Speeches

Madam President, plastic particles have been found in the Antarctic. They have been found in the deep sea. They are harming flora and fauna, they are harming humans. And those particles, they come from tyres, from panes, from landscape fabric, from textiles, etc. from many other things. And they come from plastic pellets, flakes and powders that are supposed to be the base material for all things plastic but end up in the environment because of careless handling or because of accidents. Last December, on the coast of Galicia – an example which has been mentioned by many colleagues – more than 1 billion plastic particles were lost into the sea, but even that huge amount is not even 1 % of the yearly losses of plastic pellets. So urgent action is needed. What we are setting out to do with this legislation is exactly that urgent action. For preventing pallet losses, we don’t need some new invention, we don’t need some crazy new technologies. We need better handling. We need better measures for transport, precautionary measures, a cleaning system in place. And we also need to know who’s responsible for when things go wrong and what they have to do then, because it’s not about harassing small enterprises, it’s about making sure that some people who are making profit with the product are not harming the environment that we all depend on. This legislation is certainly not the end game in a battle against plastic pollution. But it’s a good start and one start that we have managed to improve also in the committee. I would like to thank the commission for the proposal and also the rapporteur and our shadow rapporteur. Next it’s up for the Council to be ambitious, and I hope that ministers will bring back some resolve from Canada, where they are currently discussing global plastic pollution. And if you want to lead in the world, we should start at home.

Mr President, dear colleagues, our oceans and seas are central for human survival. They provide us with the air that we breathe. They function as a massive carbon sink, and many people and communities depend on them for food and for income. They are a treasure that we need to guard closely. But while they seem vast, they’re not indestructible. They, and all the benefits that we get from them, are under threat from pollution, from the climate crisis, and also from overfishing. The Common Fisheries Policy is an attempt to safeguard that common precious resource that we have – fish stocks. It was last reformed in 2013, but it still hasn’t been fully implemented. In cases where it was implemented and where scientific advice was followed, where investments in marine protection were made, stock has recovered and this has benefited fishers. We have to continue on that path. I would say it is time to double the efforts in order to implement the common fisheries policy and to make sure that we safeguard the oceans for future generations. If we want new legislation, then we should look at legislation to double climate protection and to stop the pesticide pollution, for example, that goes into the ocean, because without fish there will be no fishers.

Mr President, dear colleagues, unfortunately, the catastrophe that we see happening in Galicia is just the tip of an enormous iceberg. The pollution of our sea with over a billion plastic pellets is a huge disaster for the environment, for marine animals and for local communities, but this disaster is not even 1% of the plastic pallets lost every single year. We need to stop this ongoing catastrophe. No one is gaining anything from unused plastic pellets, flakes or powders getting lost. It’s high time to give clear requirements to producers, handlers and carriers of plastic raw materials to make sure that plastic pellet losses are prevented and, if they happen, that they are reported and that there is a liability for those carriers and handlers. The Commission has put forward a proposal that I very much welcome, and I am sure the Parliament will make sure that this legislation will become even stronger and more waterproof. Let’s not wait until more disasters are happening in Galicia or elsewhere. Let’s put an end to this wasteful handling of our very limited resources. Let’s just not leave a plastic trace on our planet.

Mr President, dear colleagues, the oceans are important for their biodiversity, for providing the oxygen that we breathe, for the food that we eat, for their role as a carbon sink – on which we depend – and for the mysteries that the deep sea still holds for us. That’s more than enough reason to protect them, because without healthy oceans, we humans cannot exist, and I’m afraid we very often forget that. The oceans are not just a resource to be plundered, a resource that will be endlessly there for us. That is unfortunately not the case. The oceans are at their limits and if not beyond their limits already. And before we point fingers at other countries far away or whatnot, we need to do our homework here inside the European Union, in the high seas and also in the more coastal waters. Because all of the problems – overfishing, waste dumping, fertilisers and pesticides flowing into the ocean – all of that happens also here in Europe as well as elsewhere. This needs to change. Protecting the seas starts at home, not with empty promises, but with real action, with more and truly protected areas, better control of fisheries and an end to plastic waste and the reform of agriculture. We know what to do, but we need to do it, and if we don’t have the political will to do it, we will all suffer the consequences.

Mr President, dear colleagues, every year, thousands of tonnes of fin sharks are being exported from or through the EU because, yes, the sharks are being caught as a whole, they are being landed and then their fins are being cut off. The rest of the shark body is being sold off for stuff that not necessarily everyone wants to eat. And the fins are the stuff that makes the profit from being exported to Asia. And also many shark fins are going through the European Union. So we clearly have a problem that is not yet addressed by the existing and very good legislation. We need to act and we need to act soon. Clearly, selling shark fins is not about stopping anyone from starving. Shark fins are a luxury good and they cause the shark numbers to decline. Already now, 40% of all shark species are threatened. So we need to cut the incentive here. And in the committee hearing with the representatives of the citizens, an overwhelming majority of colleagues across the board was supporting this initiative. Unfortunately, it seems that some colleagues didn’t take the time back then to talk with the citizens that were there. So I urge the Commission, the Commissioner, to come forward with a proposal that honours the more than 1 million citizens’ requests from all Member States.

Madam President, the deep sea is still a mystery to us. We know more about the surface of the moon than about the bottom of the ocean. Yet we are already wrecking this unknown and delicate place with waste and with fishing gear. Bottom trawling destroys everything on the sea floor, no matter whether it will be used later or not. And this has to stop. Already in 2016, we adopted the Deep-Sea Regulation which called for more protection, and only now the Commission is moving forward to truly preserve vulnerable marine life in the deep sea. This is a move we should welcome and not complain about. The Commission is simply doing its job to protect marine biodiversity and implementing decisions that we have voted for. It is high time we prioritised nature protection because the biodiversity crisis will not go away if we write legislation that we don’t put into practice. And we also have to stop thinking about nature protection and fisheries as being on opposite sides. Nature protection benefits fishers in the long run. We need to move away from fishing methods that have been proven to harm the seabed and delicate marine ecosystems. It is time we invested our resources into more sustainable fishing methods. That is how we get a resilient fisheries sector and how we make space for the new generations that want to be part of this sector. With the implementing act, only 1.16% of EU waters in the north-east Atlantic will be newly protected. That is very little given how much the oceans do for us. We need more, not less, protected areas because our lives depend on it.

Madam President, things are difficult, but what we need now is the message of ‘Yes, we see all the difficulties that everyone is facing. Yes, we are doing whatever we can to make things better. Yes, we will get through this very difficult time together – there is light at the end of the tunnel. And yes, Europe is a vital part of the solution’. And for that, we need action now from the Commission, from the Council and from this House. One opportunity lies just ahead of you with the vote on renewables and on energy efficiency, and I hope we will do the right thing.

Madam President, dear Commission President and dear Ms Zelenska, it is a big honour to have you here with us today and your presence reminds us that while we talk a lot about the problems that we’re facing in the EU, the real consequences of this war of aggression of Putin are carried by the people in Ukraine. A brutal invasion led against the peaceful people of Ukraine simply because they chose to live in freedom and democracy. Putin cannot live with the fact that people live in liberty with human and civil rights and that nations work together peacefully. Freedom and democracy – principles the EU was founded on – are the biggest threats to him. All together, we must face this atrocious aggression with determination and with courage, just as Ukraine is showing us. Europe needs to support and continue to support Ukraine in their fight for peace and self-determination and even scale up those efforts. The past days have shown that the Ukrainian people are able to resist the attack. And it is now that Europe needs to stand by their side, by your side. While Ukraine suffers most from the attack, there are also consequences for the EU. We must be prepared for tough times ahead. To do that, we must show solidarity to the outside but also to the inside by ensuring that the costs and consequences are carried by the stronger shoulders in our society. With skyrocketing energy and food prices, we must act. We know that many citizens in our Union are fearful of what the winter will bring. Fearful of being unable to heat their homes, feed their children, pay their bills. We cannot turn a blind eye to the situation of the most vulnerable people in our Union. Already now, every fifth person in the EU lives in poverty, and the scale of the increase in prices means that many more households will be at risk. It is our duty to ensure that people who are struggling get support and that the greed and profits of a few don’t lead to the misery of many. So let’s take bold policy steps to make sure that everyone gets through these tough times. And I welcome the Commission President’s proposal to skim off windfall profits from energy companies, something that we as the Greens/EFA Group have been calling for since the beginning of this crisis. The only true way to end our energy dependency is, on the one hand, to use less energy and, on the other hand, to produce more renewable energy. Sun and wind provide us with much more power than we could ever possibly use. So let’s profit from that. Fossil fuels have been a driver for ecological disaster and for dangerous dependency. Renewables are the true catalyst for peace, security and stability. Now is the time to scale up investments in renewables, to put solar panels on every roof, insulate buildings, and make sure sun and wind carry us into a new era of sustainable and affordable European energy production. And let’s make no mistake, Commission President and colleagues, the climate crisis is probably the biggest political test for our generation. All over Europe, we experience the devastation the climate crisis is bringing and will bring to our continent and to the world. This summer, massive droughts and heatwaves paved the way for wildfires, killing a substantial amount of our harvest as well, and led to thousands of deaths that came prematurely. The cost of non-action is immense. It is time to act and to quickly build a brighter, cleaner future to capitalise on the enormous potential that the green transition brings in terms of sustainable economic development, well-paying and future-proofed jobs, cleaner air and a better quality of life for our citizens. Dear colleagues, dear Commission President, Putin’s war against Ukraine is also targeted at our EU values and at democracy. In order to stand strong against opponents and threats, we have to defend those values within the EU and without exception. I am grateful for your strong words on the rule of law, Commission President, however, we have heard very promising words before. What we are lacking is action. Thanks to Parliament, we have instruments at hand, but now they need to be used, including the rule of law conditionality mechanism. Dear Commission President, please respect the conditionality instrument and the political will of this Parliament. No money should be given to the governments of Poland and Hungary unless they clearly return to the path of rule of law. And I want to tell our dear colleagues from the EPP and especially you, Mr Weber, to be careful with whom we form partnerships. Looking at Italy, you are playing a risky game, with democracy and with our shared values, just for power. A game that could backfire on all of us. A group that claims to be part of the democratic majority should not partner with people who wear Putin-fancier shirts nor parties with fascist logos. Not in Italy, not in Spain, not in Sweden. Not in the EPP. Nowhere and never. And, it is a bit awkward that I say this as a Green, but the centre right has a very important role to play in Europe and part of this, together with all of us, is to ward off the extreme right. If you open the door to them, you are doing a big, big disservice to Europe but I believe also to your own party. Dear Commission President and dear colleagues, yes, the state of the Union is full of challenges stemming from the war in Ukraine to the rule of law to the climate crisis. We are facing a big test. However, I am convinced that the EU has the strength to face these challenges if we work together. Work together towards new energy independence, a climate-neutral continent and, maybe most importantly, a European Union that deserves and maintains the trust of our European citizens, founded on values, founded on solidarity.

Mr President, I’m happy that the Commission has taken the historical decision to propose the status of an accession candidate for Ukraine and Moldova, as called for by this House, and I hope that the Council will also decide accordingly. The war Russia is raging against Ukraine, is also one against European values and is also one against European integration. And as a European family, we need to stand together. Ukraine and Moldova have made important steps and reforms, notably against corruption. Not all is well – much remains to be done – but the progress is there and it will be given new impetus also with a candidate status. Georgia, too, has European ambition that we want to support. And I would strongly encourage the Georgian Government not to undermine the country’s past progress and to go forward making the necessary reforms. Apart from those three countries, we also need to see a clear commitment and perspective for the Western Balkans. These countries have all been waiting for years for any sort of progress in their accession perspective. Many have made enormous reforms – North Macedonia even changed its name – but are still being held in limbo and this must finally come to an end. We need a clear and reliable path to the EU for the Western Balkans for their own sake, but also for the growth and the strength of our Union. While the countries joining have to undertake the tough task to implement reforms, it’s not only their job – the EU needs to grow with this challenge and do everything in its power to unite the Union’s family and to stand up for our values. Let us not let this opportunity slip away. And what Ukraine has reminded us is how much drive and how much passion is behind the way towards European membership, how much energy this perspective for the future involves, how much it lifts people’s spirits. Too often we who have managed to join this Union forget about this kind of passion, forget about this power of hope that it holds. Let us use this moment as an opportunity to bring new life into the accession process. There is much at stake, but there is also so much to win.

Madam President, we are all shocked by the atrocities that Russia is committing in Ukraine. The images, the testimonies of the survivors, they are unbearable. But we must not remain paralysed. There can be no questions. These more crimes cannot remain without reaction. We must take action and respond with further sanctions against Vladimir Putin’s criminal regime. Europe’s answer must be decisive and united. We need to continue to support Ukraine in its efforts to defend its freedom, including comprehensive and immediate financial assistance. And we must ensure that those who are responsible for those atrocious acts will be prosecuted and held accountable in front of the International Criminal Court. Injustice cannot and must not prevail. Dear colleagues, the war in Ukraine revealed Europe’s strategic mistakes in the past. Even after the atrocities done in Grozny and in Syria, very similar to what we see today in Bucha, even after Putin invaded Crimea and Eastern Ukraine, some governments continued to hope for good business with Russia and made us more and more dependent on goods from Russia, on energy and on other items. And this has led us today to a situation where we are struggling to free ourselves from the short—sighted dependence on fossil fuels and uranium. Many mistakes were made, and now we need to make things right. We need to invest heavily in renewables and transition faster than we ever thought. This is, and will be, an enormous effort, and it won’t happen overnight. But we need to redefine what it means to act as fast as possible. We need to move to light speed. We need to save energy. Therein lies the huge potential that remains untapped so far. And this is true for individuals, sure, but also and even more so for industries and for policies –and the European Parliament must join efforts here as well. We also need to recognise that while the effects of the war will hit all of us, they hit us very differently. The biggest cost is obviously carried by the people who have lived and who still live in Ukraine. Those who died, whose close ones were killed, those who were injured and are being injured at the moment, those who fled and those who are fleeing the carnage, losing their home, their life plans, and often leaving family and friends behind. There is so much sorrow and so much despair in this suffering. When we are debating here the consequences of sanctions that we are rightfully taking, we need to keep in mind that us here in the Chamber are not the ones who will be most hit by them. Rising energy costs are a nuisance to some and an existential threat to others. We need to support those most in need – the families with small or no income. The European Council hasn’t been very conclusive on the issues of how to support those most in need in the EU and worldwide, looking at the hunger issues, and how to further support Ukraine. Of course, many of the instruments needed are indeed national ones, but it is clear that we need solidarity among Member States to deal with this crisis – solidarity in sharing energy and infrastructure, solidarity to enable measures, solidarity with everyone fleeing Ukraine, and solidarity with the sovereign nation of Ukraine. Putin wants to divide us and he has failed miserably. Our unity is our strength, and we need more of it – of unity, but also of courage.

Madam President, Putin has brought back the horrors of war to Europe, and a cruel reminder of those horrors of the past and present is the violent death of World War Two Nazi concentration camp survivor, Boris Romanchenko, who was killed last week in the shelling of his apartment in Kharkiv. Our condolences go out to his family and friends, and to all Ukrainians who have lost loved ones in this senseless war. Millions of people have had to flee from Ukraine. Women, who still a month ago were building their careers, are now homeless. Children who were surrounded by their friends at their last birthday party now hold onto their pets as their only friends left. Students who are studying for their final exams are now stranded and old couples who maybe used to sit in street cafes, watching passers-by, now sit for days in overcrowded trains, hoping to arrive somewhere safe, and yet they have nowhere to go. In this war, as in so many others, lives have been disrupted from one day to the next and people have been left shattered and scattered. The suffering of those refugees is immense, but there is also immense solidarity among Europeans who give donations, hand out food and even open their homes for those people in need. I want to thank those volunteers wholeheartedly. You are showing what Europe is about. You are showing what humanity is about. Member States have eased access at the borders and are setting up housing capacities. This solidarity is important and it is outstanding, but we need to speed up and we need to redouble those efforts. We need to redouble them and we need to protect people without discrimination. As always, it’s the countries that are in close geographic proximity that take the biggest inflows, but we all need to share together as Europeans, as European Member States, we need to share this effort of housing refugees among Member States, of registration and supporting those in need. We cannot expect a few countries alone to shoulder this immense task. All Member States have to do their share and they have to do it in the long run. Unfortunately, many more people will probably have to leave their home or their temporary shelter in western Ukraine. The least we can do is to offer them a safe shelter, and that safe shelter needs to be organised now. Let us not wait until we are sitting in a situation where we don’t know what to do next. Let us prepare. We know what to do. We know that we need to be prepared. So everyone, every single Member State, needs to make the efforts to make sure that those people who are traumatised by the war will finally find a place to rest and to live in safety.

Madam President, the war Putin is waging is targeted against Ukraine, shelling civilian areas and attacking refugees, but his war is also meant against Europe as a whole. Putin intends to destroy the post—Cold War European security architecture. Putin is waging a war against democracy, rule of law and freedoms, which are universal values. As the European Union, as the Union built for peace, we must act for the European security. At European level, we need to make sure that the Member States’ defence is functioning, that investments are compatible with one another, that pooling and sharing finally gets implemented, and that we have common standards so equipment cannot be used by one State alone. But colleagues, if we are exclusively thinking about the army when saying defence and security, then we don’t see the whole picture. Security means much more. It means energy security and energy independence. We need to get rid of the dependence on Russia’s fossil fuels and raw materials – be it gas, oil, coal or uranium. We have plenty of sun and wind to use on our own. We have the technology at hand. We need to reduce our consumption and speed up Fit for 55, investing massively in renewables, in energy efficiency and in energy saving. Security also means civil protection. In the last years and decades, much of the protective infrastructure in Europe has been neglected. Floods and wildfires in recent years have already shown us the lack of preparedness. The EU and its Member States need to urgently work on how to effectively protect citizens. Security also means making sure that Europe’s critical infrastructure is well—functioning, well—stocked and in public hands. The same goes for cybersecurity and our digital infrastructure and data. We need to talk about resilient societies, about communities that help each other and are educated to withstand misinformation campaigns and to spot fake news. Security for Europe means solidarity among Member States, about sharing the efforts, for example, for welcoming the many people fleeing Ukraine. They need to be housed, they need medical care, the children need to go to school, and that will need a shared effort by all Member States and not just a few. We have seen it in the last two weeks. When we act together, we are strong. This is the lesson that we have to carry forward.

Madam President, we have made advances for gender equality, but the pure fact that I stand here today, as a female politician and the President of my Group, and the fact that we have a female President of the Parliament, is unfortunately nothing to be taken for granted. It is the result of the incredible work of the many women before us who fought for equal rights and for gender equality. With that in mind, today becomes more than a celebration of women’s rights. It becomes a reminder of the hard work that we need to put in for women’s rights, a reminder of how much equality we’re still missing. In times of war, women are one of the most vulnerable groups, threatened by gender—based violence, fleeing conflict zones under horrible conditions and at high risk of human trafficking, while often being excluded from the formal negotiations to end the conflicts that they are suffering from. The idea of feminism is about creating a fair world, a world in which we can live freely, equally and in peace. In the last two weeks, we have seen these ideals demonstrated by the brave women of Ukraine doing everything in their power to keep their families and their communities safe. I also want to stress that we see all the efforts of women in Russia and in Belarus protesting to show they disagree with this horrific war of Putin’s, who is waging it against Ukraine, all the while not forgetting the efforts and the suffering of women in Syria, Afghanistan, Yemen and so many other conflicts in the world. These women show us what courage and resilience look like, and this is the courage that we lose when women are not involved in the decision—making processes. Experience shows that, when women are part of the decision—making and peace-making efforts, the resulting peace is longer lasting and more broadly carried by society because diverse perspectives and additional knowledge are included. It is our joint responsibility to make sure that women around the world receive equal opportunities to get their feet in the door and take their rightful place at the table. Feminism is the key to a more equal and more peaceful world, not just for women, but for all of us and for the generations to come.

Madam President, Ukraine is under threat. A country that just as any other country wants to decide on its own future but is bullied by its big neighbour. But this is not just a threat to Ukraine. It’s also an attack on the basic idea of how states relate to each other. It’s a threat to international rules and to European security. And it saddens me profoundly that we have to debate this dangerous development in our Eastern Neighbourhood today. This European Parliament was born out of the devastating experience of war and violence. The EU was built as a peace project and a model of democratic cooperation. President Putin’s nationalist and imperial course of action and suppression runs contrary to the mere idea of our common Union. Putin’s actions therefore challenge us as Europeans, and we as Members of this Parliament, carry a historic responsibility to stand up and clearly condemn Russia’s threats of aggression. As the EU, as its Parliament, we stand united against the Russian threat and in full support with Ukraine. The people of Ukraine have our support for choosing their own path for living in peace and for undertaking reforms that will transform their country for the better. We need to be prepared for sanctions against individuals, entities and sectors in Russia. I am talking, for example, about freezing assets, about entry bans, and yes, I am also talking about Nord Stream 2. This pipeline must be part of our common sanction regime. And yes, sanctions have repercussions, also for ourselves, but we must act in face of an aggression. As a Union we need to reduce our dependency on Russia, especially when it comes to energy. We have the technologies to do so and we have ample supplies of sun and wind. What energy we use is a geo-strategic decision. And we need to make the right one. Let’s not forget that the Ukrainian people have suffered greatly already because of the Russian aggression going on for years in eastern Ukraine. Almost 15 000 people have died. More than a million Ukrainians had to flee their homes. Conflicts can only be solved by diplomatic means. Russia must withdraw its troops and end the threat of invasion. It must return to the table of frank and peaceful negotiations. Negotiations that must be based on international law, mutual respect and a common vision for peace on our common European continent. This is a key moment for international peace, stability and security. Now is our time to show through words and through actions that we stand united as one, and that the people of Ukraine can count on us.

Madam President, dear colleagues, dear family of David, last week, we not only lost a political leader but also a member of our European family. And as it always is with family members, they leave a painful void – a void that will be felt in this Parliament for a very long time. President Sassoli was a committed, heartfelt pro-European. He carried a deep conviction that Europe’s future could only be ensured by working together, by overcoming the borders of the past. He leaves us a big legacy and it is up to us now to continue on this path. His conviction and passion for Europe is our guidance for the future. In his political life, President Sassoli could always rely on the power of the better argument. He was a man of political discussions striving to change people’s minds and convictions with the power of words. And thanks to his visions, humour and his compassion, he was able to connect with people and build lasting ties. In the current political climate that is so often shaped by polarisation and antagonism, he was able to build bridges and bring people together. He was, in that sense, a politician of the best kind and the best ambassador for our democratic House. President Sassoli and I saw eye-to-eye on many big challenges that our continent is facing today – be it on climate change or on the need for a truly social Europe. It was, however, his continuous battle against the humanitarian disaster of people suffering and dying at EU borders that brought us together the most. I will always honour David for his very clear words and deeply human approach. He impressed me as he did not shy away when the call for rescuing people at sea was far from popular, while he was convinced it is a human duty. Dear Members of this House, we have lost a most distinguished colleague and a great European politician. My deeply felt condolences go to the family of David, who have lost so much more. David Sassoli, President of the European Parliament, will be missed deeply and he will not be forgotten. (Applause)

Mr President, yet again, the COVID cases are spiralling up in some European regions more than ever before during the pandemic. Europe is even becoming a hotspot in the global statistics. And yes, there are differences between Member States. But we should never stop to look for European solutions, to learn from one another, and we should make sure that the virus that has caused so much damage never gets in the way of our united Europe. The Member States need to make a greater effort to get people vaccinated also, with booster shots, to prevent the overburdening of the health system and to protect the people who cannot be vaccinated yet, like most children. This crisis is not over yet, and it will not help to pretend otherwise. We should not forget that many regions of the world don’t even have access to enough vaccines, and this needs to change, or we will never see the end of the pandemic. In preparation for the summit, we had discussed the issue of the rule of law, and I was indeed very happy that several presidents and prime ministers were very vocal on rule of law in the media. However, it seems that the Council did not reach any progress. And it’s not only – also, but not only – the task of the Commission to act, but also of the Member States. The Article 7 procedure is in the hands of the Council and yet, nothing is moving. We need more action and we need it fast. This only becomes a crisis if we don’t act. Speaking of another crisis, the climate summit in Glasgow has brought about progress, but it’s the bitter reality that this progress is absolutely insufficient in the wake of a catastrophic climate crisis. And there is no time for self—congratulatory statements. The urgency is real. Europe needs to step up its game, and it’s not helped by branding fossil investments as sustainable. Investments in gas now will mean prolonging the fossil era for decades, instead of finally getting real with climate protection. And nuclear is neither safe nor clean, and certainly not renewable. We desperately need a sustainable energy transition, and we cannot waste our time on gas and nuclear. And finally, on Belarus: as long as we see human beings as the biggest threat, we give Belarus and also other regimes all leverage. We have to help those people in need. They are stuck, and they are not weapons; they are people in need.

Madam President, before looking ahead to the Council meeting, I need to look back and refer Minister Logar to some remarks that his Prime Minister, Prime Minister Janša, has made lately via Twitter. He has degraded MEPs. He has promoted ridiculous conspiracy theories and he has used anti-Semitic stereotypes. I’m not willing to get used to this kind of political rhetoric. It undermines our democracies and we must call it out for what it is – dangerous populism. I’m happy to hear, Minister, that you’re going to discuss disinformation at the Council, so I’m sure you can bring it up, or your Prime Minister obviously can bring it up here. We have seen that democratic values can never be taken for granted, must always be defended, and I am proud to know that my Group, but also the majority of this House will agree with me when I say that. Yesterday we debated the situation in Poland, a country that is turning its back on the EU, even though one should always keep in mind that it’s not the country, which has a huge support for the European Union, it is the government that is turning the country’s back on the EU and its values. And we called on the Commission yesterday to take strong actions in defence of our Treaties. But the truth is that the Council also has a role to play. In the Council there are some around the table who blatantly violate the most fundamental of our common rules. So I wonder, will the prime ministers and presidents finally, and in all clarity, speak up to them? Will the Council start finally the hearings on Article 7? Because the real crisis for our Union is when there is no strong response when some deviate from our common values. I would also like to hear some clear words from Council members on the human rights crisis at the European borders. People are dying at our borders because of our lack of action. They are being pushed back at the borders, beaten, humiliated, left helpless, and yet no one seems to care. And this needs to stop. Europe’s borders and what happens there are our common responsibility. That the human rights of people in need are systematically violated cannot be an acceptable state of play. Human beings are not weapons. They are not threats. Right now, every dictator in the world has understood that the one thing that the Europeans are very much afraid of is to send children, women and men. If they want to put pressure on us, that’s what they will do. But rather than being frightened, we should finally establish a fair asylum system based on human rights and solidarity. And this Parliament has again and again proven to be ready. And Europe also needs to reduce its dependency on autocrats when it comes to energy. Instead of building infrastructure that will tie us forever to the goodwill of not necessarily well-meaning governments, we need to invest in renewable energy at home to help the climate, but also to tackle energy poverty. It is a big problem all over Europe. We have the means to solve it. We have done, unfortunately, all over Europe, too little for too long and this must change.

Mr President, I was really wondering what the Prime Minister was trying to achieve today in this plenary because he hasn’t really presented himself as a prime minister of one of the most important Member States of the European Union. Prime Minister, you’ve been coming here more like a leader of a small party in a heated election campaign and I’m not sure that’s the image you want to give here. Where are your ideas of how to get out of this crisis? I haven’t heard any ideas about how you want to go forward, and that seems to be the road right into the abyss. And I’m very proud of all our colleagues here across the room from Poland, who stood up today here for the rule of law in their own country, as well as the European Union overall. I’m very proud of you, colleagues. And let’s never forget that Poland is much more than peace. The Polish people deserve our solidarity, so let’s keep on working for the rule of law, and I very much hope that the Commission is going to be very strong, but also the Council indeed, and we’re going to debate that tomorrow, because they also have to do their job. All of us together. But that also includes the Polish Government.

Dear Prime Minister, I welcome the opportunity to speak to you directly even though, unfortunately, I might have missed that hopeful part that you had promised to us. Maybe we should give him the extra time for that, President. I believe, Prime Minister, though, that you are leading your country on a dangerous path, a path which calls into question the country’s well-deserved place at the heart of the European Union. I remember very well the day that Poland joined the European Union. It was just such a joyful day, such a day full of hope of overcoming very physical borders, but also the borders in our head. Today, it pains me to see how your government undermines this very unity that we celebrated together. Your government has turned its back on the rule of law, on the independence of the judiciary, on minorities, on almost anyone who does not fit your reactionary ideology. With this latest judgment, your government—chosen judges also turned their backs on the very principle of the EU itself ˗ the strength of our common laws. Let’s make no mistake, this does not just concern Poland. What the Polish Government has done and is doing is an attack on the very existence of the EU itself. Our Union is not just an economic alignment; it’s a Union of peace, cooperation, democracy and the same rules applying to everyone. A Union where Member States have voluntarily agreed to submit to commonly found agreements in order to offer their citizens a better life, to overcome conflicts and to guarantee peace. The Polish Government has questioned those fundamental pillars. If we let that pass, then there won’t be much left of those pillars before long. This is a test for all of us, but mostly for the European Commission. President von der Leyen, being the guardian of the treaties has never been an easy task, but this time is different. When a Member State blatantly questions the fundamentals, the Commission must act strongly and swiftly. Time and time again, your Commission has extended a hand of dialogue to the Polish Government. But, President von der Leyen, the Polish Government has rejected your hand. It is now high time that you fulfil the obligations that the EU’s Treaty puts on you, to defend the citizens of Poland and to defend the core of the Union, a Union built on justice.

Mr President, this summer the UN Panel on Climate Change gave us a dramatic reminder of what’s at stake. They tell us the global surface temperature is increasing faster than ever in the past 2 000 years. They tell us that if we don’t drastically limit our emissions, every single region on our planet will suffer the immediate consequences of climate change. They tell us we only have until 2030 maximum to do everything in our power to act against the climate and biodiversity crisis. The decisions that we are taking today have to deliver on the global promise to keep the temperature rise well below two degrees, and it’s the industrialised countries that have built their wealth on greenhouse gas emissions that are now threatening the lives and livelihoods of millions of people around the globe. We, as Europeans, have a special responsibility, and all of this makes the Fit for 55 package so important. A 55% reduction is, anyway, not very ambitious given the challenge ahead. Therefore, it will be even more important that this package is filled with concrete measures that are correctly and honestly calculated and measures that start today and not just only after 2030. And unfortunately, that is a test that this package does not pass, at least not in all aspects. Phasing out free allowances in the emission trade, a kerosene tax and an end to the combustion engine cannot be postponed for another 10 years, or even more. Not only are we losing out in the fight to keep the climate conditions liveable, but also in the race for who provides the tools and technology for the transition. The time to act is now if we don’t want to drown in the consequences of our own inaction. Rather, we need to end public subsidies for fossil fuel, get rid of free pollution certificates, complement the renovation phase with the solar phase and accelerate the switch to renewables. We know what to do. We just need to do it, and we have no time to lose.

Mr President, an ever—accelerating climate crisis, the deterioration of the rule of law in Europe, a new turn in the pandemic with a very transmissible variant spreading: these are just some of the issues a new Presidency will have to face, and it will be more than enough for any. But we are concerned about how willing the Slovenian Presidency is to take on those challenges. While we see unprecedented heatwaves and while the ocean is literally on fire, your Presidency will be in a position to start the negotiations on the climate package. You have a historic chance to help upgrade the EU’s position from the recent insufficient climate targets and focus on a massive rollout of a green and socially just transition. In your Presidency’s priorities, however – and you mentioned exactly that just now in your speech – not only is such an ambition lacking, but you are even giving credit to false solutions. On the rule of law, Prime Minister Janša, you seem to have been following and taking a look into a course on illiberal democracy, and that is dangerous for the European values your Presidency is claiming to uphold. Smear campaigns and the intimidation of free media and civil society, and looking for scapegoats are not the acts we expect from a European government. You have said that your Presidency’s number one priority is resilience and recovery, and I think we both agree that the key to achieve this is a good and targeted use of the common European funds dedicated to the recovery that we so dearly need. I am therefore wondering, as are colleagues, why Slovenia is the only country in the entire European Union that has not yet nominated its prosecutors to the European Public Prosecutor’s Office. What is the message that you are sending by interfering with judicial nominations? You’ve just said how important judicial independence is. Interfering with judicial nominations that are supposed to shed light on fraudulent use of public money in our union is rather strange to me with the rule of law being one of the priorities that you have set. The Presidency is always a time when a country and its government are in the limelight. While a country as beautiful as Slovenia always deserves to be the spot of attention, I do have some doubts about how you and your government will represent the EU in the next six months. But I hope that you will prove me, and us, wrong. We are very much looking forward to cooperating with you because a successful presidency is indeed a success for the whole European Union, but it needs to be based on the common values and targets that we have all agreed and signed up to.