Debate contributions by Yannis MANIATIS

Mr President, in recent weeks we have seen that, despite Ukraine's proposal for a ceasefire, Russia is continuing its illegal war and missile and drone attacks on populated areas. In April alone, more than 150 civilians were killed. From the very beginning, we have advocated a just, viable and cohesive peaceful solution. A peaceful solution that respects international law, preserves Ukraine's territorial integrity and does not give the green light to Russia and other revisionist powers in Southeast Europe to carry out their expansionist aspirations. Europe's security depends directly on the outcome and the kind of peace that will be achieved in Ukraine. That is why we must continue to support the Ukrainians, who are fighting to defend their homeland. Together with Ukraine, they are defending international law and our own security. In this context, we should use frozen Russian funds, but also close the faucet that finances this illegal war on our borders. The American peace plans that have appeared from time to time do not serve this purpose. The US president seems more interested in ending the war and reviving his country's relations with Russia than in a just and lasting peace. The recent agreement with the United States on Ukraine's mineral wealth, despite its improvement over the original plans, does not offer the required security guarantees and binds the country's mineral wealth. Europe must rise to the occasion. Ensure that when the war in Ukraine ends, this is done in a way that protects the interests of both Ukraine and ours. So that we do not face much bigger security issues in the future.

Mr President, for yet another year we see that Turkey continues to move away from Europe, with persistent violations of human rights and the rule of law. At the same time, its provocative behavior in the Aegean, Eastern Mediterranean and Cyprus is constantly intensifying. The threat of casus belli continues, and I thank our rapporteur for accepting the rewording I proposed to him on this point. Due to the Turkish challenges, the electricity interconnection between Greece and Cyprus, a project of European interest and priority, has effectively stopped its development within the Greek Exclusive Economic Zone, while - as we will discuss tomorrow - Turkish President Erdoğan, during his visit to the Occupied Territories, reiterated once again his opposition to any attempt to reunify Cyprus, despite numerous UN and European Council resolutions. As long as Turkey continues to behave like an international rioter, it cannot become a member of the European Union, nor be considered a reliable ally and, of course, nor participate in European defence initiatives.

Madam President, we have a duty to stand by Denmark and the people of Greenland so that they can decide their own future. Our solidarity stems from our faith in international law, the territorial integrity of all Member States and the self-determination of peoples. Faced with the neo-colonial attitude of the President of the United States, the European Union must stand united. To present in practice a comprehensive strategy that will create new opportunities for economic development for the people of Greenland. Already, the liaison office we opened last year in Nuuk is a good first step, as is Greenland’s participation in many of the European programmes – such as Horizon, Erasmus+ and InvestEU. We, as socialists, say that we can and must do much more. After all, Greenland is the first to experience the consequences of climate change in the Arctic Circle and this is another area where strengthening cooperation is important for both sides.

Mr President, Trump's decision to impose 20% tariffs on European products and the €1 trillion trade war will negatively affect both Europe and the United States. Despite their postponement until July, tariffs of 10 percent have already started to apply, while 25 percent tariffs remain on aluminum, steel and cars. The European Union should use the period until July to negotiate an agreement that addresses all trade barriers on both sides of the Atlantic. At the same time, however, we should also be prepared for the possibility of a no-deal. In this case, we Europeans must unite to decide on a series of countermeasures. In addition, financial support measures are needed for our producers affected by tariffs, particularly in the agri-food sector – for example, in Greece, table olive producers and peach producers. We must not let our producers and industry pay the price of an absurd trade war.

Mr President, in a few days' time we will commemorate 110 years since the Armenian Genocide. The Armenians, Assyrians and Greek populations of Asia Minor and Pontus were the victims of a systematic and centrally organized extermination effort by the Ottomans. Hundreds of thousands died and even more became refugees – including my family. Unfortunately, the recent events in Nagorno-Karabakh, where thousands of Armenians were forced to flee their ancestral homes, and the destruction of their religious and cultural monuments, are a stark reminder that without historical memory the past is very easily repeated. Turkey refuses to acknowledge the crimes of its past. The European Parliament took the step and recognised the Armenian genocide. The same recognition must be made with the genocide of all the Greek populations of Asia Minor and Pontus, who had a similar fate in the period 1913-1923.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, the main challenges facing the European steel and aluminium sector today are twofold: high energy costs and unfair competition from third countries. Challenges that often lead to the permanent closure of factories and the loss of thousands of jobs. We need targeted assistance through a comprehensive European action plan. The European mining industry urgently needs access to cheap and competitive energy and a stricter application of the tools to protect it from international unfair competition, such as the European Union's trade defence instruments. Only in this way will the European mining industry again play a key role in the resilience, economic security, competitiveness and ultimately the strategic autonomy of the European Union.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, our world is becoming less and less secure. The consequences of the climate crisis make natural disasters more powerful and more frequent. This was also evident in the recent disasters in Greece, the Aegean islands and the Cyclades. In this context, we welcome the European Commission's preparedness report. But to become more resilient to modern threats, we need to prepare our societies so that they know how to react. We need to secure our infrastructure, both public and private. Move forward by Member States, building on the resilience objectives of the European Civil Protection Mechanism. To obtain a European risk assessment report and a common threat perception with clear and evidence-based national risk assessment reports. And finally, to give substantial meaning to the solidarity clause in Article 222 and the mutual assistance clause in Article 42(7) of the Treaty, so as not to leave a blank letter if and when necessary.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, Europe is facing major geopolitical challenges. The priorities of the new US administration differ significantly from those of Europe. Parliament's two reports on foreign policy, security and defence substantiate the need, in this new and volatile environment, for the Union to have a strong presence. With an autonomous foreign policy and a comprehensive strategy for both the Mediterranean and the Middle East. With a strong deterrent presence, to be able to protect its member states from authoritarian leaders with imperial revisionisms, both on the eastern border and in the Baltic region and in the Eastern Mediterranean region. Joint armament programmes to strengthen the European defence industry in all Member States to be financed with fresh European money. No loans charged to national budgets. No cuts to the Cohesion Fund that undermine our social resilience. A Europe-pillar of stability in an increasingly unstable world.

Mr President, Commissioner, electricity and gas prices have risen drastically in Europe, unlike in the United States, which is ultimately the only beneficiary of Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Of course, energy taxation, where Greece is unfortunately a negative champion, grid charges, licensing times, etc., all of this increases energy costs, and you rightly ask that they be addressed. But the main problem is that while renewables, which we all rightly promote, have lower production costs than minerals, this is not yet reflected in prices for consumers. We therefore need investment in grids, interconnections, storage, with at least more than a doubling of the Connecting Europe Facility's energy funds. But we are not happy with non-existent transparency, inefficient operation or zero supervision of many energy markets in the Member States. Finally, I would like to ask you how to deal with the ever-increasing energy prices in Greece, Bulgaria, Romania compared to the rest of the European Union.

Mr President, Commissioner, thank you very much for your excellent initiatives. In the effort to get rid of Russian gas, the Eastern Mediterranean can play an important role. It is a new source, a reliable source, of supplying Europe with green electricity and gas. Natural gas deposits in the Greek and Cypriot Exclusive Economic Zone are extremely important. There are two great projects that started under my ministry: The first is the Israel-Cyprus-Greece 1000 megawatt electric cable, which is to carry green electricity for the first time from Asia to Europe, and the second is the EastMed gas pipeline, which can carry up to 20 bcm each year. Unfortunately, Turkish provocation hinders investigations into the green cable even within the Greek Exclusive Economic Zone. Given that these two projects are also European-owned, I believe that it is necessary for the Union to take the initiative, always within the framework of international law and the law of the sea, to implement them. Thank you very much.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, it is common ground now that we cannot rely solely on NATO and the new US administration for our security. This means that if we have to invest more in defense, we have to do it all together. The ReArm EU proposal allows for increased defence spending, but with new loans; loans which will of course be charged to national budgets. Unfortunately, there is no incentive for joint actions. This creates a negative precedent to which we are vehemently opposed: the possibility of transferring funds, the Cohesion Fund and cohesion policies to other purposes. For us socialists, there is no social cohesion without security. There is no security without social cohesion. If we do not invest in both at the same time, strengthening the resilience of our economy, society and defence, we will remain vulnerable to foreign interference and attacks. Thank you very much.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, three months after the collapse of the Assad regime, the situation in Syria continues to be fragile. We have clearly condemned the massacres of Alawite civilians and Christians by the forces close to the new government. We find incomprehensible the announcement of the External Action Service, which seemed to justify the new government and that violence is the fault of the victims and not of the perpetrator. The reconstruction of Syria will only succeed if it is inclusive with participation of all religious and ethnic minorities on an equal footing. Yesterday's agreement between the central government and the Syrian Kurds is a very positive step. The European Union must be present and contribute in this direction, ensuring that Syria does not become a satellite country of any third country. The lifting of sanctions is not a blank cheque, but depends on the protection of all minorities, respect for international law and the sovereign rights of all Member States.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, the White Paper, which is expected in a few days' time, must be the road map so that, with a specific timetable and measures, the European Union can cope with today's geopolitical challenges. We need a strong European defence industrial and technological base. It is unsustainable for more than 70% of the money we spend on armaments to go to third countries. It hurts our economy, it hurts our social cohesion, it hurts our competitiveness, it negatively affects our security, as it increases defence dependencies on third countries. Unfortunately, ReArm EU, while ambitious, is not as effective as we would like a solution to the problems we have. We do not want new loans, but common European financial instruments. To have a European defence union that can effectively defend its borders and allies, not only extra money is needed. Programmes like EDIP, with strict rules, are needed for investments to address our lack of strategic instruments and interoperability. Spending in Europe, strengthening the European defence industrial base in all Member States, to reduce dependencies on third countries. Investments should not be made at the expense of social cohesion and the welfare state. What does it matter to have a strong army at the border if we undermine the security of our societies by increasing inequalities? There is no prosperity without security. There is no security without prosperity. We need common arms export rules so that European weapons are not found to threaten the sovereignty of Member States. Finally, we should also take the necessary institutional steps to ensure that the common defence clause, Article 42(7) of the Treaty, is not empty, but is the basic security guarantee for all Member States, from Finland and Estonia to Greece and Cyprus. Oh, thank you.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, the review of the foreign policy of the United States puts Europe before its responsibilities. We must continue to support Ukraine. It's the best investment we can make for our own defense. The Union's strategic autonomy, particularly in the areas of security and defence, is now an undeniable necessity. ReArm EU, although it sounds ambitious, does not make a difference, and the 800 billion are loans that in no way should be found at the expense of the welfare state, the welfare state, the cohesion funds. Moreover, if the escape clause is not implemented with strict rules to address the strategic needs that we as a Union have, its implementation may create more problems than it attempts to solve. Europe must defend its borders and its citizens against any threat from a third country, whether it concerns the countries of the Baltics and Eastern Europe or the countries of the Eastern Mediterranean, such as Greece and Cyprus. Thank you very much.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, the Commission's work programme is, unfortunately, far inferior to the circumstances. It seems that the President does not understand the new geopolitical environment in which we find ourselves, a world in which all the geopolitical balances and alliances we have known so far have been overthrown. While in the mission letters of both the Commissioner for the Mediterranean and the High Representative there was a clear mandate to draw up a coherent and comprehensive strategy for the Middle East, this has essentially disappeared within some broad phrases. All this while the Middle East is a top priority region for the Union. The ceasefire in Gaza is judged by a thread. Trump's statements destabilize Egypt and Jordan. In Lebanon we have a new beginning. We have regime change in Syria, but we don't know what the next day will be like. We expect, of course, to see the strategy for the Mediterranean in the third quarter of the year. As the first three weeks of the Trump administration have shown us, we are now in a different world. The European Commission must stand ready to support the multilateral system of governance based on the United Nations, respect for international law and the integrity and guarantee of borders and the sovereignty of states. Of course, a good first step is the White Paper on defence that we expect in March. However, the measures that will be described must come immediately. Obviously, the financing of defence investments cannot be at the expense of cohesion policies and the welfare state. Strategic autonomy must finally become a reality from a vision.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, it is a pity that the High Representative is not in Parliament today to discuss the Union's policy on the Middle East. A region of particular geopolitical, energy and humanitarian interest for Europe, where developments are ongoing. Unfortunately, the Union is not as present as it should be. Our new strategy should fill this gap immediately, as we are at a particularly critical stage. The ceasefire agreement in Gaza creates a ray of optimism. The provision of humanitarian aid and the reconstruction of the region must be our priority. But President Trump's statements about the expulsion of Palestinians from Gaza and the threat of an end to the ceasefire on Saturday with the addition of new conditions are dynamizing the effort. We mustn't let the opportunity get lost. A two-state solution, a secure Israel and an independent, viable and democratic Palestinian state, is the only option for peace in the region. In Lebanon, the formation of a government after years of stalemate and paralysis is certainly a very positive event. Finally, despite the collapse of the Assad regime, we are still far from talking about the next day. The new leaders will have to prove by deeds that they have renounced their barbaric past. The transitional government and the National Council should be coherent and express all religious and ethnic minorities. We must not allow the intervention of third countries, nor the transformation of Syria into a satellite country. Euro-Syrian relations should be based on the protection of Syria's multicultural mosaic, as well as respect for international law, including the law of the sea, since we all know that Syria has an extensive coastline in the Mediterranean. Europe must be dynamically present, with a strong voice and a comprehensive strategy in the Middle East region. This European strategy is lacking today and must be shaped immediately.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, three years have passed since Vladimir Putin's brutal attack on Ukraine. While the Russian leadership believed that the war would last only a few days, the heroism and determination of the Ukrainians resulted in them resisting vigorously the attacks of the Russians and in addition the Russians using up North Korean soldiers. As Europe, we will continue to provide financial and humanitarian assistance so that Ukraine can maintain basic services for its citizens. To create conditions for its economic and social recovery after the war. In this effort, it is time to apply the polluter pays principle by analogy and make use of confiscated Russian property. Ukraine needs our support also in defence equipment so that it can effectively protect its citizens and infrastructure that are attacked every day. Defend its borders. It is not just an act of solidarity, but a joint investment in the security and prosperity of the whole continent. Especially for countries like Greece, which is on Europe's borders against a revisionist power like Turkey, it is vital to ensure that European borders cannot be changed by force.

Madam President, in the first three weeks of the Trump presidency, we see a coordinated attack on the international regulatory framework we created after World War II. The 25% tariffs on steel and aluminum do not protect American producers, as the President of the United States thinks. On the contrary, it makes everyone poorer, with only ultimately winning China, which, as we know very well, bases its industry on very strong state subsidies. The European Commission must take all necessary measures to protect the European industrial production base and the jobs it creates. The tools exist, as long as we are united and have the decisive political will for effective countermeasures. It is certainly in everyone's interest to keep the channels of communication open. But that does not mean that we will succumb to Mr. Trump's blackmail and demands. It is time for the European Commission to prove that it can rise to the occasion.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, Europe is facing a number of historically unprecedented challenges. From Russia’s expansionist war in Ukraine, Turkey’s revisionist practice in the Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean, the crisis in the Middle East, to hybrid attacks on democracy and our societies. Today, more than ever, we must stand united in the face of geopolitical threats, countries and actors who want to divide and weaken us. Cooperation in security and defence is crucial to protect civilians, to ensure peace and stability in our region. Especially after Monday with the Trump administration we have no room for illusions. Europe must defend its own citizens and borders, invest in innovative technologies, strengthen its defence industry with joint programmes, joint orders, but also a defence industrial base that is not limited to some countries. Only in this way will we be able to meet the challenges of the future.

Madam President, Commissioner, since yesterday our world has been in a new era, in uncharted waters. We are in the age of authoritarian capitalism and social media. The first moves of the new US president are indicative: withdrawal from the Paris Climate Agreement and the World Health Organization; pardon those who tried to overturn the outcome of the previous elections; limitation of minority rights; renaming the Gulf of Mexico; unthinkable statements on Greenland and Canada. In this new reality, Europe must adapt and prepare for a time when the traditional alliance with the United States will no longer be as stable as before. It is not only the intense isolationism of the new Trump administration, but on many issues and the different approach we have to the world. We must realise that Europe is now alone on the world chessboard, and above all this European Council, which has so far been silent, must realise this. Rather than being horrified by such a development, it should lead us to have a more active role on global issues such as climate change, multilateral cooperation and international security. Especially when it comes to security, we need to be more autonomous and we need to be able to do more. It is time for Europe to work autonomously in a changing world. Take a leading role in defending our values and geopolitical interests.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, after fifteen months of conflict, with Gaza on the verge of a humanitarian catastrophe, and more than 50 000 civilians having died, the ceasefire and the release of the first three hostages brings with it a hope, a ray of hope and peace for stability in the region. The next six weeks are crucial for full implementation and for achieving the return of all hostages to their homes. Restrictions on the delivery of humanitarian aid to Gaza must be lifted and this peculiar blockade of Palestinians must be stopped. We call on the Government of Israel to reassess its decision to ban the activities of the United Nations humanitarian arm, UNRWA – the only humanitarian provider to millions of Palestinian refugees. It is a matter of respecting international humanitarian law. Now is the opportunity to start negotiations to find a lasting and lasting peace based on the two-state solution, the only one that can guarantee the rights of both peoples. A secure Israel, recognised by its neighbours, and a viable, peaceful, independent and democratic Palestinian state. The international community must offer the support and pressure needed to move the process forward, respecting international law and respecting multilateral organisations such as the United Nations. Especially for us in Europe, the Middle East, I remind you, is next to us. What happens is of direct concern to us. It is not enough for the European Union to be just one of the biggest donors. It must take its share of responsibility by taking all the necessary initiatives.

Madam President, the European perspective of the Western Balkans is a European strategy starting with the Greek Presidency of 2003, which resulted in the formulation of the Thessaloniki Declaration. In this new period it is very important to rekindle the European perspective of these countries. The accession process is not unilateral. It requires effort from the candidate countries, it requires respect for the European acquis, the protection of the rule of law. It requires free elections, the protection of national minorities, such as the Greek national minority in Northern Epirus, and the protection of its properties. It requires good neighbourly relations, respect for international obligations and international treaties. It demands the renunciation of grandiose ideas and dangerous nationalist rhetoric.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, I very much welcome the initiative of the new President of the European Council, Antonio Costa, for the December Council to deal with Europe's role in the world. Trump's re-election, wars in Ukraine, the Middle East and regime change in Syria have made the international environment extremely complex. It is necessary for the European Union to be present in international developments, particularly in our wider neighbourhood and I am referring to Ukraine, the Western Balkans, the Eastern Mediterranean. We cannot and must not let third countries and powers decide without us, simply because Europe has not yet acquired a single voice. Today, more than ever, there is a need to strengthen Europe's strategic autonomy, particularly in the areas of defence and security. The Draghi and Niinisto reports have indicated a number of measures. All that remains for us now is for there to be a political will to implement at least part of these proposals.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, social media has a very important role to play in conveying ideas, shaping perceptions and exchanging views. In elections in particular, their role is very important. Equally important, however, is the responsibility of digital content providers to ensure that the rules are the same for everyone. We cannot allow "algocracy" to prevail, where algorithms made up of tycoons or political elites or foreign governments decide what we see, what we hear, which politicians will have visibility and which will not. Social media platforms, like traditional media, must have specific rules to ensure the integrity of elections. We cannot allow a repetition of what happened in Romania, where some people used TikTok to influence the outcome of the elections. The European Commission must rigorously implement and expand the institutional framework we have voted on for digital services, for the protection of personal data, ultimately for the protection of democracy itself.