Speeches

Mr President, last month we experienced a low point in this Parliament; we had to discuss the Polish Government questioning the primacy of EU law. Let me stress that I do not want, and also do not expect, to have a similar plenary debate about Slovenia in two years. But, we should have learned by now to read early warning signals. The crumbling of rule of law and democracy often starts with bigger or smaller attacks on the media, judiciary and vulnerable groups. That is why we should take the Slovenian problems with the European Public Prosecutor’s Office and the STA and Prime Minister Janša’s ridiculous and personal attacks on individuals seriously. Although solved partly and extremely late, we should not accept the downplaying of these issues. When dialogue is not sufficient, measures should follow. Not after months, after hesitation by the Commission, but swiftly. It will save time. I’m saying this because I’m on the side of the Slovenian citizens. When political leaders anywhere in Europe are not preserving the positions and the rights of their journalists, judges or minorities, the EU has to step in and support them as effectively as possible.

Mr President, the declaration after the Western Balkans Summit started with a promise of unequivocal support. It left me a bit confused. What does this actually mean? The commitment to a substantial investment package of EUR 30 billion is very welcome. Is that it? Or is it the merit-based approach, but with new demands and surprise vetoes after meeting the criteria? Words matter. Instead of unequivocal support, we can also say: ‘yes, we will fight with you for your future in the EU. No promises on dates. No false hope. But if you deliver to the highest standards, we want you to be part of it.’ Countries perfectly understand we will remain fair and strict. It is in their own interests and in ours. Strict on all our values and equally strict for Member States watering down on them. So no Orbán-Vučić-friendly approach advancing the Serbian candidacy while there are great concerns and no instrumentalising tensions and endangering the Dayton Agreement. But yes, to your leadership in pushing the Council to now deliver for North Macedonia and Albania and to grant visa liberalisation for Kosovo.

Mr President, democracies are founded on one basic principle. Politicians represent their people and they have this power on loan from their people. I’m afraid you have forgotten about this fundamental concept, Prime Minister. The reason, the so-called ruling of the Constitutional Tribunal, is the result of a reckless gambling game putting an entire country at stake. The outcome is serving the interests of the people in power. You, Prime Minister, say yes to the money, but no to the values and the treaties. President von der Leyen, I hope to see decisive and determined action soon. It is good that the Commission presents careful judicial analysis, which is the opposite of the Polish Government’s judicial hooliganism, but no more patience with autocrats. We owe this to the judges under pressure, the ones fired, to the women, to the LGBT community and to all demonstrators. And of course these demonstrators are worried not about Europe or Brussels, but about their democracy and the protection of their rights vis-à-vis their own government. The Polish government tries to create a false contrast between the Polish people and the rest of Europe, and the louder they shout, the clearer it becomes. The opposite is true. We Europeans are the partners of the people in Poland. We will not let ourselves play a part and we will do all we can to protect them against their own autocratic leaders and to preserve their rights and their democracy.

Mr President, Nikita Zolotariov, born in 2004, is a now 17—year—old boy. He was arrested and convicted to almost five years in prison after attending the protests of last year. His parents are unsure if he is still alive because he is dependent on medication. A political prisoner – a child! There are over 700 political prisoners, and Lukashenka has still room and resources to intimidate, and worse still, abroad. I asked in July to start preparing new sanctions, not to lose any time. We need to stop the cynical bargaining, without exceptions among the individual Member States. Instead of cynical bargaining, we need to engage more non—EU countries to achieve the most complete isolation possible. Lukashenko is pushing vulnerable people over the border. This is unacceptable, but pushing them back and leaving them to die can never be the European answer. I urge the Polish authorities to find a solution now in cooperation with the Commission and Member States. And the latter, the Member States, should stop looking away because one Moria is already one too many. Creating many ‘Morias’ at our external borders would be a moral failure.

Mr President, the EU—US Transatlantic Partnership – the renewed reinforced partnership – is opening a new chapter of closer bilateral relations following the election of Joe Biden. The EU and the US are the bedrock of the rules—based international order and champions of multilateralism, democracy and human rights. But we should also acknowledge the differences between the EU and the US, and that is only healthy in a long—standing friendship. A clear, self-confident strategic vision is then necessary. In that sense, the drafting of the EU Strategic Compass is an important step forward, and it should be accompanied with a more united, decisive foreign policy decision—making. An effective transatlantic relationship should focus on what we can do together – what we can do together as two strong partners sharing so much more than what divides us.