Debate contributions by Nathalie LOISEAU

Madam President, we learned a few days ago that President Putin had called President Trump and that President Trump had found it to be a very good conversation. We then learned that President Trump had received President Zelensky and refused to deliver Tomahawk missiles to him, and that it had actually gone very wrong. We are now learning that President Trump wants to meet with President Putin in Budapest. In the light of these latest developments, I would indeed like to request the addition of the following debate, Wednesday, in third position, without resolution: "Declarations of the Council and the Commission – The need for united support for Ukraine and for a just and lasting peace, decided by Ukraine with the Europeans and without bowing to Vladimir Putin's conditions, ahead of what would be called the Budapest Summit".

Madam President, while Russian drones were flying over our countries, drones from Hungary were flying over Ukraine. It is the same provocation, the same denial of sovereignty. Moreover, Viktor Orbán dared to deny Ukraine’s sovereignty. It must be denounced in our resolution. I am surprised, Madam President, that your services have objected to my tabling a written amendment. That is why I am tabling an oral amendment. Perhaps some on the far right will oppose it and, if they do, they will tell us that they are not only friends of Viktor Orbán, but also of Vladimir Putin. The oral amendment I am submitting to you is as follows: "underlines that EU Member States must under no circumstances engage in voluntary violations of the sovereign airspace of other Member States or EU candidate countries, as has recently been the case, regrettably, since Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán admitted that drones launched from Hungarian territory had penetrated the Ukrainian sky".

Madam President, who would want a nuclear-armed Iran? Let's be clear: No one. For decades, the Iranian regime has pursued two obsessions: the destruction of Israel and access to nuclear weapons. Obviously, we can't let him do it. On that basis, Europe has acted responsibly. Without the Europeans, there would have been no negotiations and the Vienna Agreement would have lacked firmness. Thanks to the JCPOA, Iranian enrichment activities were both limited and controlled. Unfortunately, we are not there anymore. Donald Trump, by withdrawing from the JCPOA, has given Iran every pretext to stop respecting it. Tehran has developed a uranium enrichment programme that could only be justified by military ambitions. While striking Iran, Israel and the US have weakened and delayed this programme, they have unfortunately not wiped it out. Today, the risk of proliferation, in the Middle East as elsewhere in the world, is real and the Iranian nuclear issue is not really resolved. Tehran could have chosen to pledge; He preferred to procrastinate. We Europeans must continue to act responsibly and reintroduce sanctions, as it is unthinkable to let Iran acquire nuclear weapons.

Ms Furet, your political party has a privilege to have a long-standing and privileged relationship with the Russian authorities. Many trips, many financial relationships, make you have their phone number. If you think appeasement is useful – ‘appeasement’ is a funny word if we know a little about its history – I urge you to call on the Russian authorities and ask them to stop the continuous provocations against our countries, be it cyber-attacks, sabotage or overflights of Russian fighter jets. What does it take to unscrew your eyes so that you see what this hybrid war and this grey zone really represent, and that you finally accept, you who call yourselves patriotic, to protect the Europeans?

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, Europe is no longer only threatened today; It's provoked. It is no longer just hybrid attacks that target us. Flying over sovereign airspace by fighter jets or military drones is not a hybrid act; this is a deliberate violation of sovereignty. Given the gravity of the situation, I express my full solidarity with all the European states that have been provoked in the East and North of our Union. We are a Union because we stand in solidarity, let’s not forget it. Let us also not forget that our people are worried. Faced with the confusion that Russia is trying to sow, we must speak clearly and act accordingly. What is Russia playing? It provokes us to try to intimidate us and to divert our attention from Ukraine and the places it tramples. By violating our airspace, Moscow is inflating its muscles and trying to pretend to be stronger than it is. Its weakness must be seen in the face. I am also somewhat perplexed. In the face of Russian provocations, our collective reaction is seriously unclear. NATO is struggling to name Russia and denounce the intentional nature of violations of our airspace. If, as we all think, Vladimir Putin tests us, this is not a very good way to pass this test. We are also struggling to protect ourselves from its incursions of planes and drones. Three years. Three years after the invasion of Ukraine, and despite our urgent calls to prepare, we are therefore not ready. The Commission is talking to us today about a wall of drones, the Council is reluctant. What are we doing? When? How? How long are we going to look like rabbits caught in the headlights of a car? I will conclude by sharing my conviction: We know that the best way to protect ourselves and our people from the Russian threat is to help Ukraine win the war and weaken Russia. The best way to respond to a drone overflight is to fund more military support in Kiev. The best way to protect our skies tomorrow is to protect the Ukrainian skies today. We know what we have to do. We must not give in to provocation, intimidation or paralysis.

Mr President, the horror and dread struck Christians in Syria when a suicide attack killed 25 worshippers and injured more than 60 in the Church of St Elijah in Damascus. Horror and dread had struck the Alawite community a few months ago. The Kurds are worried, the Druze are worried. Here in Europe, the attitude of the new Syrian authorities is being scrutinised. We do well to worry about the fate of Syria and the Syrians, but, frankly, very few of us were moved when Bashar al-Assad pitted the Syrians against each other and the country had half a million dead. All Syrian communities then suffered: the majority Sunnis and all minorities, caught between a regime backed by Russia and Iran on the one hand and Daesh on the other. Today, the new authorities are alone. Daesh is weakened, but still there. Syria is fragile, and neither Turkey nor Israel is helping to stabilise it. It is up to us to ensure the protection of all communities in Syria without exception, to continue to fight Daesh, and also – perhaps especially – avoid using the cause of today’s Christians to cover up the past complicities of certain politicians, including in this Parliament, alongside the ‘Damascus Butcher’.

Madam President, Nika Melia, Nika Gvaramia, Mamouka Khazaradze, Badri Japaridze, Irakli Okrouashvili, Guiorgui Vacharidze Guiorgui Targamadze, Zourab Japaridze and of course Mikheil Saakashvili: The entire Georgian opposition is now being prosecuted, much of it in prison. Mzia Amaglobeli is in detention. His health is getting worse. She is in detention, like other journalists. Guiorgui Ramichvili, entrepreneur, was arrested. Protesters who, tirelessly, take to the streets every night, risk growing bigger and bigger. What's wrong with all of them? Do not flatten, do not want Georgia to move in a few months from a pro-European democracy to a pro-Russian dictatorship. We must support the Georgian people because they believe in Europe and we have a duty not to disappoint them, and we must completely isolate the Tbilisi regime that stole the elections and wants to turn Georgia into a new Belarus.

Madam President, "Russia is a military power with dreams of empire": this is not mine, I quote Mme Von der Leyen. I can also quote Kaja Kallas, on February 20, expressing doubts about the American mediation or acknowledging, on February 24, in Kiev, that European aid to Ukraine is not enough. So let me ask you a question: What are we doing here, sitting, debating, when we don't have a minute to lose? Ukraine is our first shield against Russian imperialism and Ukraine needs us. But today, no one can say how our military aid to Kiev will be financed in the future. The European defence investment programme submitted to us does not propose any euro for Ukraine. The High Representative's efforts to raise €40 billion for Kiev have fallen to €5 billion and have still not been successful. What are we playing? Why do European leaders continue to ignore this Parliament's calls to use frozen Russian assets? You'll tell me I'm talking about war, not peace. No one more than the Ukrainians wants peace, but no one less than Russia is ready for it. We must step up our aid to Ukraine, our pressure on Russia and create the conditions for a fair negotiation in which we must take our full place. For, let's face it, Donald Trump understands nothing about Ukraine and he understands nothing about Europe. It is therefore up to us to put an end to a war that primarily threatens our security.

Madam President, dear British friends. The EU-UK summit gives us the historic opportunity to repair our relationship. There are thousands of good reasons to do it, whereas there was none to damage old ties in the first place. We share the same aspirations and face the same challenges on both sides of the channel. All leaders have expressed political will to work more and better together. Now is the time to turn words into deeds. A credible European defence must partner with the UK as a priority, building on the coalition of the willing for Ukraine. Let's make it happen. Let's also prioritise the young generations in our decisions. Since Brexit, London deprives itself of talented young Europeans for no reason. Let's build a youth mobility scheme. Every side has to make efforts. We must be more welcoming towards British touring artists. You, dear British friends, must be more welcoming towards European fishermen. Because in both cases, it would make only winners and no losers. Dear British friends, it is time to get out of splendid isolation and to enjoy again a European entente cordiale.

Mr President, I have just over a minute to tell you about more than a million deaths: victims of the genocide committed against Armenians by the Ottoman Empire. It would probably take a minute of silence, but not: There is already too much silence. This silence is the one that has been deplored for so long by the Turkish authorities. In this country, which so often refers to its history, it is impossible to talk about the genocide of the Armenians. Those who risk it are prosecuted and convicted. It is true that many people continue and condemn in Turkey, especially for ideas. As the Turks demonstrate in large numbers against the attacks on freedoms in their country, I would like to ask them to look at their past with as much lucidity as their present. One can be a great country by having committed great faults, provided one recognizes them. Armenia is now ready for peaceful relations with Turkey, despite a tragic history that it has not forgotten. In this month of commemoration of the genocide against Armenians, I wish Turkey to face its past and build a harmonious future with Armenia. Turkey has everything to gain from this, starting with its honour.

Madam President, "you must always be ready. Make sure you look at things from all angles. If you are not prepared, you will fail.” It is not you, Commissioner, who express yourself in this way, it is Benjamin Franklin. If Benjamin Franklin lived today, his appeal would probably be even more pressing. We have just experienced a pandemic, the war has returned to Europe, our democracies are under attack, and climate change is still in its infancy. We Europeans have shown that we are not bad at responding to crises, although we have not learned enough to prevent or prepare for them. This requires us to change our habits and, above all, to come together. As long as public power and the private sector remain at a distance, as long as the state protects citizens without involving them in a necessary foresight effort, as long as we focus on what divides us rather than cherishing what brings us together, our societies will not be ready to face extreme situations. The peoples of Europe are fully aware of the threats they face. They expect us to act, but they also want to take their part. If we come together, if everyone's efforts and responsibility add up, at the most local level as well as at European level, we will be able to ward off fate and preserve what we are most committed to: our freedoms and the future of our children.

Madam President, I only have one minute and I will not go four ways. If Europe wants to remain at peace, there is only one way: We need to support Ukraine militarily, massively and immediately. Unfortunately, the time for peace has not yet come in Ukraine. The lame ceasefires proposed by Washington only emboldened Vladimir Putin. If we want a just and lasting peace, we must allow Kiev to negotiate in a position of strength. We must of course strengthen our European defence against the Russian threat, but we must also reduce this threat by better supporting Ukrainian resistance against Russia, and do so quickly. The failure of the European Council of 20 March, dear High Representative, to agree on additional military aid to Ukraine is a historic mistake. Weakening Russia today in Ukraine is much more effective and less costly than defending against a tenfold Russian threat tomorrow. Finally, let's stop commenting on Donald Trump's latest protrusions. We can no longer count on Washington, which negotiates without us and badly. Ukraine and the rest of the world are wondering if we have finally become adults, finally able to help our allies alone. If we prove it, we will be taken seriously; If we fail, no one will rely on us anymore.

Mr President, we are gathered today to demand the release of the 23 Armenian hostages held by Baku who are facing an unfair trial. I wanted this resolution and I thank my co-sponsors. The current trial has nothing to envy to the Stalinist trials. The accused are deprived of everything and are subjected to ill-treatment. Their only crime is to be Armenians. I would like to address Kaja Kallas, regretting that once again she is not here to listen to us. Madam High Representative, I would like to congratulate you on sending material to Armenia within the framework of the European Peace Facility. I would also like to welcome the extension of the mandate of the European Union Mission in Armenia, EUMA, which is doing an excellent job. I even strongly encourage you to go and see it on the ground for yourself. Madam High Representative, I was in Armenia recently and I hope you will be there soon. You will see a country that wants peace, that dreams of Europe, but is confronted with a neighbor, Azerbaijan, which continues to threaten it and is one of Russia's best allies. I hope you will resist those who advise you the equidistance between Yerevan and Baku. I also hope that you will remember that Azerbaijan is pursuing a policy of hostile interference vis-à-vis France, which cannot remain without consequences. In short, I ask you to listen to and implement what this Parliament has been asking of you for a long time and with insistence.

Mr President, we hear a lot about frozen Russian assets, in particular that their confiscation would be illegal. I recommend reading ‘The Responsibility of States for Internationally Wrongful Acts’, a document adopted by the United Nations Commission on International Law in 2001. That document recognises the right of an assaulted State to take countermeasures against the aggressor State as compensation for the damage caused. The responsibility of the Russian Federation as an aggressor state has just been recalled by the UN General Assembly, and there is no doubt that Ukraine is entitled to take countermeasures as reparations. It would therefore be up to Ukraine to act; But, here, the Russian assets are elsewhere, especially at home. We cannot seize them ourselves, but we can lend Ukraine an amount equivalent to these assets, guaranteed by Ukraine’s claim to receive compensation from Russia. As for those who fear to scare away investors, I would like to remind them that these investors have seen us freeze Russian assets. They know what to stick to and have not run away. We gave them a clear and, I believe, salutary message: one does not invade one’s neighbour with impunity. As you can see, ladies and gentlemen, it is all about political will. When there is a will, there is a way. So let's take this path without delay.

Madam President, blood is flowing again in Syria: More than 1,000 deaths between Tartus and Latakia. Supporters of the former regime, suspected to have been armed by Iran and piloted by Russia, cracked the match, and fire caught on. Pro-Turkish militias and foreign jihadists responded with abject ferocity. The violence of the past few days, unashamedly exploited by Bashar al-Assad’s servants, including in this Parliament, while covering half a million dead, speaks volumes about the state in which 50 years of dictatorship have left Syria: torn apart by communal turmoil and plagued by the most toxic foreign interventions. What should Europe do? Helping the exhausted population emerging from years of darkness, ensuring that the power in place aligns its actions with its words, continuing to fight Daesh, which remains a threat, and helping to stabilise Syria. We will have to be all the more committed as the US risks turning away from there as well as elsewhere. The stability of the new Syria is in our interest and that of the region.

Madam President, Europe of defence was born last Thursday. It was unfortunately a labor in pain. It took the rapprochement between Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin to finally listen to those who have been advocating for European strategic autonomy for years. I will not give in to the ease of reminding you that we told you that, because no one imagined that the United States would turn its back on its allies and flatten itself in front of its adversaries. I would rather tell you that there is no longer a minute to lose. I therefore welcome the plan proposed by the President of the Commission, but I warn us all: what Ursula von der Leyen proposes is little and it is late. This is little, as it is almost exclusively based on a voluntary approach by Member States. However, while many have already increased their defence spending, some are stubbornly lagging behind. This is little, because there is nothing to say that we will solve our main weaknesses, those that result from the fragmentation of our defence industries and those that are the result of a toxic paradox: our industries are primarily exporting outside the European Union, and most of our countries are buying mainly from outside Europe. We can no longer afford it and we absolutely have to assume a strong European preference – finally! Ursula von der Leyen’s plan comes after decades of indolence. Above all, it is not clear how we will massively help Ukraine; massively, because our security depends on it; massively, because we are increasingly alone in doing so. So let us salute last Thursday's Council, but let us be lucid: This is only a first step. Defending Europeans is an ardent obligation, which will require efforts and, sometimes, sacrifices. Preserving peace in Europe comes at this price.

Madam President, 'I do not agree with what you say, but I will fight to the death so that you have the right to say it'. This phrase, no one knows if Voltaire really uttered it, but it has passed through the centuries as a light passes through the night. Today, it is with Boualem Sansal in mind that I pronounce it. I don't always agree with what he said, or where he said it, and it doesn't matter at all. The place of a writer is not in prison, Boualem Sansal has nothing to do behind bars, it is as simple as that. I don't care if it's the Algerian justice system that keeps him in detention; If he were imprisoned in France or elsewhere, I would like him to be free in the same way. I have no account to settle with Algeria, nor any special duty towards it. I was born after independence and I cultivate my own. I urge you all to ask for freedom for Boualem Sansal, without any ulterior motive and without any reluctance, because what this elderly and fragile man endures is unworthy and unjust, and because through him it is freedom that is muzzled, that of pleasing or displeasing on one side or the other of the Mediterranean. Finally, I would like to quote another Algerian writer, Kamel Daoud: A country that treats its writers badly is a country that misses its future.

Madam President, what if Donald Trump was right? What if we had to do more to defend ourselves? The answer is yes, of course. We do not outsource our security, unless we say that we do not take it seriously. It took the Russian aggression against Ukraine for us to start waking up. It may take a second Trump presidency for us to finally get up. Strengthening European defence is not an ideological marotte. This is what our compatriots rightly and insistently ask of us. Strengthening European defence is also not about doing a little more without changing our habits. With the White Paper on Defence, with the European Agenda for the Defence Industry, we can either make a real change in the right direction or miss the mark. We need to strengthen our defence industry, not by sprinkling our support, but by consolidating European heavyweights. We need to assert ourselves more in NATO, not against it, and make sure that our voice counts. We need to make the Atlantic Alliance what it should always have been: a partnership between allies who respect each other. We must stop expecting everything from the United States, but we must also stop buying American weapons in turn. European defence will only progress at the cost of European preference. Now that we are awake, let us stand up without delay, because it is at our doorstep that war is rumbling.

Mr President, in Georgia, the European Union is the only one that does nothing, and that is a disgrace. The elections have been stolen, and neither the new president, nor the government, nor the parliament are legitimate. Commissioner, I am still waiting for you to say this clearly, as our Parliament has been able to say. The population has been demonstrating for fifty-five days. It faces intimidation, brutal repression, arbitrary arrests and violence. The Council has been unable to take serious sanctions, and the states are still too cautious, with the exception of the Baltic countries, which I welcome. The United States has acted, not us. The measures we have taken make no sense. Georgians march in the streets with European flags, they believe in Europe – frankly, they have a lot of merit. President Zourabichvili consistently and accurately warns: What is happening in Georgia is serious, not just for the Georgians, but for the Caucasus, for security in the Black Sea, and therefore for us. At the moment, in Georgia, the score is 1 for Putin, 0 for Europe – and for democracy. The match is not over, let’s make sure we don’t lose it.

Dear Fidias, my question goes to you. A lie is when you go on a mission observation of election in Georgia. You say you see massive fraud, you see a rigged election and then you rush to your favourite social media to say that everything was okay and that this election was perfect. This is precisely what you did. And you were even able to do it because there is freedom of expression in Europe. But this is pure manipulation.

Madam President, the free communication of thoughts and opinions is one of the most valuable human rights. Any citizen can therefore speak and write freely, unless he or she is held accountable for the abuse of that freedom in cases determined by law. Colleagues, it is not the Digital Services Act (DSA) that I am reading to you, it is the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen of 1789. But what the DSA is responsible for is that those who abuse this freedom must be held accountable. Europe is a land of freedom and a land of rights. Europe is not the Wild West, where everyone can do anything. Europe refuses to wipe its feet on democracy and to manipulate the masses as in the worst moments of totalitarianism. Listen to what Hannah Arendt said about it in the last century: “The purpose of this constant lie is not to make the people believe a lie, but to make sure that no one believes anything anymore. A people who can no longer distinguish truth from lies cannot distinguish good from evil. With such a people, you can do whatever you want. Europe has its rules and requires them to be applied. Whether you are TikTok, Meta or X, the law is the same for everyone, even for the richest man in the world. Freedom of expression is sacred in Europe, and that is why we will not confuse it with the right to hatred, lies and manipulation.

Madam President, when the wise man shows the moon, the fool looks at TikTok. He offers his brain time available to all manipulations. Protection of personal data? None! Compliance with the Digital Services Act? Nenni. Freedom of expression? Depends on who. As shown by the presidential election in Romania, TikTok is capable of the worst, such as creating from scratch a far-right candidate, a plotter and a fan of Putin. Unfortunately, in Romania, TikTok is not the only one involved. Influencers so dubious that they are now on the run have been rampant on other platforms in the service of the same evil genius. In Moldova, Russia spent 1% of Moldova's GNP to buy 10% of the votes in the referendum. Telegram loops have served the most, but hyperrealistic video fakes have been circulating everywhere without being stopped anywhere. In Europe, Elon Musk saturates X with his dubious assessments of British domestic policy or the future of Ukraine. X handles as he pleases the visibility of what we post. Clearly, our public space for democratic debate is now being manipulated. That is why I ask you, ladies and gentlemen, to support without hesitation the creation of a special committee on the democratic shield. It's about time!

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, have we become deaf? Do we not hear what protesters shout every night in Tbilisi and all over Georgia? I'll tell you what they're shouting! I went to meet them. They were robbed of the elections. They've been rigged. We're robbing them of their future. They dream of Europe, and the ruling party, the misnamed Georgian Dream, has eyes only for Russia. They repeat it without getting tired: Georgia is European, Georgia is not Russia. Colleagues, have we gone blind? Do we not see the repression of peaceful demonstrators, the arrests, the beatings, the journalists and the imprisoned opponents? Do we not see that the Georgian government wants to bring down a screed of lead on the country and align itself with Moscow? Have we become powerless? What are we waiting for to sanction the handful of Georgian Dream givers, who want to put the country to their boot and that of Vladimir Putin? Roberta Metsola invited the President of Georgia, Salome Zourabichvili, as many of us have asked her to do. Salome Zourabichvili defends with all his strength the democratic and European future of his country. It has its place in our house of European democracy. She has to speak in plenary. The demonstrators in Roustaveli believe in the power of Europe. For them, as for us, let us prove them right!

Mr President, Madam High Representative, Bashar al-Assad has fallen. The message is strong and applies to all dictators: None is eternal. It also applies to all regimes that rely on an alliance with Russia. Vladimir Putin is not a reliable ally. Bashar al-Assad has fallen, and we are appalled at the sight of the prisoners released from these deaths. We knew, but today we see what the barbarism of Bashar al-Assad’s regime was like. We are ashamed of all those – including here, including the National Rally – who shook hands with the butcher in Damascus. A new Syria is being born. Hope is mixed with uncertainty. That Islamist rebels have taken Damascus is a legitimate concern, especially for Christians in Syria. All components of the Syrian nation must find their place in the new Syria. The fact that Turkey is arrogating entire parts of the country and bombing the Kurds threatens the fight that the Kurds are waging with us against Daesh. The fight against terrorism must continue. We must engage this new Syria, be ready to review the sanctions and help rebuild it by recalling our priorities: fight against terrorism, destruction of chemical weapons, respect for neighbouring countries, end of alliance with Russia, protection of minorities, place of women. Under these conditions, the birth of a new Syria can be good news for the Middle East.

Mr President, ballot box stuffing, lack of secrecy of the vote, confiscation of identity papers, intimidation of voters, vote buying, violence, uncertainty about counting. This is the complete panoply of electoral fraud that I saw in Georgia, where I was on an official observation mission. Since then, the demonstrations have followed and resembled each other. Georgians protest that they have been robbed of their election. They demonstrate peacefully by waving Georgian flags, but also European ones. They believe in us. They hope we won't abandon them as the ruling party has turned into a Georgian nightmare, courting Vladimir Putin and considering banning opposition parties. To date, the European response is both strong and inadequate. We have indeed suspended Georgia's candidacy. This is understood, but must delight Russia and despair the people. We call on the Georgian authorities to investigate fraud, while very few independent institutions remain, apart from the President, whose courage and uprightness I salute. At the last European Council, our leaders did not have time to talk about Georgia and today Charles Michel does not have time to be in this Chamber. Make no mistake, the rose revolution started in Georgia. This is where Putin tested militarily what he was going to try in Ukraine and we did not know how to turn him back. The fate of Georgia will be a symbol of either our weakness or our righteousness and determination.