Speeches

Rightly, the overwhelming majority of Council members were outraged by the anti-LGBTQI law introduced by Orbán in Hungary. Orbán has already crossed red lines in the past, but now he has fallen lower than ever. I welcome the reaction of most Heads of State and Government, but that should not end there. The Council must trigger Article 7 against this Hungarian government. All legal means must be implemented in order to show Orbán that he has gone too far. We are a Union of values, whether Orbán likes it or not. He does not want to hear reason, so he must assume the consequences. Hungary's anti-LGBTQI law goes against everything the European Union stands for. When you are a member of the EU, you adhere to our values. This is not an à la carte menu. We must speak out against the deteriorating situation of LGBTQI rights in Hungary. We must act and hold the Hungarian government to account. It is about protecting what is most precious, the freedom of our citizens.

Madam President, the situation is changing very rapidly, in Syria, and in a worrying way. That is why I would like to table the following oral amendment: ‘Expresses its deep concern at the continued fighting in areas such as Aleppo and north-east Syria, which is leading to further displacement and a high number of civilian casualties and creates a serious security risk, in particular due to the flight of Daesh fighters detained in north-east Syria; calls on the international coalition, including the US, to take all necessary and immediate measures without delay to mitigate this security risk;”

Mr President, High Representative, the Iranian regime already had a long history: He had suppressed his people's aspirations for freedom, helped Bashar al-Assad, Hamas, Hezbollah and the Houthis, attacked Israel, developed a clandestine nuclear program, supported Russia in Ukraine and launched cyberattacks in Europe. Now he's turned into a real butcher: The mullahs, unable to offer a future to their people, had him shot by the guardians of the revolution. Terror reigns in Tehran. And yet, there are still European countries, including my own, that are hesitant to classify pAsdaran as a terrorist entity. What do they need? What are they waiting for? That a handful of Revolutionary Guards dissociate themselves from the Supreme Leader and make a coup d'état, to save their backs and maintain their grip on the country? Wouldn't Iran deserve better than that? While Donald Trump has already forgotten Iran and handed over to the regime by abandoning the demonstrators to their fate, let us at least do what we can so that the butchers of Tehran feel the pressure rising on them and that their crimes do not remain without consequences.

Mr President, Commissioner, there are elected representatives in our house of democracy, yes, elected representatives, who do not want democracy to be protected. Fortunately, they are in the minority, but they give voice, as we have just heard. They wouldn't want you to do anything. But there is a majority in this House, and I am concerned about the relentless attacks on our democracies. I ask you to listen to the voice of this majority that urges you to do more. You promise us to enforce our European laws by the tech giants. This is the least that can be expected of the Commission. But, alas, we are still waiting. Do you want to support the media? So don't wait any longer. Let's demand that news journalism has more visibility online than disinformation content, let's focus on truthfulness over virality. The time has finally come to understand that what we criticise on social networks – not to correspond to our European values – we will always criticise them, and for a simple reason: they are not European, nor X, nor TikTok, nor any. The time has come to promote the emergence of European platforms serving not users, but citizens, not for immediate profit, but for our society and our democracy.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, I hesitated when I came this morning about what I was going to say: Congratulate me or get impatient. There is indeed something to be satisfied with, with modesty of course, but also something to question. Let's start with the half-full glass. Today we are putting to your vote a good text, a text that makes it possible to move away from the urgent logic with which we have dealt with defence issues so far, and to start setting up structured European support for increasing our defence capabilities and reducing their fragmentation. I am particularly pleased that we have reached a firm and clear agreement in favour of European preference. This is an important achievement that we must maintain in all the other instruments that we are going to put in place in the field of defence. We have also succeeded, and this is a first, in putting in place an incentive to build up stocks of military equipment and an emergency mechanism in the event of a crisis in the supply of such equipment. All this must be welcomed, and I am pleased that my Renew Group has helped to find the necessary compromises. But still, I would not want to pour into self-satisfaction. While our fellow citizens tell us day after day that they want a European defence, it took us more than a year to adopt this programme. And while the expectations are immense, the ambition of EDIP is great, its budget is unfortunately very insufficient. So, if I want to acknowledge the role of Commissioner Kubilius, if I want to thank all the co-rapporteurs who have honoured our Parliament, I say to all of us, when we see that the account is not quite there, on the resources devoted to EDIP: can do better.

Madam President, I refer to Rule 150 of our Rules of Procedure. Ladies and gentlemen, you asked in January for the release of Boualem Sansal, and today, as we speak, Boualem Sansal is free. I would like to thank you, ladies and gentlemen, for having all, as Europeans, wished for the release of this Franco-Algerian, this writer whose place had never been in prison. I would like to thank and congratulate the French diplomacy and the German diplomacy, which worked together for his release. I would like to recall the fate of French journalist Christophe Gleizes, who is still detained in Algeria for investigating an Algerian football team. A journalist’s place is not in prison. Imprisoning journalists means attacking freedom of expression and democracy. In the same way, those in this Chamber who attack journalists when they have the misfortune of not sharing their opinions are undermining democracy. Long live the freedom of Boualem Sansal! Long live freedom of expression!

Madam President, I complain to the Hungarian people. I pity him because he is a great people and Viktor Orbán misrepresents him. I pity him because he learned, like us, that Viktor Orbán had the European institutions spied on, as if Hungary were the enemy of our Union. I pity him because he learned, like us, that drones from Hungary had flown over Ukraine, as if Budapest was Kiev's enemy. The Hungarian people want to know everything about the practices of Viktor Orbán and Oliver Várhelyi. I want to help him. On the European Commission's spying scandal, we need a commission of inquiry. Until then, the special committee that I chair will receive, on November 5, the journalists who investigated this case. Remember this date. It's another date I don't forget. On October 23, tomorrow, Hungary will celebrate the beginning of the 1956 uprising. Let us never forget that the great Hungarian people stood up against Russian oppression and fought for their freedom.

Mr. President, Donald Trump deserves a Nobel Prize, but only one, that of inconstancy. We can't count on him. Ukraine cannot count on him. One day Russia is a paper tiger, another he had a very good conversation with Vladimir Putin and wants to meet him in Budapest. And then he doesn't want to anymore. But enough about Donald Trump. Expecting him to make the right decisions, we waste our time. Let us decide for ourselves, let us act for ourselves and for Ukraine. Ukraine needs weapons, not kisses between Trump, Putin and Orbán. Let's use frozen Russian assets for Russia to pay the price of its war. Ukraine needs us to increase pressure on Moscow and stop importing Russian gas that bails out the Kremlin's coffers. We don't have to go to Budapest. Volodymyr Zelensky neither today nor later. Vladimir Putin cannot be welcomed because Hungary is still bound by its international obligations. And, let's remember, Vladimir Putin's place is in The Hague, not Budapest.

Mr President, I would like to make a point of order under Rules 10 and 183 of our Rules of Procedure. These articles specify that a Member of the European Parliament must preserve the dignity of Parliament, not damage its reputation and that he may be punished if he fails to fulfil his obligations. We knew that our colleague Rima Hassan had shown no compassion for the victims of the October 7 pogrom. We now find that it condones the abuses committed by Hamas against Palestinians in the Gaza Strip. One might have hoped that her political group would sanction her, but I fear that this hope would be in vain. I therefore ask you, Mr President, to ensure the dignity of our Parliament and to take the necessary measures.

Mr President, in technocratic language, what the European Commission accuses Google of is an abuse of a dominant position. The context is actually much darker. The very existence of quality press and professional and verified information is now threatened by the tech giants. They chose to monetize just about everything except what should count as a priority: the integrity of the information. It is better today to be an influencer. It is better to spread disinformation en masse. It is even possible to be subject to the sanctions of the European Union and you will be paid by social networks. Meanwhile, the press is suffocated, its revenues are diminishing, its online visibility is lost. It is not only the survival of an economic sector that is at stake, it is one of the pillars of our democracies that is weakened. Any Democrat should be moved by it, and yet the Trump administration is attacking us. For once the Commission recalls our rules and the respect they deserve, Washington is threatening new tariffs. My message to the Commission is simple: Don't tremble, don't be intimidated. You're announcing a democratic shield, all right. Start by protecting our democracies by protecting the press.

Madam President, we learned a few days ago that President Putin had called President Trump and that President Trump had found it to be a very good conversation. We then learned that President Trump had received President Zelensky and refused to deliver Tomahawk missiles to him, and that it had actually gone very wrong. We are now learning that President Trump wants to meet with President Putin in Budapest. In the light of these latest developments, I would indeed like to request the addition of the following debate, Wednesday, in third position, without resolution: "Declarations of the Council and the Commission – The need for united support for Ukraine and for a just and lasting peace, decided by Ukraine with the Europeans and without bowing to Vladimir Putin's conditions, ahead of what would be called the Budapest Summit".

Madam President, while Russian drones were flying over our countries, drones from Hungary were flying over Ukraine. It is the same provocation, the same denial of sovereignty. Moreover, Viktor Orbán dared to deny Ukraine’s sovereignty. It must be denounced in our resolution. I am surprised, Madam President, that your services have objected to my tabling a written amendment. That is why I am tabling an oral amendment. Perhaps some on the far right will oppose it and, if they do, they will tell us that they are not only friends of Viktor Orbán, but also of Vladimir Putin. The oral amendment I am submitting to you is as follows: "underlines that EU Member States must under no circumstances engage in voluntary violations of the sovereign airspace of other Member States or EU candidate countries, as has recently been the case, regrettably, since Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán admitted that drones launched from Hungarian territory had penetrated the Ukrainian sky".

Madam President, who would want a nuclear-armed Iran? Let's be clear: No one. For decades, the Iranian regime has pursued two obsessions: the destruction of Israel and access to nuclear weapons. Obviously, we can't let him do it. On that basis, Europe has acted responsibly. Without the Europeans, there would have been no negotiations and the Vienna Agreement would have lacked firmness. Thanks to the JCPOA, Iranian enrichment activities were both limited and controlled. Unfortunately, we are not there anymore. Donald Trump, by withdrawing from the JCPOA, has given Iran every pretext to stop respecting it. Tehran has developed a uranium enrichment programme that could only be justified by military ambitions. While striking Iran, Israel and the US have weakened and delayed this programme, they have unfortunately not wiped it out. Today, the risk of proliferation, in the Middle East as elsewhere in the world, is real and the Iranian nuclear issue is not really resolved. Tehran could have chosen to pledge; He preferred to procrastinate. We Europeans must continue to act responsibly and reintroduce sanctions, as it is unthinkable to let Iran acquire nuclear weapons.

Ms Furet, your political party has a privilege to have a long-standing and privileged relationship with the Russian authorities. Many trips, many financial relationships, make you have their phone number. If you think appeasement is useful – ‘appeasement’ is a funny word if we know a little about its history – I urge you to call on the Russian authorities and ask them to stop the continuous provocations against our countries, be it cyber-attacks, sabotage or overflights of Russian fighter jets. What does it take to unscrew your eyes so that you see what this hybrid war and this grey zone really represent, and that you finally accept, you who call yourselves patriotic, to protect the Europeans?

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, Europe is no longer only threatened today; It's provoked. It is no longer just hybrid attacks that target us. Flying over sovereign airspace by fighter jets or military drones is not a hybrid act; this is a deliberate violation of sovereignty. Given the gravity of the situation, I express my full solidarity with all the European states that have been provoked in the East and North of our Union. We are a Union because we stand in solidarity, let’s not forget it. Let us also not forget that our people are worried. Faced with the confusion that Russia is trying to sow, we must speak clearly and act accordingly. What is Russia playing? It provokes us to try to intimidate us and to divert our attention from Ukraine and the places it tramples. By violating our airspace, Moscow is inflating its muscles and trying to pretend to be stronger than it is. Its weakness must be seen in the face. I am also somewhat perplexed. In the face of Russian provocations, our collective reaction is seriously unclear. NATO is struggling to name Russia and denounce the intentional nature of violations of our airspace. If, as we all think, Vladimir Putin tests us, this is not a very good way to pass this test. We are also struggling to protect ourselves from its incursions of planes and drones. Three years. Three years after the invasion of Ukraine, and despite our urgent calls to prepare, we are therefore not ready. The Commission is talking to us today about a wall of drones, the Council is reluctant. What are we doing? When? How? How long are we going to look like rabbits caught in the headlights of a car? I will conclude by sharing my conviction: We know that the best way to protect ourselves and our people from the Russian threat is to help Ukraine win the war and weaken Russia. The best way to respond to a drone overflight is to fund more military support in Kiev. The best way to protect our skies tomorrow is to protect the Ukrainian skies today. We know what we have to do. We must not give in to provocation, intimidation or paralysis.

Mr President, the horror and dread struck Christians in Syria when a suicide attack killed 25 worshippers and injured more than 60 in the Church of St Elijah in Damascus. Horror and dread had struck the Alawite community a few months ago. The Kurds are worried, the Druze are worried. Here in Europe, the attitude of the new Syrian authorities is being scrutinised. We do well to worry about the fate of Syria and the Syrians, but, frankly, very few of us were moved when Bashar al-Assad pitted the Syrians against each other and the country had half a million dead. All Syrian communities then suffered: the majority Sunnis and all minorities, caught between a regime backed by Russia and Iran on the one hand and Daesh on the other. Today, the new authorities are alone. Daesh is weakened, but still there. Syria is fragile, and neither Turkey nor Israel is helping to stabilise it. It is up to us to ensure the protection of all communities in Syria without exception, to continue to fight Daesh, and also – perhaps especially – avoid using the cause of today’s Christians to cover up the past complicities of certain politicians, including in this Parliament, alongside the ‘Damascus Butcher’.

Madam President, Nika Melia, Nika Gvaramia, Mamouka Khazaradze, Badri Japaridze, Irakli Okrouashvili, Guiorgui Vacharidze Guiorgui Targamadze, Zourab Japaridze and of course Mikheil Saakashvili: The entire Georgian opposition is now being prosecuted, much of it in prison. Mzia Amaglobeli is in detention. His health is getting worse. She is in detention, like other journalists. Guiorgui Ramichvili, entrepreneur, was arrested. Protesters who, tirelessly, take to the streets every night, risk growing bigger and bigger. What's wrong with all of them? Do not flatten, do not want Georgia to move in a few months from a pro-European democracy to a pro-Russian dictatorship. We must support the Georgian people because they believe in Europe and we have a duty not to disappoint them, and we must completely isolate the Tbilisi regime that stole the elections and wants to turn Georgia into a new Belarus.

Madam President, "Russia is a military power with dreams of empire": this is not mine, I quote Mme Von der Leyen. I can also quote Kaja Kallas, on February 20, expressing doubts about the American mediation or acknowledging, on February 24, in Kiev, that European aid to Ukraine is not enough. So let me ask you a question: What are we doing here, sitting, debating, when we don't have a minute to lose? Ukraine is our first shield against Russian imperialism and Ukraine needs us. But today, no one can say how our military aid to Kiev will be financed in the future. The European defence investment programme submitted to us does not propose any euro for Ukraine. The High Representative's efforts to raise €40 billion for Kiev have fallen to €5 billion and have still not been successful. What are we playing? Why do European leaders continue to ignore this Parliament's calls to use frozen Russian assets? You'll tell me I'm talking about war, not peace. No one more than the Ukrainians wants peace, but no one less than Russia is ready for it. We must step up our aid to Ukraine, our pressure on Russia and create the conditions for a fair negotiation in which we must take our full place. For, let's face it, Donald Trump understands nothing about Ukraine and he understands nothing about Europe. It is therefore up to us to put an end to a war that primarily threatens our security.

Madam President, dear British friends. The EU-UK summit gives us the historic opportunity to repair our relationship. There are thousands of good reasons to do it, whereas there was none to damage old ties in the first place. We share the same aspirations and face the same challenges on both sides of the channel. All leaders have expressed political will to work more and better together. Now is the time to turn words into deeds. A credible European defence must partner with the UK as a priority, building on the coalition of the willing for Ukraine. Let's make it happen. Let's also prioritise the young generations in our decisions. Since Brexit, London deprives itself of talented young Europeans for no reason. Let's build a youth mobility scheme. Every side has to make efforts. We must be more welcoming towards British touring artists. You, dear British friends, must be more welcoming towards European fishermen. Because in both cases, it would make only winners and no losers. Dear British friends, it is time to get out of splendid isolation and to enjoy again a European entente cordiale.

Mr President, I have just over a minute to tell you about more than a million deaths: victims of the genocide committed against Armenians by the Ottoman Empire. It would probably take a minute of silence, but not: There is already too much silence. This silence is the one that has been deplored for so long by the Turkish authorities. In this country, which so often refers to its history, it is impossible to talk about the genocide of the Armenians. Those who risk it are prosecuted and convicted. It is true that many people continue and condemn in Turkey, especially for ideas. As the Turks demonstrate in large numbers against the attacks on freedoms in their country, I would like to ask them to look at their past with as much lucidity as their present. One can be a great country by having committed great faults, provided one recognizes them. Armenia is now ready for peaceful relations with Turkey, despite a tragic history that it has not forgotten. In this month of commemoration of the genocide against Armenians, I wish Turkey to face its past and build a harmonious future with Armenia. Turkey has everything to gain from this, starting with its honour.

Madam President, "you must always be ready. Make sure you look at things from all angles. If you are not prepared, you will fail.” It is not you, Commissioner, who express yourself in this way, it is Benjamin Franklin. If Benjamin Franklin lived today, his appeal would probably be even more pressing. We have just experienced a pandemic, the war has returned to Europe, our democracies are under attack, and climate change is still in its infancy. We Europeans have shown that we are not bad at responding to crises, although we have not learned enough to prevent or prepare for them. This requires us to change our habits and, above all, to come together. As long as public power and the private sector remain at a distance, as long as the state protects citizens without involving them in a necessary foresight effort, as long as we focus on what divides us rather than cherishing what brings us together, our societies will not be ready to face extreme situations. The peoples of Europe are fully aware of the threats they face. They expect us to act, but they also want to take their part. If we come together, if everyone's efforts and responsibility add up, at the most local level as well as at European level, we will be able to ward off fate and preserve what we are most committed to: our freedoms and the future of our children.