Debate contributions by Adam BIELAN

Madam President, dear Commissioner, we all remember the rigged presidential elections in Belarus in 2020 and the wave of peaceful demonstrations that followed. The regime responded, not with dialogue, but with brutal repression. Since then, we've seen the dismantling of civil society, attacks on religious freedom and mass repression. The recent release of 14 political prisoners, including Siarhei Tsikhanouski, facilitated by the United States, is a positive step. But let us be clear: it is not enough. Over 1 100 political prisoners, including Andrzej Poczobut, remain behind bars, many in harsh, inhumane conditions, facing torture, isolation and medical neglect. My group calls on the EU and its Member States to hold the Lukashenka regime accountable for its crimes. The release of a few must not distract us from the continued suffering of many. There can be no normalisation without genuine democratic reforms and the unconditional release of all political prisoners.

Madam President, dear Commissioner, South Sudan is once again on the edge of collapse. Since February, fighting between government forces and opposition groups has erupted again and devastated the Upper Nile, Jonglei and the Unity State. Entire communities have been displaced, hospitals destroyed and civilians killed. The humanitarian situation is dire. Over 165 000 people have fled in recent months, adding to the more than 44 million South Sudanese who are now displaced. Overall, nearly 70 % of South Sudan's population – some 9.3 million people – require urgent assistance, yet humanitarian access is increasingly constrained by insecurity, targeted attacks on aid workers and the looting of vital supplies. In parallel to the struggle to deliver food and medical aid, there are attacks on human dignity and religious freedom. Christians are facing targeted violence, intimidation and the destruction of places of worship. Colleagues, the international community cannot stand by while this crisis unfolds. The EU and international institutions must de-escalate violence, protect civilians and ensure unimpeded humanitarian access. We call on the Commission and the EEAS to link every euro of additional funding to verifiable, safe, rapid and unimpeded access for humanitarian agencies. Let us not forget that behind these numbers are real people. The time for decisive action is now.

Madam President, Madam High Representative, the upcoming NATO summit in The Hague will be a defining moment for the alliance's credibility and Europe's security. For us on NATO's eastern flank, we know too well that NATO is and should remain the irreplaceable shield of our freedom and our security, as well as the strongest deterrent against those who seek to undermine peace in our region. Today, we face a dramatically changed security environment, from Russia's never-ending blood-thirst in Ukraine to the escalating crisis in the Middle East and a renewed axis of autocracies. In light of this, NATO's upcoming summit must reaffirm our commitment to the founding principles of our alliance: sovereign nations that unite to guarantee each other's security in a credible manner. As such, raising defence spending, strengthening armed forces and accelerating capability development have been urgently needed. The ECR Group fully supports upcoming talks during the summit to 5 % of GDP in defence spending by 2035. Europe must share a greater responsibility for its own defence, work on a more equal footing with the US, and take part in its own deterrence. This will be a timely opportunity to engage with all involved actors and identify solutions for scaling up production, strengthening interoperability and driving defence innovation. Last, the ECR Group will always stand with Ukraine and NATO and uphold the values that define the transatlantic alliance. Ukraine continues to fight not only for sovereignty, but also for the rules-based international order that has been protecting Europe for decades. Victory for Ukraine must remain NATO's strategic objective.

Unfortunately, our region of Europe – Central, Central and Eastern Europe – fell victim to two great totalitarianisms in the 20th century: on the one hand Nazism, Nazism, which ravaged my country, on the other hand communism in the worst Soviet version, which for over half a century or almost half a century occupied Poland. You are right, these crimes are still unaccounted for. I was talking about the lack of reparations from Germany. Poland will demand it regardless of whether at the moment there is a government in power that does not feel the emotions of the vast majority of my compatriots or not.

Mr President, thank you very much. On May 8, 1945, the Second World War ended, the bloodiest and most devastating war in the history of mankind. For Western Europe, it is a day of victory won thanks to the help of the United States. For the peoples of Central and Eastern Europe, this is the symbolic beginning of the almost half-century-long occupation brought by the Red Army. This anniversary is celebrated in the shadow of another war, the war in Ukraine. We debated this yesterday. We also discussed how the aggressor, Russia, should make good and compensate Ukraine for the damage it has done. I supported these voices, of course, but let us consider whether, after World War II, the aggressor, or Germany, compensated for the damage they caused. The Germans murdered over 6 million Polish citizens. According to an official Polish report by the Polish government, they caused damage to more than one and a half trillion euros. To this day, they have not paid reparations. And yesterday, the new chancellor in Warsaw once again decided to humiliate us and, in the presence of the Polish prime minister, declared that this matter for Germany was over. Well, Chancellor Merz, it's not over. We will demand redress, and the pro-German prime minister Donald Tusk will sooner or later lose power.

Mr President, dear Commissioner, today, as we discuss the European Union's support for a just, sustainable and comprehensive peace in Ukraine, we must state a fundamental truth – there can be no lasting peace without justice, and no justice without Ukraine's full sovereignty, territorial integrity, and the complete withdrawal of every Russian soldier. We believe any credible peace process must be led by Ukraine and supported by the EU, and not imposed upon Kyiv. In light of this, Ukraine's Peace Formula and Victory Plan, presented by President Volodymyr Zelenskyy, provide a clear blueprint for the full restoration of Ukraine's internationally recognised borders, full accountability for war crimes committed, and sufficient security guarantees to deter any future aggression. Let us be crystal clear, a peace cannot reward imperialism, partition Ukraine or legitimise conquest; to do otherwise will further embolden Russia in its imperial revisionism. Also, the European Union cannot afford to trail behind and must act as a security provider. That means implementing robust long‑term security guarantees for Ukraine and using Russia's foreign sovereign assets to pay for Ukraine's reconstruction. I call on the Council to urgently remove the remaining legal obstacles so that Russia rebuilds the country it tried to destroy. Thirdly, Poland as a frontline state – too many times the victim of imperialist expansionism – understands the stakes. As no military force managed to strip Poland of its independence, it is unfathomable that Ukraine risks losing its own. As Russia's brutal war of aggression enters its fourth year, the European Union must remain steadfast in its commitment to a just and sustainable peace, one that upholds Ukraine's sovereignty, territorial integrity and freedom to choose its future.

Mr President, dear Commissioner, let me start by thanking Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni for making the strategic decision to visit Washington at a critical moment for our transatlantic relations. While others choose ambiguity, she acted – because leadership means showing up. Unfortunately, the same cannot be said for the Polish Prime Minister, Donald Tusk, who continues to block President Duda's initiative to hold a long overdue EU-US summit in Warsaw under the Polish Presidency in the Council. This is a missed opportunity, both symbolically and politically. Cancelling the summit sends the wrong signal to our most important ally, especially as global tensions rise and our need for unity grows. Yes, we may have disagreements with the US on trade subsidies and regulatory divergence, but the answer should not be retaliation. The answer should be pragmatic engagement. We need a common strategic European response that both protects our interests and strengthens our partnership.

Madam President, dear High Representative, both reports rightly acknowledge the increasingly dangerous strategic environment Europe faces today. Russia's aggression against Ukraine continues. New hybrid threats are emerging and our neighbourhood remains volatile. In this context, the European Union must be firm, united and realistic in how it responds. This year's CFSP and CSDP reports reflect many of my group's priorities. They strongly condemn Russia's war of aggression and express unwavering support for Ukraine's sovereignty and Euro-Atlantic future, and adopt a firm stance on Iran's destabilising actions. We also welcome the clear recognition of NATO as the cornerstone of European security, and the emphasis of on strengthening transatlantic cooperation. We particularly support the call to reinforce EU-NATO coordination, improve military mobility, particularly in frontline states like Poland, and bolster hybrid defence while encouraging defence spending above 2 % of GDP. However, there are serious concerns. Once again, we see proposals to abandon unanimity in foreign defence policy. We firmly believe that these decisions must remain in the hands of sovereign Member States, not be centralised in Brussels. We also caution against the push for a fully-fledged defence union and the vague propulsion of strategic autonomy, which risks duplicating NATO structures and distracting us from our most important ally, the United States. And that is why we cannot support these reports. European security must be based on responsibility, strong NATO cooperation and clear strategic vision.

Mr President, Russia's war against Ukraine has exposed Europe's fundamental vulnerability: energy dependence. For too long, Russian gas has been a tool of blackmail, financing a regime that destabilises our continent. The European Parliament has repeatedly called for stronger measures, full sanctions on Russian LNG, a ban on trans‑shipments via EU ports, and a legal framework preventing companies from circumventing restrictions through intermediaries. These loopholes must be closed. As such, I deeply regret the European Commission's repeated postponement of its plan to fully phase out Russian natural gas imports by 2027. We must accelerate diversification, securing reliable partners like Norway and the US, while investing in nuclear and hydrogen. At the same time, we must support the Member States most affected by this transition. Energy security cannot be achieved at the cost of economic hardship for our citizens. We a need targeted financial mechanism to help industries and households adapt. Finally, let us not sacrifice our industries on the altar of green ideology.

Mr President, the white paper and its implementation present a timely opportunity to ensure Europe's boosted commitments translate into real capabilities and enhance protection for our citizens. The war in Ukraine has highlighted the consequences of inaction and overreliance on external partners for European defence. Beyond Ukraine, Europe has increasingly become the target of hybrid attacks and disinformation campaigns, directly threatening our political and economic stability. But, despite all possible efforts, NATO remains the cornerstone of our security. If Europe needs to step up, any European-led initiatives must complement, not duplicate, NATO's role. In its current form, the joint resolution is concerning. Instead of strengthening Europe's security, it promotes an alternative to NATO, undermines the autonomy of Member States in defence matters and risks deepening confrontation with the United States – our most important ally. Instead, Europe must focus on real security: replenishing stockpiles, strengthening transatlantic ties and investing in credible deterrence.

Madam President, for too long Europe has neglected its defence industry, leaving us dependent on external suppliers and slow to react to crises. While NATO allies uphold Article 5, they have failed to meet Article 3's obligation to develop their own defence capabilities. EU Member States must urgently invest in their own security, as Poland did under Law and Justice leadership. Recent events have shown that without the United States, Europe is unfortunately nearly defenceless. Regardless of political turbulence or disagreements, we must maintain strong and reliable transatlantic relations. Our security depends on it. And here, from this very place, I once again urge the Prime Minister of Poland to stop blocking President Duda's proposal to convene an EU‑US summit in Warsaw under the Polish Presidency. Failing to hold it will only deepen the cracks in our relations with our most important ally. We cannot afford such missteps at a time when security challenges are multiplying across Europe and beyond.

Mr President, dear Commissioners, 24 February will mark three years since Russia launched its full‑scale war of aggression against Ukraine – three years of brutality, destruction and immense sacrifice. Ukraine has stood firm, fighting not only for its sovereignty but for the very principles that define Europe – freedom and democracy. Today, let us not forget the tremendous costs Ukraine has been paying for standing against Russia for Europe's security: Bucha's horrors, far over 10 000 civilian deaths, tremendous military losses, 10 million refugees, and Ukraine's shattered infrastructures. These wounds will scar generations. Europe has responded. We have imposed unprecedented sanctions, reduced our reliance on Russian energy, strengthened defence cooperation and increased military support. Yet, disturbingly, some voices still call for easing these sanctions. I am proud to say today that my country, Poland, has been at the forefront of military, diplomatic and humanitarian aid to Ukraine. We have committed nearly 5 % of our GDP – the highest in the EU relative to our economy. Our support was among the first to reach the Ukrainian front in significant quantities. We provided the largest number of heavy weapons and remain one of the top countries hosting Ukrainian refugees. Under former Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki's leadership, Poland was one of the first to send tanks, fighter jets and ammunition. And let us not forget the historic visit of March 2022, when Mr Morawiecki, Deputy Prime Minister Jarosław Kaczyński, along with Czech and Slovenian leaders, became the first foreign leaders to stand with President Zelenskyy in Kyiv. Their message was clear then, and it remains clear today: Ukraine is not alone. Our duty is clear: we must stand with Ukraine – not only now, but in the long rebuilding ahead. The war's outcome must be defined by Ukraine with unwavering European support.

Mr President, Russia's war of aggression is creeping its way to our Union and neighbours, highlighting both the commendable work of national security forces, but also our collective shortcomings in our defences against hybrid threats. It is imperative that we bolster our resilience against these provocations, which are endangering our populations, our infrastructures and our ways of life. We know that the information‑sharing and resources dedicated in national programmes to the detection and countering undersea infrastructures are not sufficient. However, solutions exist: better EU‑NATO cooperation, investments in backup systems, enhanced collective security in the region, but also a stricter enforcement of the UNCLOS. To conclude, let me underline that undersea infrastructures are the tip of the iceberg: exploding packages, arson attacks, death threats and election interference are happening, and it is our duty to provide our collective answers.

Madam President, a change in the US administration always marks a new chapter in transatlantic relations. This is a moment when Europe must act with clarity, pragmatism and determination to strengthen our transatlantic partnership and shape the next four years. EU‑US relations have been the cornerstone of Western security and stability for decades. NATO has guaranteed us peace and commercial ties with the US have driven prosperity. Both of these elements are the bedrock of our shared strength. This is why I must express my deep disappointment with Prime Minister Donald Tusk's decision not to organise the transatlantic summit that President Andrzej Duda had strongly advocated for. In the current situation, this is a grave mistake with potentially significant consequences at a time when some EU governments still question how they should react to President Trump's electoral victory I cannot stress enough that Europe cannot afford to remain passive. In parallel, the EU must also prepare to invest more in our own interests. We should pursue more robust defence coordination within the EU, without duplicating NATO structures, and work proactively with Washington to bolster deterrence on our eastern flank. This House must seize this change in the White House as an opportunity to deepen our dialogue with the Trump administration.

He talks about introducing preventive censorship when the Ministry of Digitization in my country, Poland, introducing the DSA wants the president of an office dependent on the government to issue orders to block content on the Internet. I am talking about censorship because these decisions are to be applied without the involvement of a court. At the same time, this provision was added to the draft law introducing the DSA after public consultations and citizens will be able to appeal to administrative courts after removing this content. But this procedure will take many months. This is censorship.

Madam President, I'm sorry. Unfortunately, we have heard attempts to relativize freedom of speech during this debate. Therefore, it is necessary to repeat: Freedom of expression is a fundamental human right. Without freedom of expression, there is no democracy. That is why totalitarian regimes create ministries of truth, elaborate censorship systems and gag the lips of citizens. Unlike most of you, I was born in a totalitarian country. I remember perfectly well that the Communists feared nothing more and fought nothing more than freedom of speech. That is why I am horrified to hear my country’s current rulers – but also many European officials – call for a revival of the censorship system. They want to ban inconvenient TV stations or social networks. They want to be thrown out of work or thrown in jail for online posts. This is nothing more than the realization of the nightmare visions of the communists. The DSA was intended to empower citizens in situations of conflict with platform owners, rather than restricting the freedom to express their views. With censorship, democracy dies. That is why I believe that Europeans will not agree to this.

Madam President, today's EU Western Balkans summit is a vital opportunity to reaffirm our commitment to a region of strategic importance. Countries in the Western Balkans aspire to join our Union, and we must provide clear, consistent guidance towards their full integration. They face relentless hybrid threats, disinformation and geopolitical competition. Foreign actors exploit vulnerabilities, undermining our collective stability. Close cooperation with NATO and our transatlantic partners is essential. EU accession must be prepared with responsible governance, robust security frameworks and genuine resilience. I urge the Commission to help counter Russian interference in the region's internal affairs and deepen ties with truly committed candidates. This is not only about enlargement, but also about the security of all Europe.

Madam President, thank you very much. One of the topics of the upcoming summit in Brussels will be the situation in Syria. Rightly so, because the fall of the bloody Assad dictatorship poses many threats. On the one hand, these are threats to the observance of the rights of minorities, religious minorities, and above all the rights of Christians. Christians, worth repeating in this House, are the most persecuted religious minority in the world. There is no community other than the European Community, the European Union, which can take a stand on their behalf. We must do everything to ensure that in the chaos that has taken place in Syria at the moment, they do not suffer. But there is a second threat associated with the new wave of migration. We know that in the last 10 years nearly 5 million Syrians have arrived in the countries of the European Union. We must do everything we can to prevent a new wave of migration. Therefore, this is a very good time to stop the operation of the migration pact, which is very unfavourable for the European Union. More than a year ago, the Polish Prime Minister said in the parliamentary debate that he would not be played in the European Union. Two days later it was decided on the migration pact. Today is the time, Mr Tusk, for the European Union to withdraw from the erroneous decision that was taken in your presence. At the same time, the first summit to be held in Brussels should focus on a trade agreement with Mercosur. I hope that this will not be another case in which the Polish Prime Minister will be deposed in a situation in which this agreement threatens to ruin European agriculture.

Madam President, we all know that Russia's disinformation is not limited to its own borders. It is a global weapon of chaos and manipulation. By twisting facts, faking reputable resources and meddling in elections, Putin aims to sow discord, undermine our unity, and pressure us into abandoning Ukraine. We have yet another recent example. During last year's parliamentary elections in Poland, Russian actors attempted to harm the Law and Justice Party by sending hundreds of thousands of text messages to Polish citizens designed to ridicule and discredit the party, ultimately aimed at eroding its public support and helping the authors of the reset policy towards Putin, who are now in power. Let us be clear today: Russia's war against Ukraine is not grounded in legitimate self-defence or historical claims, but in propaganda that blurs the lines between aggressor and victim while rewriting centuries of Ukrainian history. Madam Vice-President, the expectations are high. We urge you to outline the next initiatives to bolster our common defence and partnership with NATO, ensuring the safety of our citizens.

Mr President, thank you very much. Today we are talking about disinformation campaigns ahead of various elections in Europe in recent times. In recent days, there has been evidence that the Russians tried to interfere in the election campaign before the parliamentary elections in Poland in October 2023. No one else but the liberal media, Gazeta Wyborcza, which is hard to accuse of collaborating with my Law and Justice party, has published evidence that several hundred thousand SMS messages were most likely sent by Russian hackers. Text messages that were supposed to attack the ruling Law and Justice party. At the same time, we have information that from the accounts of companies registered in Estonia and Hungary, a campaign was officially organized to increase turnout in this election. Again, the spots were mainly attacked by the ruling conservative party. The group that ended the erroneous policy of reset with Vladimir Putin and in relations with the Russian leader and brought the greatest help to the fighting Ukraine. Was it a coincidence that the Russians attacked the Law and Justice government before the parliamentary elections? I call for less hypocrisy in this House and for a look at the facts.

Mr President, first of all, let me express deepest condolences to the Syrian people, who lost hundreds of thousands of lives during the 13 years of destructive tyranny and bloody retaliation that followed the Arab Spring, orchestrated by Putin's puppet, Bashar al-Assad. It is a euphemism to say that the change of regime is already having massive repercussions in the region. Russia's and Iran's failed states are suffering a strategic defeat, and other regional and global players are already playing their next hands. Europe must stand prepared to support Syrians in their pursuit of political transition. This includes robust humanitarian assistance, the promotion of inclusive dialogue among all legitimate stakeholders, and the reinforcement of accountability measures for war crimes. In parallel, we must support the new Syrian Government capacity building, ensuring that the population can safely remain in their homeland and preventing any further destabilisation in the country. Last but not least, we cannot forget about Christians who can be in danger right now.

Madam President, the human rights situation in Iran is increasingly deteriorating. Compulsory hijab laws, backed by harsh penalties, is just one facet of the oppression. In every aspect of life – marriage, divorce, custody and public presence – women face systemic discrimination. The regime weaponises its interpretation of Islamic law to restrict women's autonomy, criminalising their defiance. In its prisons, women and girls are systematically targeted with acts of sexual assault and rape – methods of torture that reflect the regime's utter disregard for human dignity and rights. The international community cannot remain passive. Today, we applaud the resilience of Iranian women and stand with them in their fight for justice. We commend the European Union's recent expansion of sanctions on Iran for its military support to Russia, and call for sanctions under the EU global human rights sanctions regime to be extended to all those responsible for human rights violations in Iran.

Madam President, today in your speech the word most frequently mentioned was "competitiveness". And very rightly so, because in recent years the European Union, including under your leadership, has dramatically lost this competitiveness to our global rivals. As we read in the report by Mario Draghi, which you also presented, one of the main reasons for this loss of competitiveness is that, I quote, ‘electricity retail prices – especially for industrial sectors – are now two to three times higher than in the US and China’, which is one of the highest in the world. The main reason for such high energy prices is – I do not hesitate to use the word – the mad plan of the Green Deal. What conclusions do you draw from this? You told us today that not only will you not turn back from the path that is leading the European Union's economy towards disaster, but because you need the votes of the Greens, we will have de facto more of the same in the coming years. Meanwhile, in recent European elections, voters have been clear in favour of change. Unfortunately, in today's speech you proved that you are deaf to the voice of citizens. None of us is questioning the need for environmental action. But the only effect of the current climate policy that European Union citizens are experiencing is more expensive energy, a more expensive car, more expensive heat and more expensive food. We have not heard anything today about withdrawing from the dangerous, harmful migration pact. However, we have been hearing for months about an attempt to introduce a trade agreement with Mercosur, which will be a brutal blow to European agriculture. And although there are many competent candidates in the current composition of the European Commission, such as Mr Fito, Mrs Kallas or Mr Kubilius, there is no indication that this erroneous and harmful policy of the European Commission as a whole will change in any way. We can't have our permission to do that. That is why, as the Law and Justice delegation in the European Parliament, we will vote against this Commission today.

Madam President, Mr President, Commissioner, I would like to express my appreciation of President Niinistö's timely report. It rightly emphasises the need for a comprehensive risk assessment that covers a wide spectrum of threats, including cyberattacks, geopolitical conflicts and climate-related disasters. While the EU possesses a wide array of civilian and military tools, we must strive to better integrate all available instruments. In particular, we need to intensify our efforts in the protection of critical infrastructures and enhance our defence against hybrid threats, including cyberattacks and disinformation campaigns. Regarding EU-NATO cooperation, NATO remains the cornerstone of European defence. It is vital to further nurture this relationship and align our resources and visions strategically to ensure a coherent and robust response to ongoing and future crises. In times of uncertainty, building up our societal resilience is not just important, it is essential. Engaging EU citizens, raising public awareness and equipping individuals with practical knowledge are fundamental steps towards a resilient society. The proposal to establish a European Civil Defence Mechanism to enhance coordination between military and civilian responses is noteworthy. Yet we must ensure that it complements national efforts without creating unnecessary bureaucracy or duplication of existing structures. Finally, as you just said, President, security is not given and we need to invest in it and never take it for granted.

Mr President, today we talk once more about the cruel war into which Ukraine has been forced by Putin's regime. I would like to reiterate that the Ukrainian population and army are a stark example of courage and determination. As the most recent UN report points out, the Russian insatiable cruelty and disdain for human rights and for the Geneva Convention has been again made obvious to all. Putin's frenzy spills over whoever is against his tyrannic ambitions. Soldier Shyshko and US citizen Hubbard are but figureheads of the systemic murders, torture and ill treatment for people in captivity, which Putin is encouraging openly. Bucha and the many other examples of the Russian criminal machine must not fade from our memory or they will happen again in Ukraine and in the EU. We have the power to stop this. We must stand by our ally and deliver the means for this horror to end.