Speeches

Mr President, I’m more precise because the president of the committee asked for the negotiations with the Council. We still need to go back to the committee.

Mr President, I would like to strengthen what the Chair of the INTA Committee said and to request the matter of the amendments to be referred back to the committee pursuant to the Rule 59(4).

Dear Chair, Colleagues, Commissioner, I have to say that I cannot agree with the Commission's position on imports of agricultural products from Russia. In 2023, EU Member States imported €2.2 billion in food and agricultural goods from Russia. This represents a 10% increase compared to the previous year. We need to be aware that by importing, we are increasing the budget revenue of the aggressor state and helping to finance the war in Ukraine. We also need to be aware that Russia is conducting an active hybrid information warfare, investing hundreds of millions of euros in it. The aim is to destabilise our democracies and societies, both by supporting extremism and by generating frustration and mass unrest. Russian propaganda is intensifying the use of incidents during the farmers' protests to disrupt relations between the countries of the European Union and Ukraine and negatively affect Ukraine's image in the West. Russia has managed to create the impression that the market turbulence is due to Ukrainian agricultural products. The statistics, however, confirm that it is precisely because of the large volume of grain and corn exported from Russia that prices in the market are falling and losses are incurred by our farmers. Russia, with the support of Belarus, continues its bloody war in Ukraine. As a result of pressure from public opinion, the Latvian government decided to suspend imports of agricultural and feed products from Russia and Belarus. It is time to ban the import of agricultural products from Russia and Belarus across the European Union. Those who claim that such a ban would cost too much must understand that the longer Putin will be able to finance his aggression, the more expensive we will pay later.

Dear Chair, Nine months ago, Commissioner, the European Parliament overwhelmingly voted in favour of my report on foreign interference in the democratic processes of the European Union, calling for long-term funding in the European Union budget to combat the massive Russian disinformation campaigns with which Russia is conducting a hybrid information warfare in the European Union, both fighting for the minds of Europeans and dividing society. This war has been going on for years and the Kremlin has invested several billion euros in it. Preventing these hybrid attacks and investing in societal resilience is a matter of national and continental security. What has been the real level of European Union funding to achieve this strategic objective, and will the necessary funding be provided for when planning the next multiannual budget of the European Union?

Dear Madam President, Colleagues, It was a mistake to promise the Western Balkan countries a future for the European Union in 2003 and then to hesitate. This mistake must not be repeated with Ukraine and Moldova, so the report on the deepening and enlargement of EU integration is a document of strategic importance. Parliament is the first EU institution to put forward its position on the necessary reforms for the European Union to be ready to integrate ten countries at the end of this decade. We need to increase the Union's decision-making power by extending the areas in which the decision is taken by qualified majority voting. The principle of unanimity should also be abandoned when it comes to opening and closing enlargement negotiations. Enlargement will be a huge financial challenge for cohesion and agricultural policies. The next multiannual budget must therefore provide adequate funding to enable the Union to finance both the reforms of the candidate countries and their involvement in the policies of the European Union.

Dear Chair, Colleagues, Navalny was a heroic man, but his death should not remain only at the level of sadness and remembrance speeches. We must weaken Putin's regime, both by sanctioning the corrupt articles revealed by the Navalny Foundation and by supporting the Russian opposition, independent journalists, human rights fighters, dissidents and demanding the release of political prisoners. After the fake elections, Europe must not recognise Putin as a legitimately elected president. However, the decisive battle for the defeat of Putin's regime is taking place in Ukraine, as the loss of the war will destroy the regime. Therefore, the European Union and NATO must stop pulling red lines and fear an escalation of the war and support Ukraine with the most advanced weapons. Russia has never attacked a stronger opponent and we are stronger. We need to act decisively and swiftly. We must not hesitate to repeat the historical mistakes that led to World War II.

Dear Chair, Colleagues, The Group of the European People’s Party has consistently supported the creation of a EUR 50 billion Ukraine Financial Instrument, which will support Ukraine during the war, its reconstruction and the implementation of EU accession reforms between 2024 and 2027. The trilogue agreement paves the way for the use of frozen Russian assets for the reconstruction of Ukraine. This instrument is intended for administrative and civil purposes. It does not provide for the military assistance that Ukraine needs now. Therefore, the hesitation of the US Congress with its 60 billion-billion-military support is jeopardising Ukraine’s fighting capabilities. This year, Russia is planning to spend almost a third of its budget on military needs. If every European Union and NATO country devoted 0.25% of its GDP to support Ukraine, then Russia would lose the war. Ukraine is also fighting for the future of Europe. Citing Mikhail Podolaka, Advisor to the President of Ukraine, who said: “It is not clear why European leaders are preparing for war with Russia in the future, but are not helping Ukraine to defeat Russia now.”

Dear colleagues, The confirmation that Ždanoka is an agent of the Russian security services in Latvia was no surprise. Much more worrying is the fact that she is not the only one to implement unhindered Russian interference policies in Strasbourg and Brussels, including in the capitals, with the aim of entrenching the unity of our societies, sowing hatred and creating disbelief in European values, as well as promoting populism and extremism. The resolution on which we will vote on Thursday gives just a few examples, but the reality is much more harsh. The Russian network of influencers in Europe is extensive and toxic. It has been inherited from the Soviet Union and successfully developed by the Kremlin, which has also entangled the political elites of the European Union – Schröder, Liponen, Fijona, etc., Members of the European Parliament and local leaders of various scales and cultural stars. In this latest Russiagate shocking in the story is our naivety and vulnerability to Russian agents acting through the democratic values of freedom of expression, respect for diversity of opinion and tolerance, as well as gaps in our legislation. It is shocking that, in their disruptive activities, these agents notice the use of European Union funding, resources and platform. Since Russia launched its aggression in Ukraine, the European Union has been subject to an increasing number of hybrid attacks of a wide spectrum. Therefore, the presence of such foreign agents in the European Parliament and other institutions of our democracies poses significant risks to our security and creativity. I call on the European Parliament to investigate immediately and thoroughly the cases in which Members have used their mandate to support the aggressor state and to apply decisively all means to prevent such activities in the future. Our resources must not be used to undermine the values of the European Union and push authoritarian regimes.

Dear colleagues, I'll be harsh. Hungary and the US Republicans must take responsibility for delaying financial and military assistance to Ukraine. This is urgently needed for Ukraine to resist Russian aggression and win the war. It is needed now. Putin is using this weakness of Ukraine’s allies, political will and determination to deplete Ukraine’s ammunition stockpiles and destroy air defence systems through intense missile and drone attacks. This is how Putin shows his determination to continue his war of aggression. Therefore, our talks about the ceasefire and compromises with Russia have no coverage of reality. We must stop chanting to support Ukraine “as long as it takes’. We must make it clear that we will support Ukraine until the victory over Russian imperialism is complete. There is no alternative to peace.

Mr President, Commissioner, Minister, colleagues. Russia plans to increase its military budget by almost 70 percent in 2024. The sanctions are working, yes, but it is necessary to close the holes through which Russia continues to export energy resources, earning EUR 690 million per day. Unfortunately, the European Union is one of the largest customers of energy resources, adding two billion to Russia's budget every month. European Union politicians need to make sanctions more effective in reducing Russia's energy revenues that finance the war in Ukraine. It is therefore necessary to lower the oil price cap from the current $60 to $30 per barrel. It is also necessary to impose an embargo on imports of Russian liquefied natural gas and on imports of fuels produced in third countries using Russian oil. Finally, it is necessary to restrict the sale of European tankers, their servicing and insurance services when used for Russian oil exports.

Mr President, Commissioner, colleagues. Ukraine's place is in Europe. Their heroic Ukrainian people are now showing their blood and the price of life for the second year, so the decision to start negotiations on membership of the European Union must be taken this year. Negotiations need to start next year so that Ukraine can be admitted to the Union by the end of this decade. The Group of the European People's Party supports the creation of a financial instrument for Ukraine of 50 billion, which for the period 2024-2027 provides support to Ukraine during the war, its reconstruction and the implementation of the necessary reforms for the accession of the European Union. This instrument needs to be agreed as soon as possible so that it can be considered together with next year's budget. Therefore, there is an urgent need to amend the 2021-2027 Multiannual Budget Regulation of the European Union. This requires a unanimous vote in the Council of Europe in the coming months. It is crucial to ensure continued support for Ukraine from next year. The 50 billion instrument must neither include interest payments on loans nor inject external revenues generated by the opening of Russian frozen assets. It is important for this instrument to operate in a flexible manner and for procedures to allow rapid decisions to be taken on the necessary payments in full transparency.

Madam President, Commissioner, Dear colleagues, Three years ago, more than 100 000 people in Minsk protested against stolen presidential elections. The Lukashenka regime ruthlessly met with protesters. More than 1 500 political prisoners are currently being smoked in prisons, with 300,000 leaving the country. The Lukashenka regime is a threat to European security. Russia's tactical nuclear weapons are deployed in Belarus Wagner mercenaries, Russian army units are being trained for warfare in Ukraine, more than 2,000 illegally displaced Ukrainian children are being accommodated. In fact, the regime has become a co-aggressor of Russia’s brutal war against Ukraine. Against the European Union, the regime systematically organises the crossing of the Latvian-Lithuanian-Polish border, trying to influx thousands of irregular migrants into Europe. I call on the International Criminal Court to issue a Lukashenka arrest warrant, as well as to extend the list of European Union sanctions to those responsible for the illegal detention of Ukrainian children in forced camps in Belarus. Lukashenka has banned the renewal of passports for Belarusian citizens abroad, as well as requested the re-registration of political parties. It is an attempt to destroy any democratic opposition by forcing its representatives to return to Belarus. The European Union must do everything necessary to cooperate with the Belarusian opposition and safeguard its activities in political exile.

Mr President, Commissioner, Dear colleagues, The NATO Summit, Ukraine's counter-attack and growing instability in Russia are indeed at a crucial juncture in European security. The news that Sweden joins NATO is great news! Now the Baltic Sea has become a safe internal sea of NATO! However, as regards Ukraine's accession to NATO, the decisions of the Vilnius Summit are too vague. They do not mark a clear path and time frame when Ukraine will become a member of the alliance. We need to ask ourselves not only what we need to do for Ukraine, but also what Ukraine can and is already doing to defend the eastern flank of Europe. Here it is necessary to recall the words of the Prime Minister of Latvia Krišjānis Kariņš that, and I quote: “Today we train Ukrainians, but tomorrow they will train us, as they alone will have a battle experience with Russia”. We need to be aware of the scale of the Russian threat and understand that Europe has only one safe path to peace and stability – we must not leave Ukraine in the grey zone. Ukraine must be in the European Union and NATO. Unfortunately, the long-standing warnings from the Baltic States and Poland about Russia's aggressiveness were not heard. I very much hope that this mistake will not be repeated again, fooling and hesitating the decisions on Ukraine that need to be taken now.

Mr President, Commissioner, Dear colleagues, The bombing of the Kakhovka Dam is a terrible war crime that Russia has committed. But you know what's the most terrible? The fact that, following the massive humanitarian and ecological disaster caused by this crime, there are deputies in the Russian Duma who, speaking in Moscow propaganda programmes, also call for the bombing of the Kyiv dam and the rinsing of Ukraine's final city from the ground surface. This is the inhumane level of hatred that prevails in Russia and makes this atomic weapon state a threat to humanity. Those naive people who believed at the beginning of the war that it was Putin's war, and not the Russian people's war, must finally understand that it is the war of the Russian majority and peace is possible only after the victory of Ukraine. Ukraine's place is in the European Union and NATO. At the Vilnius Summit, Ukraine must receive a clear plan on how and when it will become a member of the Alliance. Ukraine has launched a counter-attack, but the attack without sufficient military aviation coverage puts the Ukrainian army on unequal battlefields. Therefore, we must do everything possible and impossible so that Ukraine receives destroyers as soon as possible, which would give the land forces sufficient air force coverage.

Madam President, dear colleagues, Madam Commissioner, I want to thank you for this very detailed discussion we had here. But even during that discussion, it was so evident how the tentacles of disinformation are reaching the politicians from the far right and from the far left. This is very regrettable and that’s why we are working, trying to find the ways to protect our democracy. What I would like to reiterate is that the EU must focus more on resilience—building and vaccination of our societies against disinformation to protect our democracy. It has been a long journey for us all, but I am confident that our Parliament and our Union has come out stronger and more aware of the threats we face and the vulnerabilities we have. So I am looking forward to the vote and hope that you all will be able to support the report, which is not only mine, but a collective endeavour.

Madam President, dear colleagues, today it is my great honour to present my second report on foreign interference in all democratic processes in the European Union, including disinformation. I often hear that democracy around the world is in retreat. I would say that is an incorrect statement. Democracy is not simply in retreat; democracy is under attack. In today’s intervention, I would like to especially focus on two overarching aims of the report. First, link our work in the ING2 Committee with following up the implementation of the recommendations of the first report, which was approved last year. Second, we must examine the issues under the mandate of our committee vis-a-vis Russia’s ongoing brutal war against Ukraine and to build on the lessons learned. Our assessment shows that we have significantly increased our situational awareness, and several necessary steps have been launched and progress has been attained (Digital Services Act, Democracy Defence package is on the way, growing expertise acquired). However, in view of the upcoming EU elections in 2024, we still should urge for stronger measures and more coordination to protect our European democracy. Allow me to outline some of the priorities from our report, which would make a significant difference in making our Union more resilient. First of all, we need to move beyond a reactive approach centred on fact-checking, debunking, etc., and instead focus on resilience-building and ‘vaccination’ of our societies against disinformation. Therefore, we need to establish a dedicated EU programme to invest in our democracy in a sustainable way. It will not give a solution tomorrow and it will be expensive, but it is certainly a worthwhile long-term investment. Another important conclusion of our report is that in tackling disinformation, the EU is still suffering from a fragmented approach, without a clear coordination mechanism and goals. We simply cannot afford splintering our resources when our democracy is at stake. Third, we should also greatly raise the costs for perpetrators. Therefore, I reiterate that the toolbox of the EU countermeasures should include a specific sanctions regime on foreign information manipulation and interference. Russia’s imperial war of aggression against Ukraine has clearly exposed the interconnection between hostile information warfare, weaponisation of energy, attacks on critical infrastructure, and threats to the EU, to our immediate neighbourhood, as well as to global security and stability. Europe now understands that the Cold War logic of buffer states is over. Today, grey zones in European security only create instability, risk and opportunities for hostile interference. The EU must invest in closing these grey zones and supporting the resilience and integration of Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia into our European family and NATO. To strengthen our resilience, we must learn both from our partners like Ukraine, in building resilience and tackling disinformation, but also from our own misjudgement allowing to fall into the trap of energy dependency and elite capture in the past. When I recall the state of affairs even three years ago, I am glad to say that, today, Europe is far less naive about Russia, China, and other adversaries. A few words about structural priorities and the new challenges we are facing. For years, we have been following a country-agnostic approach that treats all foreign influence efforts in the same way, regardless of their source country and thus the aim, scale and the impact. We should not be afraid to call out those seeking intentionally and in a coordinated way to manipulate our democracy. Therefore, we are suggesting moving towards a risk-based approach based on objective criteria. A similar approach already has been used in the EU legislation in money laundering and terrorist financing. An immense challenge is presented by the rapid development of artificial intelligence tools. If so far we still are able to identify what is fake, artificial intelligence will make creating disinformation at scale much easier and cheaper, and much more difficult to recognise. We await the artificial intelligence act with great expectation. Another challenge is the speed of decision-making process. We must face the fact that today’s legislation concerning consequences of the digital revolution already addresses the problems of yesterday. This is not only the EU challenge. It is a global problem to be addressed together with like—minded partners. Moreover, I am convinced that this House in the next legislation will need a dedicated, cross-sectoral committee dealing with foreign interference and information manipulation issues, including new technological challenges. In conclusion, I would like to thank my shadow rapporteurs for the excellent cooperation through this entire process, and also the secretariat and our political advisors. Working on the challenges of the INGE1 and INGE2 Committees has certainly been one of the most important missions throughout my time as a Member of the European Parliament. I truly hope that all of you can support the report.

Madam President, I appreciate highly the atmosphere we had working on this ING2 Committee second report and the dialogue which we had among shadow rapporteurs and rapporteur. However, committee voted on this report with very convincing vote: 27 in favour, 1 against, 1 abstention. And I oppose postponement of the vote for the plenary session in June because there is no lack of clarity. There was a clear majority. And there was also a deadline for tabling amendments. To those political groups or individual Members who missed it, I say this is not a reason to proceed in this way.

Mr President, Commissioner, colleagues, the ICC warrant for Putin confirms what we have known for a while: Putin’s terrorist regime uses barbaric methods of war similar to what Ukraine and the Baltic States endured during the Soviet occupation. The arrest warrant, just like Russia’s war crimes, has no statute of limitations. Putin will now wear this badge for the rest of his life. Putin also will have to answer for the atrocities ordered against Ukrainian children by Russian and Wagner commanders giving clear orders to shoot and kill children. The world has now received a signal, loud and clear, that the Russian regime is criminal, toxic. The ICC warrant once and for all strips the credibility of any remaining efforts to normalise relations with Putin and to go back to business as usual. As for the future of deported Ukrainian children, the path towards their liberation and return begins with a Ukrainian military victory. We must give Ukraine everything it needs to win the war.

Mr President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, the highly disturbing events in Georgia must not be viewed in isolation. Just as Russia wages a war of aggression against Ukraine and tries to destabilise Moldova, the Kremlin is desperate to retain Georgia and its sphere of influence. I applaud the courage shown by the protesters in Georgia. Europe sees your bravery and will not turn its back on you. Your courage has stopped the passage of the Kremlin-inspired foreign agents act. However, we should not be naive. The fight does not end here. These events are an important reminder that we will never have lasting peace and security in Europe as long as these grey zones remain. The place of Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia is firmly in the European Union. The Georgian people must continue pressing for critical reforms that will bring Georgia towards EU candidate status. Only the Georgian people can hold its leadership accountable. Only the Georgian people can challenge the might of the oligarchs. In conclusion, as an MEP from Latvia, I remember how difficult the accession process is. Allow me to remind you. Windows of opportunity can only arrive once or twice in a generation and do not stay open for long. I appeal to the Georgian people not to waste your window of opportunity.

Mr President, Commissioner, Dear colleagues, In 2020, after losing his election, Lukashenko held power with violence and repression. The repression continues, and more than a thousand five hundred political prisoners are already smiling in prisons. However, since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Lukashenka’s regime also poses a threat to its neighbours and to European security, as the Russian occupying army uses Belarusian territory and infrastructure. Missiles launched from Belarus undermine Ukrainian cities and critical infrastructure, kill civilians, and systematically transmit anti-Ukrainian propaganda from the Kremlin. The European Parliament has recognised Russia as a state sponsor of terrorism. By supporting the Russian aggression, Belarus is actually also sponsoring terrorism. As we work to hold Putin and his henchmen accountable legally, politically, financially and morally for the atrocities it has committed, Lukashenko must be right up there with them. All financial and economic sanctions targeting Russia must also target Belarus. The political and military isolation of Russia must also extend to Belarus. All investigations and cases against Russia in international courts and tribunals must also address the role of Belarus. We cannot allow any loopholes, any grey zone, because there is no daylight between Putin and Lukashenko. Zhyve Belarus! Glory of Ukraine!

Madam President, Commissioner, Aggression against a country is the most terrible crime, so Russian leaders must be held accountable for the act of aggression and the resulting atrocities, acts of terrorism, killed civilians, millions of refugees, devastated cities, ecological disaster and looted cultural values. The Russian aggression is an attempt by totalitarian power to destroy democracy and threaten peace and stability in Europe and the world. I have no doubt that the Special Tribunal will be and will hold Putin and his generals to account, as will Lukashenka, for the transfer of Belarusian territory for the purpose of aggression. The establishment of such a tribunal will warn the leaders of other non-democratic countries that impunity for the act of aggression, which has existed almost without exception since the end of the Second World War, has come to an end. But while Russia continues its atrocities, we need to rush to deliver modern air defence equipment to Ukraine in order to speed up the war and win justice.

Dear Chair, Colleagues, Russia's invasion of Ukraine is not just a clash of military forces. It is also an information war. Recently, a disinformation laboratory published a study on the Kremlin’s network of influence operations, which since May has been spreading pro-Russian and anti-Ukrainian information in Germany, France, Italy, Ukraine, Latvia and the United Kingdom. A recent report by the State Department reveals that since 2014 the Kremlin has invested $300 million in the financing of political parties and politicians in more than 20 countries. Moscow is devoting increasing resources to undermining the democratic systems of European countries and influencing national policies, supporting candidates in elections and gaining influence within political parties. Both of these reports confirm Russia's massive information warfare against us. The economic and political influence of Putin’s allies in Europe poisons our democracy, divides society and distances victory in the war. Colleagues, we need to establish a strong European Union body to counter hybrid threats, as well as to strengthen the capacity of our institutions and extend their powers to identify and prosecute Putin's allies at home. The European Union’s digital ecosystem needs to be improved by including sanctions against authors and performers of malicious disinformation operations. This is what I expect from the promised European Pact for the Defence of Democracy.

Mr. President, Commissioner, colleagues! Putin threatens with a nuclear strike. NATO warns Putin of catastrophic consequences. Ukraine is preparing for a nuclear strike. These news headlines reflect an escalation from the Kremlin. Putin wants to intimidate those who support Ukraine in its fair fight. This must not happen. Nobody in Europe can give in to the illusion that Putin can be talked to, and he – oh miracle – will restore the flow of gas and prevent the winter cold. On the contrary, the European Union must increase its arms deliveries to Ukraine, as every subsequent victory brings the end of Putin’s regime closer, as Russia does not love the losers. The European Union must concentrate economic pressure by imposing price caps on oil and gas, blocking the export of nuclear fuel. The failure to agree on sanctions is a shame that shows that Putin's European friends are working here. It is also incomprehensible why Ukraine has received only one billion out of the nine promised. Hopefully, the five billion that have just been signed will reach Kiev sooner. Glory to Ukraine ! Heroes of fame !

Mr President, Commissioner, Dear colleagues, The heroism of the Ukrainian people is amazing. After the victory in the war in Brussels, a monument to Ukraine must be erected to protect Europe from the temptations of an aggressive dictatorship. The Ukrainian people deserve this gratitude. I have no doubt that the perpetrators of war crimes committed against women, men, children will be prosecuted. Those who massively rob Ukrainian collections of art, culture and historical objects and take them to Russia must also be held accountable. It is only hoped that they will not disappear in private collections, but, although illegally, will end up in Russian museums and, after winning the war, will be returned to Ukraine. Those who destroy science collections and archives in conquered territories with dark barbarism are also punishable as war criminals. Ukraine's largest seed genetic fund in Kharkiv, Chernobyl's research archive and many other scientific values have been destroyed. They are war crimes, because just like human life, the destroyed scientific collections and archives are irrecoverable – lost – to Ukraine and humanity forever.

Mr President, Commissioner, colleagues, we cannot and must not forget about the involvement of the Lukashenko regime in Russia’s brutal and unprovoked war against Ukraine. Lukashenko now has used his country as a launchpad in a war of aggression. He is extending the use of the death penalty and there is now the prospect of nuclear weapons being deployed in Belarus. Furthermore, Lukashenko is also fully responsible for the continued brutal and systematic crackdown against his own people. As the Commissioner just said, there are 1 200 political prisoners, and 40 000 people were detained since 2020. The recent systematic persecution of trade unionists shows that Lukashenko is willing to do whatever it takes to suppress the remaining organised voices of dissent and supporters of a democratic Belarus. Turning to the future, it should be abundantly clear that we cannot treat the Lukashenko regime any differently from Putin’s. We must understand Belarus has now become Putin’s pawn in his efforts to target the EU, whether as a gateway for artificial mass migration, disinformation, energy manipulation, cyberattacks or illegal smuggling. Lukashenko is famous for being as slippery as an eel. We must make sure he does not escape full responsibility this time.