Speeches

Data is crucial for economic growth, sustainability and innovation in Europe. The COVID-19 pandemic has further highlighted the role and need to share high-quality data. Unlocking the socio-economic potential of data while protecting European rights and values will therefore open up new opportunities through the Digital Governance Act. I believe that a balanced compromise has been negotiated on the re-use of data held by public entities. I am pleased that Parliament has proposed greater facilitation for small and medium-sized enterprises and the possibility for them to obtain more favourable contracts. Effectiveness, transparency and the development of rules that will work in practice is a necessary approach in the context of the data economy. So we have great opportunities and potential in Europe – it is time to use them in the global technology race.

Over the past years, cyber risks and vulnerabilities have increased. Cyberspace has become the fifth domain of warfare alongside the traditional military spaces. In this area, the EU is still subject to many cyberattacks, deeply harming its citizens. The World Economic Forum stresses that the number of countries experiencing cyberattacks has increased by 150% between 2017 and 2019. I support the Commission President proposal in her latest State of the Union address, to develop a European cyber-defence policy and a cyber-resilience act. These capacities are now fragmented and their consolidation and coordination must be a strategic objective of our mandate. I call for the Members States to strengthen their responses against cyber threats through an efficient, collective and rapid response mechanism, within the EU framework but also through NATO, thus gathering all necessary actors to efficiently fight against cyber vulnerabilities.

Mr President, Madam High Representative, I am speaking today as a shadow rapporteur on the report on the implementation of the common foreign and security policy. While the report addresses many pivotal issues, it also exposes a core weakness: the European Union still lacks a truly common foreign and security strategy. What is our common strategy regarding Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine, when Member States still differ fundamentally on how to translate political declarations into real security commitments? What is our common approach to defence spending? While Poland is reaching 5 % of GDP in line with NATO responsibilities, the EU average remains only around 2.1 %. This gap raises serious questions about our credibility and solidarity. Instead of strengthening unity with our most strategic and reliable partner, we often hear political criticism of the United States. During negotiations, numerous amendments from left-wing groups risk further undermining transatlantic relations, and instead focus on limiting references to Hamas atrocities or the ongoing persecution of Christians in the world. I am equally concerned by proposals to extend qualified majority voting to foreign and security policy. Unanimity is not an obstacle here, but a cornerstone of legitimacy, as decisions on foreign policy and security must remain firmly anchored in national sovereignty.

Mr President, we are witnessing Georgia's rapid authoritarian turn, driven by the Georgian Dream party's representative legislation against civil society and media. We deeply regret that the ruling party has turned away from the path of genuine European integration and NATO membership, while increasing the country's vulnerability to external influence, above all, from the Kremlin. Let me be clear: our solidarity is with the Georgian people and with Georgia's vibrant civil society, which for years has been the engine bringing the country closer to the Euro‑Atlantic community. We also strongly reiterate our urgent demand for the unconditional release of former President Mikheil Saakashvili on humanitarian grounds, so that he can access adequate medical treatment abroad. His recent transfer back to Rustavi Prison is a punitive, politically driven decision. Georgia still has a European choice, but that choice is made through free citizens, free institutions and free debate.

Mr President, by continuing imports of Russian oil, Europe is financing Russia's war against Ukraine. How can we claim solidarity with Kyiv when billions of euros still flow to Moscow every month? It is shameful! We are three years into Russia's full-scale invasion and, in 2024, 85 % of the EU's Russian LNG imports went to France, Belgium and Spain. Every shipment, every payment strengthens the Russian aggressor we claim to oppose. Poland has proved that it is possible to cut energy ties with Russia. We accomplished it long before, thanks to the Law and Justice government. We built a new LNG terminal and a new pipeline from Norway. We diversified our energy supplies. How can we demand unconditional support from the United States when our own Member States are still bankrolling Putin's war machine? Europe must act like it truly believes in victory for Ukraine. Cut the imports of Russian energy now, not by 2028. It is high time!

Mr President, today we must remind ourselves why Europe stood with Ukraine from the first day of Russia's brutal aggression. It was to defend our shared values: sovereignty, freedom and the international order that guarantees peace for all nations, not only the powerful ones. Today, the Kremlin hopes that fatigue division and the illusion of stability will paralyse us. We cannot allow that. A fragmented Europe would be the greatest gift to Putin. Let us state it clearly: so-called peace dictated by Moscow would not be peace at all. It would reward an aggressor, legitimise occupation and betray the Ukrainian people who fight and die for their freedom. A just and durable peace must therefore be concluded on Ukraine's terms, respecting its sovereignty, territorial integrity and the right of its citizens to decide their future. We will stand with Ukraine until victory. That means military support sufficient to repel aggression, financial support to sustain the state, and a shared plan for reconstruction based on accountability, including the use of Russian frozen assets. Let us therefore send a clear message before any summit that might happen in the coming weeks. Europe will not surrender to blackmail, will not normalise aggression and will not abandon Ukraine. Only a peace grounded in justice can endure.

Madam President, Commissioner, since our last debate on the frozen Russian assets, Moscow has fired thousands more rockets and drones at Ukraine, with incidents affecting European airspace and critical infrastructure. Each one of them is a reminder that this is not a distant war, but a direct challenge to European security. Today, as we debate stepping up support for Ukraine's reconstruction and defence through the use of frozen assets, Russia's aggression has already cost hundreds of thousands of lives and devastated Ukraine's economy, but it has also tested Europe's resolve and credibility. Poland, as one of Ukraine's closest allies, knows all too well the costs of aggression and the danger of hesitation, but also the strength that comes from solidarity. We therefore strongly welcome the Commission's determination to act swiftly and decisively. Using Russian assets sends an unmistakable message: aggression has consequences, and those who wage illegal wars will pay for the damage they cause. Ukraine needs support now for a defence system that protects civilians, for rebuilding energy infrastructure before winter, for de-mining agricultural land. Speed is decisive. While we debate safeguards and procedures, Ukraine is fighting for survival. Europe's credibility and the meaning of our solidarity depend on implementation within months, not years. Europe must act together and Europe must act now.

Dear President, Russia is making increasingly sophisticated attempts to put pressure on Western countries. Recent weeks have clearly shown that the Kremlin's aggressive policy knows no borders, literally and figuratively. Violations of the airspace of Poland and other countries of the European Union, sabotage of critical infrastructure elements, including energy and telecommunications systems, as well as deliberate disinformation actions testify to a complete disregard for international law. It is a carefully planned strategy to destabilize our countries and intimidate our societies, a consistent attack against the integrity and security of the entire free world, an attack that requires a firm and decisive response. Any attempt to compromise security must be met with an immediate, coordinated response from the European Union and NATO countries. There is no agreement to test our borders, our patience and solidarity. Often in our history, disregard for even minor incidents has led to great tragedies. Poland and other countries of the European Union, countries that have experienced the violence of Russian imperialism for decades, perfectly understand the importance of responding to provocations. Unfortunately, not all Member States have pursued their policies in the spirit of a properly understood European interest. The so-called reset with Russia, in fact consisting in economic and political dependence on Moscow and sponsoring anti-European projects such as Nord Stream, are milestones on the road to war. When we see Russian drones over Berlin, Brussels or Copenhagen today, let's think of the billions of euros pumped eastward by Gerhard Schröder and Angela Merkel, yes, that Angela Merkel, ineptly trying to discharge her responsibility today, curiously insinuating the improper involvement of states opposing her wrong policies. Today, the German government is also demanding the release of those responsible for annihilating this shameful investment, which is Nord Stream. That is why I would like to remind Chancellor Merz that Ukraine is at war with Russia because it has been invaded. Ukrainians have the full right to attack both Russian refineries and industrial and transmission networks. It is up to us to support them, not to punish them.

Madam President, I'm sorry. Russian drones over Poland may be the last warning sign. A sign that the policy towards Putin's Russia, based on the constant search for an agreement with him, has reached its end. Putin understands only the language of force, and any behavior that in our Western understanding is a manifestation of reason and compromise, for him is a sign of weakness and an incentive for further aggression. Unfortunately, when the Polish president died. Lech Kaczyński said in 2008 in Tbilisi that the Russian aggression against Georgia was a prelude to others, the West pretended not to understand. Mrs Merkel and successive German governments, regardless of party colours, promoted the Nordstream project. The economic miracle of many European economies consisted not in industriousness, but in cheap Russian energy. As long as German chancellors find work at Gazprom, it is hard to believe in European solidarity. Obama and Biden's policies have encouraged Russian aggression. Schroeder's and Merkel's policies gave them the money to do so. The only European solidarity we can believe in is solidarity based on the understanding that not only are we talking about values, but we are able to defend them.

Mr President, there can be no tolerance for terrorism. Colombia has come a long way since it was terrorised by drug cartels for decades. Today, its citizens fear these dark times have returned. Terrorism is present once again on a large scale. The recent terrorist attacks on civilians and the assassination of Senator Turbay are not only isolated tragedies; they are attacks on democracy. It demonstrates the complete failure of President Petro's so-called total peace policy, which has only created space for armed groups and cartels to expand their power and spread violence. I call on the European Union to support Colombia in countering the influence of terrorism and the Cártel de los Soles. We should stand firmly with the Colombian people by imposing stronger sanctions against trafficking networks. We must defend Colombia's democratic institutions. Colombia's future belongs to peace. It will never belong to terrorists or cartels.

Mr President, Madam Commissioner, in recent years, Moldova has emerged as a key partner for the European Union in the Eastern Neighbourhood, choosing the path of reform, democracy and European integration. Yet this path is under relentless assault from the Kremlin. Russia is waging a sophisticated hybrid war, flooding the country with disinformation, financing criminal networks, manipulating religious institutions and funneling illicit money through cryptocurrencies to buy votes and destabilise elections. These are not isolated incidents. They are part of a coordinated campaign to derail Moldova's democratic development and European future. Our message is clear: we commend Chișinău's rapid reform progress and resilience. Now, the EU institutions should match their resolve by opening cluster one swiftly and advancing negotiations strictly on merit. In parallel, Russia must cease its provocations and withdraw its forces and equipment from Transnistria. Any future settlement must uphold Moldova's sovereignty, territorial integrity and European path.

Madam President, High Representative, the ECR Group has always been clear: there can be no long-lasting peace without justice and no justice without Ukraine's full territorial integrity and sovereignty. Any so-called compromise that rewards the Russian aggression will be seen as weakness and will only embolden the imperialist regime. We must stand with Ukraine, not only out of solidarity, but because their victory is paramount to European security. In light of this, I applaud newly inaugurated Polish President Nawrocki's recent success in obtaining clear security guarantees from US President Donald Trump – a powerful signal for the entire region. I would like to thank you very much for raising the issue of genocide in this resolution. The Ukrainian side must finally start exhuming the murdered.

Madam President, dear Commissioner, we all remember the rigged presidential elections in Belarus in 2020 and the wave of peaceful demonstrations that followed. The regime responded, not with dialogue, but with brutal repression. Since then, we've seen the dismantling of civil society, attacks on religious freedom and mass repression. The recent release of 14 political prisoners, including Siarhei Tsikhanouski, facilitated by the United States, is a positive step. But let us be clear: it is not enough. Over 1 100 political prisoners, including Andrzej Poczobut, remain behind bars, many in harsh, inhumane conditions, facing torture, isolation and medical neglect. My group calls on the EU and its Member States to hold the Lukashenka regime accountable for its crimes. The release of a few must not distract us from the continued suffering of many. There can be no normalisation without genuine democratic reforms and the unconditional release of all political prisoners.

Madam President, dear Commissioner, South Sudan is once again on the edge of collapse. Since February, fighting between government forces and opposition groups has erupted again and devastated the Upper Nile, Jonglei and the Unity State. Entire communities have been displaced, hospitals destroyed and civilians killed. The humanitarian situation is dire. Over 165 000 people have fled in recent months, adding to the more than 44 million South Sudanese who are now displaced. Overall, nearly 70 % of South Sudan's population – some 9.3 million people – require urgent assistance, yet humanitarian access is increasingly constrained by insecurity, targeted attacks on aid workers and the looting of vital supplies. In parallel to the struggle to deliver food and medical aid, there are attacks on human dignity and religious freedom. Christians are facing targeted violence, intimidation and the destruction of places of worship. Colleagues, the international community cannot stand by while this crisis unfolds. The EU and international institutions must de-escalate violence, protect civilians and ensure unimpeded humanitarian access. We call on the Commission and the EEAS to link every euro of additional funding to verifiable, safe, rapid and unimpeded access for humanitarian agencies. Let us not forget that behind these numbers are real people. The time for decisive action is now.

Madam President, Madam High Representative, the upcoming NATO summit in The Hague will be a defining moment for the alliance's credibility and Europe's security. For us on NATO's eastern flank, we know too well that NATO is and should remain the irreplaceable shield of our freedom and our security, as well as the strongest deterrent against those who seek to undermine peace in our region. Today, we face a dramatically changed security environment, from Russia's never-ending blood-thirst in Ukraine to the escalating crisis in the Middle East and a renewed axis of autocracies. In light of this, NATO's upcoming summit must reaffirm our commitment to the founding principles of our alliance: sovereign nations that unite to guarantee each other's security in a credible manner. As such, raising defence spending, strengthening armed forces and accelerating capability development have been urgently needed. The ECR Group fully supports upcoming talks during the summit to 5 % of GDP in defence spending by 2035. Europe must share a greater responsibility for its own defence, work on a more equal footing with the US, and take part in its own deterrence. This will be a timely opportunity to engage with all involved actors and identify solutions for scaling up production, strengthening interoperability and driving defence innovation. Last, the ECR Group will always stand with Ukraine and NATO and uphold the values that define the transatlantic alliance. Ukraine continues to fight not only for sovereignty, but also for the rules-based international order that has been protecting Europe for decades. Victory for Ukraine must remain NATO's strategic objective.

Unfortunately, our region of Europe – Central, Central and Eastern Europe – fell victim to two great totalitarianisms in the 20th century: on the one hand Nazism, Nazism, which ravaged my country, on the other hand communism in the worst Soviet version, which for over half a century or almost half a century occupied Poland. You are right, these crimes are still unaccounted for. I was talking about the lack of reparations from Germany. Poland will demand it regardless of whether at the moment there is a government in power that does not feel the emotions of the vast majority of my compatriots or not.

Mr President, thank you very much. On May 8, 1945, the Second World War ended, the bloodiest and most devastating war in the history of mankind. For Western Europe, it is a day of victory won thanks to the help of the United States. For the peoples of Central and Eastern Europe, this is the symbolic beginning of the almost half-century-long occupation brought by the Red Army. This anniversary is celebrated in the shadow of another war, the war in Ukraine. We debated this yesterday. We also discussed how the aggressor, Russia, should make good and compensate Ukraine for the damage it has done. I supported these voices, of course, but let us consider whether, after World War II, the aggressor, or Germany, compensated for the damage they caused. The Germans murdered over 6 million Polish citizens. According to an official Polish report by the Polish government, they caused damage to more than one and a half trillion euros. To this day, they have not paid reparations. And yesterday, the new chancellor in Warsaw once again decided to humiliate us and, in the presence of the Polish prime minister, declared that this matter for Germany was over. Well, Chancellor Merz, it's not over. We will demand redress, and the pro-German prime minister Donald Tusk will sooner or later lose power.

Mr President, dear Commissioner, today, as we discuss the European Union's support for a just, sustainable and comprehensive peace in Ukraine, we must state a fundamental truth – there can be no lasting peace without justice, and no justice without Ukraine's full sovereignty, territorial integrity, and the complete withdrawal of every Russian soldier. We believe any credible peace process must be led by Ukraine and supported by the EU, and not imposed upon Kyiv. In light of this, Ukraine's Peace Formula and Victory Plan, presented by President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, provide a clear blueprint for the full restoration of Ukraine's internationally recognised borders, full accountability for war crimes committed, and sufficient security guarantees to deter any future aggression. Let us be crystal clear, a peace cannot reward imperialism, partition Ukraine or legitimise conquest; to do otherwise will further embolden Russia in its imperial revisionism. Also, the European Union cannot afford to trail behind and must act as a security provider. That means implementing robust long‑term security guarantees for Ukraine and using Russia's foreign sovereign assets to pay for Ukraine's reconstruction. I call on the Council to urgently remove the remaining legal obstacles so that Russia rebuilds the country it tried to destroy. Thirdly, Poland as a frontline state – too many times the victim of imperialist expansionism – understands the stakes. As no military force managed to strip Poland of its independence, it is unfathomable that Ukraine risks losing its own. As Russia's brutal war of aggression enters its fourth year, the European Union must remain steadfast in its commitment to a just and sustainable peace, one that upholds Ukraine's sovereignty, territorial integrity and freedom to choose its future.

Mr President, dear Commissioner, let me start by thanking Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni for making the strategic decision to visit Washington at a critical moment for our transatlantic relations. While others choose ambiguity, she acted – because leadership means showing up. Unfortunately, the same cannot be said for the Polish Prime Minister, Donald Tusk, who continues to block President Duda's initiative to hold a long overdue EU-US summit in Warsaw under the Polish Presidency in the Council. This is a missed opportunity, both symbolically and politically. Cancelling the summit sends the wrong signal to our most important ally, especially as global tensions rise and our need for unity grows. Yes, we may have disagreements with the US on trade subsidies and regulatory divergence, but the answer should not be retaliation. The answer should be pragmatic engagement. We need a common strategic European response that both protects our interests and strengthens our partnership.

Madam President, dear High Representative, both reports rightly acknowledge the increasingly dangerous strategic environment Europe faces today. Russia's aggression against Ukraine continues. New hybrid threats are emerging and our neighbourhood remains volatile. In this context, the European Union must be firm, united and realistic in how it responds. This year's CFSP and CSDP reports reflect many of my group's priorities. They strongly condemn Russia's war of aggression and express unwavering support for Ukraine's sovereignty and Euro-Atlantic future, and adopt a firm stance on Iran's destabilising actions. We also welcome the clear recognition of NATO as the cornerstone of European security, and the emphasis of on strengthening transatlantic cooperation. We particularly support the call to reinforce EU-NATO coordination, improve military mobility, particularly in frontline states like Poland, and bolster hybrid defence while encouraging defence spending above 2 % of GDP. However, there are serious concerns. Once again, we see proposals to abandon unanimity in foreign defence policy. We firmly believe that these decisions must remain in the hands of sovereign Member States, not be centralised in Brussels. We also caution against the push for a fully-fledged defence union and the vague propulsion of strategic autonomy, which risks duplicating NATO structures and distracting us from our most important ally, the United States. And that is why we cannot support these reports. European security must be based on responsibility, strong NATO cooperation and clear strategic vision.

Mr President, Russia's war against Ukraine has exposed Europe's fundamental vulnerability: energy dependence. For too long, Russian gas has been a tool of blackmail, financing a regime that destabilises our continent. The European Parliament has repeatedly called for stronger measures, full sanctions on Russian LNG, a ban on trans‑shipments via EU ports, and a legal framework preventing companies from circumventing restrictions through intermediaries. These loopholes must be closed. As such, I deeply regret the European Commission's repeated postponement of its plan to fully phase out Russian natural gas imports by 2027. We must accelerate diversification, securing reliable partners like Norway and the US, while investing in nuclear and hydrogen. At the same time, we must support the Member States most affected by this transition. Energy security cannot be achieved at the cost of economic hardship for our citizens. We a need targeted financial mechanism to help industries and households adapt. Finally, let us not sacrifice our industries on the altar of green ideology.

Mr President, the white paper and its implementation present a timely opportunity to ensure Europe's boosted commitments translate into real capabilities and enhance protection for our citizens. The war in Ukraine has highlighted the consequences of inaction and overreliance on external partners for European defence. Beyond Ukraine, Europe has increasingly become the target of hybrid attacks and disinformation campaigns, directly threatening our political and economic stability. But, despite all possible efforts, NATO remains the cornerstone of our security. If Europe needs to step up, any European-led initiatives must complement, not duplicate, NATO's role. In its current form, the joint resolution is concerning. Instead of strengthening Europe's security, it promotes an alternative to NATO, undermines the autonomy of Member States in defence matters and risks deepening confrontation with the United States – our most important ally. Instead, Europe must focus on real security: replenishing stockpiles, strengthening transatlantic ties and investing in credible deterrence.

Madam President, for too long Europe has neglected its defence industry, leaving us dependent on external suppliers and slow to react to crises. While NATO allies uphold Article 5, they have failed to meet Article 3's obligation to develop their own defence capabilities. EU Member States must urgently invest in their own security, as Poland did under Law and Justice leadership. Recent events have shown that without the United States, Europe is unfortunately nearly defenceless. Regardless of political turbulence or disagreements, we must maintain strong and reliable transatlantic relations. Our security depends on it. And here, from this very place, I once again urge the Prime Minister of Poland to stop blocking President Duda's proposal to convene an EU‑US summit in Warsaw under the Polish Presidency. Failing to hold it will only deepen the cracks in our relations with our most important ally. We cannot afford such missteps at a time when security challenges are multiplying across Europe and beyond.