Debate contributions by Thijs REUTEN

Madam President, colleagues, Commission, cross-border crimes like migrant smuggling and human trafficking are best tackled with a cross-border approach, so it's only logical to use a cross-border organisation like Europol to establish a coordinated response. Therefore, from the outset, my group has been supportive of efforts to find ways to dismantle and tackle the criminal networks that mislead and misuse migrants. The migrants should never, ever become victims of this approach in any way or form. We have to continue to protect people who are lured by criminals with false promises, only to end up in misery and exploitation. That is why the establishment of the Centre against migrant smuggling and human trafficking in the Europol regulation is a good step. This targeted amendment of Europol's regulation shouldn't have been as complicated as it at some point appeared to be, and I am glad that my colleagues, and also the Council and Commission at the last instance, have come to that realisation and that we managed to keep it focused and limited. It was not easy, given the persistent lobbying activities of the agency itself – and this is a serious point, Commissioner. These activities were frankly not appropriate for an EU agency, and I expect that the Commission will have a conversation with the agency on the whole process. So I would be interested to hear from you, Commissioner, how you experienced this process yourself, and how it was possible that certain elements suddenly appeared at the negotiation table without them being in the position of the Commission, nor the Council, nor Parliament.

Madam President, Commission, Council, dear colleagues, one phone call was enough for Trump to again change his mind. Thankfully, reality kicked in early. Putin is still not interested in peace – surprise, surprise. Ukraine wants peace. We want peace. Real peace involves talks and compromises, yes. The US could play a critical role, but we can do without Witkoff's ignorance, incompetence and conflicts of interest. When Putin thinks he is gaining ground and gets to keep it, he will continue. Putin will not de-escalate unless Europe and the United States firmly and decisively escalate support and pressure. So Europe must take the initiative as a credible, proactive force for peace and not as a background actor for a Trump-Putin tragedy. My proposal: enable deep strikes, boost Ukraine's air defence now, adopt a reparations loan and fair talks framework, starting with a ceasefire but including real security guarantees, accountability, reparations, the children, the prisoners – not just territory. Act, Member States, act to defend Ukraine and Europe!

Madam President, colleagues, imagine not knowing anything about your loved ones for months, for years – convicted on trumped up charges and imprisoned under harsh conditions. It is the reality under the cruel regime of Putin's lapdog, Lukashenka. It is again the reality for the family of opposition leader Mikalai Statkevich, released about six weeks ago – now again imprisoned and incommunicado. Maria Kalesnikava, Alex Bialiatski – incommunicado. It was the reality for years for a brave woman, Sviatlana, who carried a picture of her husband Siarhei everywhere. It's great to have them both here today. For many, the horror of repression and terror continues. For Irina Tkachuk – illegally detained for defending her imprisoned daughter – her untreated health conditions risk irreparable harm. We demand an immediate end to the systematic repression of the Belarusian people and for the unconditional release of all political prisoners. Strengthen the sanctions and do not forget Belarus. Zhyve Belarus!

Madam President, colleagues, Commissioner, one year after Novi Sad, we first and foremost commemorate the victims. We are reminded that corruption is not a victimless crime. In fact, in Serbia today, people are worse off because of endemic corruption and state capture. Civil society and the opposition are criticised time and time again. One year after, we recall violent crackdown, intimidation of peaceful protesters, inappropriate pressure on free media and independent judges, and manipulation of facts for political survival. This is not a government following a path towards the EU. Quite the opposite. And the EU should support the reasonable demands of those in Serbia demanding democracy, transparency and justice. But finally, President von der Leyen changed her language towards the leadership. Well done! But no business as usual at the next meeting, please! I warn the Commission: this should be the start of a more realistic and honest approach, as you outlined, Commissioner. Without that, we won't see the needed reforms and we will not restore the EU's credibility. Bad news for Serbia and for Europe!

Madam President, colleagues, I'm quite disappointed that the Council is not here, but I am sure they are listening carefully. Now is the time to support Ukraine and to show European leadership towards a durable peace. Now is the time to support the Commission's proposals for the reparations loan that is legally sound, avoids confiscation, is morally right, and you have broad support here, Council, to do it. Russia's aggression and responsibility for reparations are indisputable. The process to render binding decisions will take time; time that neither Ukraine nor we have. The strategic moment is now, and I urge you, the Council, to act fast, sending a very clear message to Russia, to the United States and to our Ukrainian friends. We stand with Ukraine for as long as it takes. We want peace – fair, just, durable. But when we and you, Council, were sending these very clear messages, it was a bold message. But bold messages must be accompanied with bold actions to make them a reality. A reparations loan offers the best path forward to strengthen Ukraine's defence, increase the pressure on Russia, and put Europe in a leading position, and to enforce peace. Because it is an advance on reparations that Russia will be obliged to pay; if Russia fails to pay, the reparations that have been agreed or awarded assets should remain frozen or be seized. If Russia pays, Ukraine can pay back. And those still worried about risk, imagine, the long term economic and security costs for our continent if Ukraine fails for lack of money. The reparation loan is a game changer. Now is not the time for short term national interest, but for a strong Union action. Now is the time for the loan.

Mr President, dear colleagues, 15 to 20 years – that's how long some accession countries are in the waiting room. Citizens in and outside the EU become sceptical about our intentions. We need to restore the credibility of enlargement. It's a geopolitical necessity and it makes our Union stronger. It does not mean abandoning merit-based processes. It means we should invest efforts where it's merited. We also need to change our paralysis by design. Hence I welcome the proposal of António Costa: interim benchmarks should not require unanimity. Thank you for your strong stance. Yes, we need reforms. But even without new members, we must adapt to new realities and move towards a more federalist Union, at a minimum on foreign affairs and defence. Let's not use our flaws as an excuse not to live up to the promise of European unification and building that stronger Union.

Madam President, testing us must not be a consequence-free exercise. Russia's hybrid war is not only probing our defences; it's also testing our political resolve. We cannot assume any incursion is accidental. Russia wants us to doubt its intentions. Hybrid war happens because of a deterrence gap. Capabilities mean little without the will to deliver consequences. Putin respects only strength, not diplomacy. And we need clear red lines, credible consequences and preventive measures. And yes, Council, it includes also action on full fossil fuel ban on the assets now, but there's more: binding travel restrictions for so-called Russian diplomats; no free movement; mandatory notification for all travel; real interdiction of the Russian shadow fleet; full synergy with Ukraine's defence industry; integrating them into a strong and efficient European defence against drones, and our best prevention – ensuring that Russia is occupied elsewhere because we have finally provided sufficient military support to Ukraine.

Madam President, Commission, Council, colleagues, the Middle East and the innocent people of Israel and Palestine cannot endure yet another broken promise of peace, sabotaged by extremists from either side once again. And frankly, it saddens me deeply that the Trump plan is the closest to a peace proposal we have seen in years because of our own passivity. And close is not enough. Yes, Hamas must go. Hostages must be freed. But true peace requires ending Hamas's grip. And all those who say that as well in this room must realise that that means strengthening the Palestinian Authority and taking Palestinian self-determination seriously – not about Palestinians without Palestinians. A real two‑state solution, with the West Bank. Not a distant dream, but a decision, now. An immediate ceasefire, humanitarian aid, fair reconstruction, and truth and accountability to heal and restore dignity. The cycle of terror, injustice and inhumanity must end, and Europe can help, but only if we have one voice.

Madam President, colleagues, I will speak in Polish. Poland, we are with you! Yesterday was not an accident – too many drones. And it was not a surprise – too many prior Russian tests of our military preparedness, political solidarity and our resolve. Yesterday was a deliberate attack on Poland and an EU and NATO Member State. And thanks to Poland, NATO, European allies, we passed the test. But they will continue and they will be more numerous. And our response shapes what comes next. Shooting down drones is not enough. We need now a strong, united and visible European deterrence in lockstep with NATO, and together with Ukraine, we must build an eastern shield. The firmness of our European response today will determine how Russia treats us tomorrow, give true meaning to our common security and defence policy, and to our solidarity with Poland and the entire eastern flank.

Mr President, colleagues, Commissioner, Moldova is Europe, and its upcoming elections are the next frontline in Russia's hybrid war: disinformation, dirty money, cyberattacks and even priests spreading Kremlin propaganda. As was said before, this is not just about Chișinău; it's about us. If Russia can break Moldovan democracy, it weakens Europe. And like with the referendum last year, this is a test of our common resolve. I was there in Chișinău, and many in Europe, like myself, were happy with the 50.34 %. Yes! But the real news was that Putin almost succeeded. The EU must stand shoulder to shoulder with Moldovans who want a European future. I welcome the support that the EU has been providing to Moldova, and we must continue to do what's needed to guarantee free elections – free from Russian interference. Democracy is under attack. Let's defend it together!

Madam President, colleagues, for years, the Commission allowed Vučić to steadily undermine popular support for the EU. Instead, Vučić publicly praises his real friends, Russia and China. For years, the EU has not held Vučić to account. Instead, he became more autocratic, shrank the space for free media, civil society and fair elections. For years, all this disenfranchised supporters of a European Serbia and fed ethnonationalism again. For years, the Commission has not defended our values. Instead, we gave Vučić public praise, hoping for him to choose the EU, hoping for stability – but getting the opposite. These failures now represent a serious challenge, and I am glad this House and Commissioner Kos understand that. But where are the Member States, the HR/VP or the President of the Commission? Your appeasement did not work. We need a strong, coordinated EU position, four-square behind those asking for transparency, democracy and fundamental rights, for Serbian citizens and for Europe.

Madam President, with this report Parliament sends a strong signal. Ukraine is part of our European family, and our support for its accession is unwavering. Despite the war, Ukrainian authorities continue to deliver on reforms, and we recognise the progress, but also the difficulties. As true partners, we offer honest, constructive recommendations to Ukraine and to the Commission, so momentum is not lost. But let's be clear. Accession is overshadowed by Ukraine's – and therefore our – existential fight against Russia's aggression, and here it's time to be blunt. We see the same cycle. The US pretends that there will be additional pressure. Putin pretends to talk. Europe hesitates. Pressure fades. Then Putin escalates his violence – and repeat. Ukraine suffers while defending itself and us, and we need to be honest: an unchecked Russia would be a disaster for the whole Union, from Poland to Ireland, from Finland to Greece. Too many Member States still fail to face the truth. We talk in circles – too much talk about Trump, too little action and too little leadership. Let's not fool anyone. This war is not over. Ukraine is brilliantly defending itself and holding the line. It is not losing, but there is no fair and just peace on the horizon, because Putin doesn't want it. Every signal says the opposite, and there's no point talking about security guarantees when we cannot pressure Putin into wanting peace. So our strategy must change: more pressure; more weapons; stronger sanctions; real enforcement; seizing the assets – the Russian assets. Avoiding risk now only guarantees greater risk later. The level of our support determines the level of Ukrainian suffering. We know what to do. We can do more than we think as Europeans, and it's time for Europe not just to support, but to lead. That is how we achieve a just, fair and lasting peace. Thank you to the rapporteur for the cooperation, and Slava Ukraini!

Madam President, the EU and Macedonians share the vision for the country's European future. The very good work of the rapporteur and the negotiations resulted in a comprehensive and balanced report recognising that enlargement decision-making should not be misused to settle bilateral disputes. They require diplomacy based on equal footing. After everything North Macedonia has gone through – up to changing the name of the country – Macedonians' frustration is understandable. However, another constitutional amendment is necessary. But we call on the Council to ensure a credible accession path without new conditions for the next step in the accession. On Macedonian language and identity, let's be short: they exist, and this Parliament respects them. And for the road ahead, I want to encourage our colleagues in the Sobranie and ourselves to think about what to answer our children and grandchildren when they ask us what we did when we had a chance to change the future of a country and of Europe.

Madam President, I stand here rather desperate, to be honest, especially listening to the Commission and Council. But let's try one more time to find unity on one point – on humanitarian values, empathy and respect for the lives of innocent people. We here should, as a minimum, agree to the need to open Gaza for immediate and unrestricted access to humanitarian aid, food and medical supplies into Gaza by independent, internationally respected organisations. This Parliament, it seems, and for sure a large majority of our citizens want this. Our citizens have lost respect for Europe's inaction over Gaza and Europe's double standards. There are no excuses. After all the well-documented violations of international law, the lack of a recommendation to suspend all or part of the agreement is a violation of the Commission's role as guardian of the Treaties, and the High Representative / Vice President knows that. Equally, the Council's lack of action is inexplicable and undermines protection of rules-based international order. We should find the political resolve to ensure that Europe acts now to open Gaza.

Mr President, Commissioner, colleagues, if enlargement is the EU's strongest geopolitical tool, we must urgently make it credible again. History shows enlargement works only when domestic reformers see real rewards and when backsliding carries consequences, when citizens feel tangible benefits, and when EU institutions and Member States speak with one voice – clearly, consistently and honestly, to reinforce local ownership. Instead, what we see is shifting goalposts, appeasement and double standards, especially on Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, North Macedonia, Kosovo and Georgia. This Parliament has sounded the alarm again and again. Reforms cannot succeed without deep democratic transformation. And yet, too often, the EU enables autocrats, excuses kleptocrats and ignores those fighting for the rule of law. Citizens are not blind. They won't wait forever. Enlargement processes have a shelf life and we are close to the expiry date. And meanwhile, Russia and China are more than happy to fill the vacuum we are leaving. So let's be honest, with ourselves and our partners. We need a hard look at what has worked, what has not and what needs fixing. And we need to show enlargement is real by ensuring that at least two countries can join the Union before 2030. Let enlargement become the transformative force it was meant to be, fulfilling the promise of a united Europe as we started working on over 75 years ago.

Mr President, dear High Representative, dear colleagues, I have no sympathy whatsoever for the Iranian autocratic, extremist regime. Its human rights record and threats against Israel are appalling. And Iran must never acquire nuclear weapons. But Israel's recent strike on Iran was not a defence against an imminent threat. This was about derailing diplomacy, about using escalation to distract from its annihilation of Palestinians and from internal problems. And these problems are big because Israeli citizens do see that the release of the hostages, the rule of law and upholding international law was never a priority. Now the European Union: failing for a long time already to propose immediate suspension of the Association Agreement continues to constitute a failure to act under the Treaties. As the guardian of the Treaties, I expect you next Monday to suspend the agreement and to uphold Europe's credibility that rests on equal application of international law. No exceptions, no double standards.

Mr President, Commission, Council, dear colleagues, let me say upfront that I am a little bit impatient, angry even, in particular with the Member States, not with you personally, but with the paralysis. A few weeks ago, European leaders spoke bravely in the presence of President Zelenskyy, but now Europe waits passively for America to realise that Putin's peace negotiations are just a smokescreen and delaying tactics. We know this yields no results. We cannot speak of wake-up calls anymore – we are awake, right? Are we? Because we lack focus, we lack courage, we lack resolve to stop the assault on Ukraine and on the rules-based international order. We see the cruelty against thousands of prisoners of war, political prisoners, even abducted children. We see the daily barbaric attacks on innocent civilians. We see the pure terror of targeting hospitals, schools, markets, playgrounds. Putin's goal is not peace; he seeks the defeat of European democracy, the rule of law and human rights. He remains an existential threat to all of democratic Europe. Ukraine's courageous resistance is our strongest answer. But we are too passive. For example, where are the Patriot systems some EU and NATO allies have enough of? We need them in Ukraine. What Europe needs to do to achieve sustainable peace remains very clear, yet every moment of passivity only increases the risk of our collective failure. So I call on the Commission and the Council to be bolder, braver and faster. Equip Ukraine with everything it needs to fight back: militarily, financially and politically. Prioritise justice, accountability and reparations. Impose our most powerful peace-enforcing sanctions package on Russia. Speed up our independence from Russian fossil fuels, and seize frozen assets to support Ukraine. Seize them! Do not wait for America's approval on everything; Europe must lead decisively. Ukrainians are survivors – I'm not worried about that. But Europe? We control how deep the suffering will be for that survival.

Madam President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, Russian policies supported and carried out by its high level officials have ripped thousands of children from their families, their homes. Think for a second. Just imagine the human suffering and then imagine how barbaric and detached from humanity you have to be to implement it. Such acts are clear war crimes. No peace can be genuine without the safe return of these children and accountability for those responsible. Unfortunately, the US efforts to broker peace ignore precisely these aspects. Moreover, the US halted the funding for crucial tracking and documentation programmes. We must step up now and impose additional sanctions, support initiatives to trace and reunite families, including through funding, and ensure return and accountability as an integral part of any peace agreement. There is no durable peace without justice, and I thank the groups and the colleagues for the good cooperation and the support for this resolution.

Mr President, dear colleagues, dear President of the Commission, Council, the truth is that the past 100 days did not bring us an inch closer to a just peace. And yes, it is up to us to give Ukraine the strength to continue to say no to any bad deal. Russia is neither interested nor compelled to compromise. Territorial concessions, recognising Russia's occupation of Crimea, no security guarantees, no reparations for victims, no release of prisoners, no justice or accountability – that sounds more like forced capitulation. It undermines international law and emboldens further Russian aggression in Europe. The time has come for Europe and its allies to make our approach to peace inevitable. And interestingly enough, from last year, from 5 November, from 20 January to today, our task has not changed. We must increase pressure on Russia where it hurts. Ban the fossil fuels, tighten the sanctions, target the shadow fleet and seize the assets. Seize them! And we need to boost military and financial support to empower Ukraine's defence. Let me give you one example, because the Commission President said it here before in this House: we, the Parliament, were right all along with asking for faster and stronger military support. But let me give you the example of the Patriots. Ukraine needs to defend its cities, and we have the Patriot systems: 42 in Greece, 32 in Türkiye. France has 40. Council, let's not hide behind 'oh, its NATO', 'it's the EU' or 'I cannot do it'. Let's make sure that Ukraine gets the ten Patriot systems. Our task has not changed. Our mission remains clear. Slava Ukraini!

Mr President, dear colleagues, many have spoken, including the Commissioner, about the non-acceptance of Kosovo's EU membership application. The Council lectures Serbia on the normalisation of relations with Kosovo, but it is not capable of doing so itself, although Kosovo's independence has been reviewed by the world's highest court. But now what's interesting is that the Council regularly approves conclusions on enlargement, which in its own words, cover the six – six – Western Balkan partners. Yes, indeed, Kosovo is a partner, sharing our values and geopolitical outlook. The Council continues yet to block the simple acceptance of this partner's membership application. Is this how you treat a partner? So remove these restrictive measures, normalise relations between all EU Member States and Kosovo, recognise it and accept the application. And even without the acceptance, the Commission can already prepare the opinion on Kosovo's application.

Very creative to involve another country here, but I think I have been very clear in the delegation of Montenegro on my position there. I have been clear also today on Vučić. So I think we will have a further discussion on that very soon on Montenegro.

Mr President, dear colleagues, dear Commissioner, we demand impartiality, not neutrality, in enlargement processes. The Commission could no longer turn a blind eye to what is happening in Serbia – civil society intimidation, media suppression, state capture, autocratic drift. Yes, cosying up with Putin made it worse, but that is not the core of the problem, nor is Kosovo. The real issue here is the government's unwillingness to truly choose the European path. The students didn't ask for dialogue, they want rule of law implementation. The Commission's reluctance to attach political consequences or honest communication eroded the EU's credibility. We want Serbia in the EU, but not like this. Dear Commissioner, be aware of the broad majority in this House that sees this clearly and supports you. So feel supported in being impartial, not neutral, in supporting those pushing for real reform, and in telling the truth to the government and the people.

Madam President, colleagues, Commissioner, Council, in today's geopolitical reality, we need to stand together with our best friends, and the EU and the UK are each other's best friends. We have to join forces to preserve our freedom, democracy and security – these core values, which were re‑established with the UK's strong involvement also 80 years ago. As today we celebrate Liberation Day in the Netherlands, I want to thank our British liberators for their incredible contribution in this regard. A united Europe is needed more than ever to face today's challenges. Being a member of the EU or not should be insignificant in this. We cannot be driven apart. The upcoming summit is an excellent opportunity to turn the page and to reshape our future and relationship for our citizens, for Europe. This should start with a new formal security and defence partnership to protect our people, strengthen our deterrence and ensure stability in Europe. Let's get this done together.

Mr President, colleagues, Commissioner Brunner, defence and deterrence, for which we are rightly mobilising billions, are not the same as internal security in the broad sense. But they are connected to weak spots. In that internal security, you do not have a watertight defense. It is a pity that we are not yet familiar with the renewed internal security strategy while we are talking to you here. But one thing is certain: There are weak spots. Foreign interference in elections is not a theoretical example. European citizens are intimidated by autocratic regimes on a daily basis. Cyberattacks can destroy vital infrastructure in one fell swoop. And organised crime is sometimes even intertwined with those same foreign actors. We are constantly being tested. The smooth functioning of our society is actively undermined to make us divided, dependent and vulnerable. Internal cohesion, as you rightly said, Commissioner, is at stake. But if the focus on safety becomes predominant and touches people who have nothing bad in the sense, then it also misses its goal and weakens us too. Strong defence and resilient citizens that we do not fear unnecessarily, but give confidence that we can do so with a robust security strategy – that is a dike that protects and keeps us safe.

Madam President, High Representative, colleagues, if generally, the EU was as principled, firm and engaged about other geopolitical issues as it has been about Russia's full-scale invasion, we would be in a better place. It also shows us once more we need a truly common foreign and defence policy without unanimity, led by you, the HR/VP. But let's be honest: while the EU has indeed led on Ukraine, not all Member States have followed, and we – you, HR/VP and us – are allies here. We understand the difficulty of your role. We must make the capitals understand how serious the situation is. The conversation at the kitchen table in Finland or Estonia should not be different from that in Portugal, Italy or Ireland. It affects all of us alike if we don't get it right. Double standards, a tendency to appeasement and overly passive and soft approaches harm our values and strategic interests. So, this Parliament was right about Ukraine, to quote the Commission presidents. Let's live up to our obligations to Ukraine and ourselves and do what you refer to and look at the numbers that the Kiel Institute presented on spending for Ukraine.