, drones and their response systems are now a component of the defence of the Member States. Unfortunately, the European Union is lagging behind in this crucial area. Recent overflights over airports and energy and military infrastructure in a number of Member States have highlighted our weaknesses. The aim of the report that we are tabling and debating today is to formulate a comprehensive plan to address this deficit. To proceed immediately to the development of the relevant capabilities, but also to their full integration, both in the defence doctrines and in the civil protection plans of the Member States. Methodically draw lessons from Ukraine, which is an example to follow. Moreover, we cannot ignore the strategic risk of dependency on non-European suppliers for critical components and raw materials. Strengthening the autonomous European drone industrial base, reclaiming supply chains and supporting production within Europe, is a top security and sovereignty issue.

Madam President, High Representative, in recent weeks millions of courageous Iranians have taken to the streets demanding freedom, dignity and democracy. The theocratic regime responded to the peaceful demonstrations of the people with unprecedented repression. Thousands of people have been killed by regime forces. Tens of thousands have been arrested. Access to information and the internet have been cut off. These demonstrations are not the result of interference by foreign powers. It is the result of a long practice of violence and oppression that we clearly saw in the "Woman, Life, Freedom" movement. It is a result of the significant degradation of Iranian lives with persistent shortages of water, electricity, medicines and everyday goods. They express the accumulated indignation of a society that demands a better future, a future that only the Iranian people can decide, without foreign interference and interventions. The European Union must stand firmly with the Iranian people, strengthen diplomatic pressure and, above all, extend targeted sanctions, and finally classify the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps as a terrorist organisation.

Madam President, the need to finally put European strategic autonomy into practice is the answer to the new reality we are facing. With bold choices, more cooperation and common financing tools to reduce our dependencies, defence, energy, technology, critical infrastructure. If anyone was skeptical, the publication of the new National Security Strategy of the United States proves that we cannot rely on automations of the past. It's a loud alarm bell that we all need to hear. Let's stop hoping that President Trump doesn't mean what he says. The transatlantic relationship remains important. But it needs to be redefined on the basis of mutual respect. Respect for our common values, without accepting any interference in our democracies. That is why the only solution is a strong and autonomous Europe, able to stand in the new geopolitical environment that is being formed.

Madam President, critical raw materials are essential ingredients for sustaining the Union’s economic, environmental and digital ambitions; Basically, for our own safety. Over 80% of large European companies are exposed to Chinese supplies of rare earths. The Union’s response must be swift and dynamic in all trade instrumentalisation practices. Member States must speed up the implementation of the Raw Materials Regulation. On the part of the European Union, we must activate domestic mining projects and recycling processes, define the minimum level of strategic reserves of rare earths and proceed immediately to bilateral cooperation with countries that meet corresponding sustainability and human rights standards. Only in this way will we strengthen the Union's strategic autonomy, protecting our industrial base as a whole.

Madam President, the agreement on the leading European programme for the European defence industry EDIP is proof of Parliament's positive involvement in the negotiations. Firstly, unlike SAFE, we have strengthened European preference. We imposed strict eligibility criteria, promoting in practice our independence from third countries. Secondly, we have ensured that not a single euro from the budget goes to infrastructure outside the European Union. Thirdly, we have ensured strict and mandatory guarantees to protect the security interests of the Member States and respect the principle of good neighbourliness as a condition for the participation in the programme of European companies belonging to third countries. Fourthly, we have achieved the universal application of the principle that European money will be directed only to projects where the design authority is European and is not subject to any control by third countries. Fifthly, we provided for the institutionalisation of the European SEAP armaments programmes, European defence projects of common interest, and the creation of the Defence Industry Reinforcement Fund in the FAST programme to facilitate access to finance for small and medium-sized enterprises. Sixthly, for the first time we have legislated concrete actions, at European level, in the event that a Member State activates the common defence clause of the European Union, the well-known Article 42(7). Ultimately, the historic EDIP programme underpins the European defence industrial base and the resilience of an adult European Union.

Madam President, the challenges in Poland, Romania, the Baltic countries, but also drone incidents in Denmark, Belgium and Germany have shown that immediate action is needed at European level so that we can deal with modern threats. The Commission's Defence Roadmap is a useful tool but not enough in itself. The European Council should also give the necessary political guidance so that it does not remain a mere wishful thinking. Obviously, any defence initiatives should not be limited to a specific border area. In your State of the Union speech you were mentioned from the Baltic to the Black Sea. You have forgotten that European borders continue in the Mediterranean, where Member States face a number of challenges. President Costa put it very well in Copenhagen: we need an integrated rather than piecemeal approach. We want a Europe that protects all its citizens equally from all possible risks.

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, the ceasefire agreement and the return of the hostages after two years of captivity is an important step towards de-escalation and creating conditions for dialogue. However, the path to lasting and sustainable peace will not be easy. Over the past two days, we have seen how fragile this truce is. But we must not let the opportunity go to waste. Last week in Egypt European leaders may have been present, but they acted more as decor at President Trump's fiesta than as equal interlocutors and shapers of developments. Although the Middle East is part of our neighbourhood, it is still not our priority. Once again, a comprehensive Middle East strategy is missing from the European Commission's work programme. A strategy that goes beyond ad hoc crisis management and combines humanitarian aid, development cooperation, diplomacy and security, supporting stability through peace rather than punishment. We must reject any voice that invests in hatred, revenge or denial of the other's existence. We do not want a future defined by extremists, whether it is Hamas or those in Israel who reject any prospect of coexistence. We want a future of democracy, peace and mutual respect. We want a future built on dialogue, security, mutual recognition and hope. A secure and democratic Israel, an independent and viable Palestinian state. Two peoples living side by side, not against each other. With its historical experience of war, division and reconciliation, Europe has both a moral obligation and a diplomatic responsibility to contribute actively, to strengthen peace initiatives on the basis of UN resolutions, to support the voices of moderation, to promote reconstruction and regional cooperation.

Madam President, Madam President of the Commission, what has happened in recent weeks is unacceptable. Russia is testing our capabilities and endurance and, unfortunately, it turned out that we are not ready. As Europe, we need to adapt immediately to the new techniques of warfare. It is neither viable nor effective to shoot down drones of a few thousand euros with missiles of millions. We need to learn from Ukraine and adapt. Invest in the production of drones and countering them. We want a Europe that can effectively protect its borders and basic infrastructure from third countries. However, European borders do not extend only from the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea; European borders continue in the Eastern Aegean and the Eastern Mediterranean. We therefore want common measures, such as the Drone Wall, covering all Member States and not just some. It is not only Russia that is violating European airspace and causing it. Since 1 January 2025, Turkey has violated Greek airspace 167 times, thus European airspace. In total, there have been more than 500 incidents in the southeastern Aegean. Twice with armed fighters. That is why we call for all violations to be treated in the same way and for all borders to be protected in the same way. This means European solidarity in practice.

Mr President, India is one of the most important countries in Asia, with an ever-growing economy, which will become the third largest in the world by 2030. Last February, the communication on our new strategic relationship was an extremely positive step. We hope soon to have a mutually beneficial agreement on economic, trade and geopolitical issues, including environmental, sustainability, democracy and human rights issues. India, of course, remains one of Russia's most important trading partners, while after the recent tariffs from America we saw a new rapprochement between India and China, which certainly surprised many. We therefore need a comprehensive European strategy for a new partnership that enhances the overall relationship between us.

Mr President, two years after the terrorist attack by Hamas on Israel, the pain and suffering continue. The hostage relatives are still waiting for their return. Gaza has been destroyed. 67,000 Palestinians – of whom over 20,000 children – have died. From the very beginning, we recognised Israel’s right to defend itself, but this does not give it the right to violate international law by blocking Gaza, using hunger as a weapon and committing – according to the United Nations – acts of genocide. The talks that began Sunday in Egypt open a window of hope for peace in the region: an agreement that will lead to the lifting of the blockade of Gaza, a ceasefire, the release of all hostages, while paving the way for a lasting peace, on the basis of the two-state solution: a free and secure Israel and a viable and democratic Palestinian state, as provided for by the 1967 borders. Unfortunately, the Netanyahu government has openly stated that it is opposed to the prospect of an independent Palestinian state. The promotion of illegal settlements – and in particular the E1 project – has precisely this objective: Cancellation on the ground of a viable Palestinian state. The recognition of Palestine is not a gift to Hamas. It is a confirmation of our commitment to the two-state solution. That is why we call on all Member States to carry out this act of responsibility. We finally need a strategy for the Middle East. We can no longer be spectators to an open wound for humanity so close to us. Nor are we simply allowed to pay, without participating in the formulation of the conditions, in a region of the world that is of direct concern to us. We should be present in the reconstruction of Gaza with a special fund. To support the efforts of the Arab states for peace and to ensure that Hamas has no role in either the transitional or any other government structure in Gaza or the West Bank.

Madam President, dear President Von Der Leyen, let me begin by thanking to the Greek lieutenant all the firefighters who throughout Europe struggle with self-denial every summer in order to protect all of us. These firefighters, however, must be supported at both national and European level. Madam President, geopolitical developments are pushing us to the sidelines. We want a stronger Europe in Gaza, in Ukraine, in Libya, in Syria, in the Caucasus, in the face of climate change. As far as strategic autonomy is concerned, the 800 billion RearmEU, instead of being used to develop the European defence industry, we are opening it up to third countries that threaten and violate the sovereign rights of Member States in the Aegean and the Eastern Mediterranean, which you forgot in your speech. For the new Union budget we will insist on a regional policy that strengthens social and territorial cohesion with a specific budget for each region to ensure that no one is left behind.

Madam President, we are not allowed to pretend that we do not see what is happening in Gaza. Humanitarian disaster and hunger are not natural phenomena that happen. They are the result of the policy of the Netanyahu government that does not hesitate to use hunger as a weapon, and as our resolution states, to commit crimes against humanity, even genocide, in order to remain in power. Every day hundreds of thousands of Israelis protest against this inhumane policy. It is now obvious, even to the most skeptical, that the Israeli prime minister is not interested in peace. He doesn't care about a deal that would stop the war and return all the hostages to their loved ones. The only goal is the total destruction of Gaza and the expulsion of its population. Besides, the activation, despite international reactions, of the E1 settlement plan looks forward to the substantial partition of the West Bank and the burial of the two-state solution. As a European Parliament, we cannot remain silent any longer. On Thursday we must have a strong resolution which: first, call for the release of all hostages and for an immediate cessation of hostilities; secondly, it would clearly condemn the weaponisation of hunger in Gaza and call on Israel to immediately allow free access to humanitarian and medical assistance; thirdly, will call for an immediate freeze of the Association Agreement with Israel, in line with the opinion of the European Commission, which showed that there is a violation of human rights; fourth, calls for an immediate end to settlements and for sanctions to be imposed on those who continue this policy; and fifth, it will in practice support the two-state solution and the recognition of the State of Palestine. Ladies and gentlemen, on Thursday we must show that as Europe we support international law and human rights everywhere. Our credibility is judged, our humanity is judged.

Madam President, dear colleagues, I want to express the Parliament's deepest solidarity with the victims and the injured of today's tragic terrorist attack in Jerusalem, and also underline our closeness towards all the victims of the terrible ongoing war in Gaza. I hope that this House will be up to the seriousness of the situation in the resolution we will adopt this week.

Mr President, the terrorist attack on the Greek Orthodox church of Prophet Elijah in Damascus, Syria, with 25 dead and more than 60 wounded, reminds us that the fall of the Assad regime alone is not enough to turn the page in this troubled region. The increase in religiously motivated terrorist attacks, violence, abductions, and intimidation of Syrian Christians have increased significantly in recent months. The jihadist past of interim President al-Sharaa raises legitimate concerns about the protection of the multicultural and interfaith nature of Syrian society. It is essential that the lifting of sanctions and financial assistance be accompanied by strict conditions, with particular emphasis on respect for human rights and religious freedom, as well as respect for international law and the law of the sea, especially following the announcements by the Turkish Foreign Minister on the delimitation of an Exclusive Economic Zone between Syria and Turkey.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, if anything has emerged since the last crisis in the Middle East, it is the Union's inability to play an essential role in developments in a region of the highest geopolitical importance. This weakness was particularly evident during the attacks in Iran. While the world around us is changing, the Middle East strategy has been referred by the Commission in the distant future, to what we call Greek calends. Europe can no longer be absent. We must ensure that the transitional government in Syria respects international law and human rights, and that all religious and ethnic minorities participate equally and safely in this new path. Strengthen the new government in Lebanon in the difficult task ahead. We demand an immediate ceasefire in Gaza, the lifting of the blockade, free humanitarian access and the release of all hostages. It is unacceptable that the foreign ministers have not decided to suspend the EU-Israel Association Agreement, despite Israel's clear violations of human rights. Europe needs to act and prove that it supports international law and human rights everywhere, not just in some cases. The peace talks that are taking place these days, we hope, will be a good first step for the start of the talks in the framework of the two-state solution, aiming at a lasting peace in the wider region.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, the European Union-China summit comes at a geopolitically highly sensitive time. Our relationship with China is complex but important. It is enough to remember the bilateral trade of 750 billion euros every year, but also our trade deficit of more than 300 billion euros every year. We as a Union must have a comprehensive strategy with our values as a compass, which remain non-negotiable, but also with a clear strategic realism about China's role and position in the new world that is emerging. A China global superpower in technology, trade and construction. However, unilateral actions or the threat of violence in the Taiwan Strait cannot be accepted. Without backtracking on the one-China policy, strengthening our relations with Taiwan, especially in the area of semiconductors and digital cooperation, is an investment in European technological resilience. At the same time, the European Union cannot stand idly by in the face of unfair trade practices, market distortions due to state subsidies and over-reliance on Chinese raw materials and technologies. We call on the European Commission to activate all available tools to ensure a level playing field and protect European industry. Finally, export restrictions on rare earths have had important consequences for our industry and we must react in every way that is effective and creative.

Mr President, grids and storage are at the core of our future energy system. They are necessary to enable cheap renewables to set final energy prices for consumers, which unfortunately we have not yet achieved. Both the revision of the Trans-European Networks Regulation and the next multiannual financial programming should accelerate investments. A framework that gives priority to energy security and the reduction of different prices between Member States, so that we do not relive phenomena such as the recent blackout in Iberia and high energy prices in Greece. Finally, Europe should show practical support for projects of common interest to increase the resilience, autonomy and protection of networks from extreme weather events and malicious actions.

Madam President, the upcoming NATO summit comes at a time when threats to Europe's security are at their highest. The war in Ukraine, the conflicts in the Middle East, the emergence of new regional revisionist powers – all this creates a new geopolitical environment. The dangers are no longer limited to threats of conventional military confrontation. On the contrary, we are seeing an increase in hybrid threats, attacks on critical infrastructure, and even on the democratic processes of the Member States. Next week, the NATO summit is a very good opportunity to strengthen European Union-NATO cooperation, which of course remains one of the key pillars of our collective defence. In this context, strengthening the common deterrent force and interoperability are necessary steps that will help us in our collective defence. It is also necessary to have a clear commitment of all to the provisions of Article 5 of NATO, which is the foundation stone of the Alliance. At the same time, it is in everyone's interest to create a strong European defence arm, capable of acting autonomously and in complementarity with NATO, to provide the necessary security guarantees to the Union and its Member States, within the framework of Article 42(7) of the Treaty, and to reduce our dependence on third countries. Finally, as it is expected to be decided to increase the target for defence spending, I would like to underline that this increase cannot be done at the expense of spending on the social state and social cohesion. For us, there can be no security without a strong deterrent force that protects the common European borders but also a strong social state, that reduces inequalities and protects our weakest fellow citizens.

Madam President, High Representative, the expansion of the war in Iran with the Israeli attacks is a very significant and dangerous escalation in the region, with potentially catastrophic consequences across Europe. At the same time as the world's attention has shifted further east, to Iran, the humanitarian crisis in the Gaza Strip continues, with the number of Palestinian civilians losing their lives increasing every day. About a month ago you took the decision to start the process of revising the Association Agreement with Israel. If the European Union is to maintain its credibility on the international stage, it will have to suspend the Association Agreement due to repeated violations of Article 2. We must also proceed with targeted sanctions against persons and entities directly involved in the illegal settlements and human rights violations of Palestinians. We demand an immediate and complete ceasefire, both in Gaza and in the Iran-Israel conflict, as well as the unconditional release of all hostages from Hamas terrorists. We reiterate our support for the so-called "Arab Plan" for the reconstruction and future governance of Gaza. We call on the Commission to present its Middle East strategy immediately and not in 2026, which is the planning. It is inconceivable to admit that at the most dangerous geopolitical point on the planet we will have a European strategy after a whole year.