Debate contributions by Kathleen VAN BREMPT

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, we are under attack. Our security, our prosperity, our integrity and even the survival of our Union are at stake today. But enough is enough. I think many have already said it here: it must be done with appeasing Trump, agreeing with him or settle for a bad trade deal – yes, dear EPP members, a bad deal. We do not let our industry, our workers, our sovereignty and our future be threatened. Not now, never. Let's stop making ourselves smaller than we are. We are an economic power, and we must use that power. So yes: Commission, Council, colleagues, show leadership this week. Come out of this Council with a clear message. Not only to Trump, but also to our own people. Activate the anti-coercion device. It is our bazooka to show the rest of the world that we are there and that we can and want to use our economic power. Choose full unity and sovereignty and build that broad coalition with our partners worldwide, from Canada to Indonesia, from Mercosur to India. That's the answer to Trump. It is the moment of truth. Please show, don't tell.

Madam President, Commissioner, colleagues, enough is enough. We cannot allow Trump to threaten our safety, our security, our prosperity, and our sovereignty. This is the moment for us in the Parliament to draw a line and we know what to do, we already said it. It's not all nice to hear, but we want to put the EU-US deal in the freezer, we want to activate the anti-coercion instrument, we want to build on security. What we truly need is a strong, a sovereign and a united Europe for the people. And that, dear colleagues, that means that we need partners – not fewer, but more partners in the rest of the world. And that is precisely what my group wants, and that is why we are in favour of cooperation with the Mercosur countries. Because these partnerships, they make us stronger. Does that mean that this agreement is a perfect agreement? No, colleagues, that is not the case. That is exactly the reason why we advocate to start the democratic process in this Parliament – that's what we're chosen to do. Let's have discussion in the AGRI Committee, in the EMPL Committee, in the ENVI Committee, and have a decent, good report on what we expect from the Commission to make sure that this deal can work for our citizens, our industry, and, yes, for our agriculture. It doesn't mean that we have to stall this process by asking the opinion of the court or a motion of censure. Can you imagine, at the moment that the world is in this severe situation, you want to tear down the Commission? Because that's what it's all about: the far right wants to divide and isolate Europe, make it vulnerable from the inside and weakened from within. That is not our Europe. Well, colleagues, not with us. That is why we will vote against this motion of censure, and because now it is time to show what Europe truly stands for: united together within our Union and with other partners around the world. And that means also with the Mercosur countries.

Mr President, it's been mentioned, the Sakharov Prize of yesterday is a very powerful reminder that the situation in Georgia is getting worse, not better. Opposition parties, civil society, independent media, pro‑democracy activists, all are paying the price for standing up for democratic values. 13 years of prison – that is what opposition leader Gakharia is facing. The use of politically motivated prosecution is unacceptable in a democratic society. And, as it has been mentioned by Tobias, according to a BBC investigation and other research, a World War I chemical agent was used in water cannons against a peaceful protest last year. Dear colleagues, you cannot use chemical weapons against your own people. That is criminal! And we must have a full and independent investigation – I call upon the Commission to do that, to go for a full and independent investigation. The local elections, colleagues, of 4 October did not move Georgia closer to democracy, on the contrary. And we in Europe, the European Parliament, but also broader – all EU institutions, we have to continuously stand firmly with the Georgian people: with the journalists, with civil society and with those political actors who defend democratic choices, and with young people, because a lot of young people are there on the streets, they are fighting for their dream of a European future. We cannot let them down.

Mr President, colleagues, China's dominance in rare earth elements combined with unjustified export control is disruptive for both the green and the digital transitions, and for our European industry. The recent temporary pause might be reassuring, but it is not enough, because many other key control measures continue to stay in place. It also makes one thing crystal clear: China and the US both are making decisions that shape our economy, and we are standing on the sidelines and have little impact on what's happening next. So, dear colleagues, despite new initiatives – and you, Minister, you mentioned the Critical Raw Materials Act – but despite that, since then, our dependency on China has grown. It hasn't decreased. This tells us that we need to step up our efforts. So it's high time that we take back control of our own economic security by, yes, quickly diversifying our supply – critical raw materials – by scaling up our recycling and by investing in sustainable processes within the EU. And, dear colleagues, no man is an island or, better said today, no woman is an island. We must increasingly work together with trusted partners to push back against unfair trading practices, and we should not hesitate to go to the WTO or to use the Anti-Coercion Instrument. But, colleagues – and maybe this is the essence – to be heard by China and the US, Europe must stay united. Only when we act together can we protect our economy and our future.

Mr President, it has already been said: Next week it will be exactly one year since the terrible tragedy in Novi Sad, in which 16 people lost their lives. Since then, the courageous student protests for transparency, against corruption and for justice for the victims have become a true national movement for democracy – the largest in Serbia’s history. In the meantime, the Council and the Commission are pretending that nothing is wrong. And I am not addressing you personally, Commissioner, but your President, Ursula van der Leyen. Not so long ago she reappeared in the photo with Aleksandar Vučić, without expressing any criticism. That view has deeply disappointed the Serbian people. It makes her feel abandoned. Such images also fuel anti-democratic sentiments in the region. Colleagues, my group – and many of us in this Parliament – are looking forward to Serbia’s accession to the European Union. But that must be a democratic Serbia. To achieve that, we must come to a good resolution, which will prompt you to make a clear choice: the choice for the Serbian people.

Mr President, Commissioner, Council, for exactly two years, we are witnessing the horror that is taking place in Palestine and in Israel and an intolerable human toll on the extremism of Hamas and the Israeli government. Indeed, we are talking again today and that should give us hope, but at the same time we must be realistic. Peace is still a long way off, let alone the creation of a Palestinian state. People are dying every day in Gaza and the West Bank. The Commission should not stop taking action now. The Association Agreement still needs to be denounced and sanctions still need to be taken against Netanyahu's far-right government. At the same time, we must, of course, ensure that we cooperate in this peace process, with a clear goal in mind: not only a lasting peace, but also the two-state solution, with a Palestinian state and the recognition of the right of the Palestinians for the future. Once again, many Europeans, including in Amsterdam, have taken to the streets. The Commission must listen to its own people. So take action.

Mr President, Commissioner, what I had just forgotten to say: If you allow the rules of international law to be set aside and give in to blackmail, as with Trump, then you get copycat behavior. This is what is happening with China. One brute inspires the other. China mercilessly pursues the Trump method, imposes illegal tariffs and copies economic coercion. Of course, this has nothing to do with fair competition or rules-based trade. It's just a show of power. Our farmers, but also our employees in the sector, pay the price. That's why I asked to change the title, because it's a broader problem. It's not just about the farmers, it's about all the workers in the whole sector. So we need to act quickly. We call for swift and decisive action on legal countermeasures, with instruments in our own hands. For example, by bringing a case before the WHO, even though this does not guarantee that effective action is taken today. It is important that we support our affected businesses, farmers and workers.

Well, fortunately, I am not part of the Member States. Well, I am part of a Member State, but not from the Council. And I understand your question. We said from the start, in many debates we had in the INTA Committee that we wanted to activate the Anti-Coercion Instrument. It doesn't mean that you have to use it, but then you stand ready to take much broader countermeasures than only on tariffs. You know, one of the reasons why the countermeasures on tariffs were not so effective in making sure that it makes some impression to Trump is because in the Council there were so many exceptions. And we already, from the start, said we also have to look at services. And the Anti-Coercion Instrument will give us the opportunity to have much more broader measures and we can take them into account. You saw what happened exactly after this deal. Immediately, Trump started to threaten us when it came to the DSA and the DMA. So we need to stand ready. And that's why we want to activate the Anti-Coercion Instrument.

Mr President, colleagues, can I start by saying that nobody – I guess nobody – is asking for an escalation in the trade war, especially not the S&D. But that doesn't matter that this is a good deal or that the response of Europe is sufficient. And yes, I do talk to industries and workers in the industry as well; they feel the impact of these tariffs every single day. From the very beginning, we, as the S&D, were crystal clear: Trump's tariff war is illegal, it is unfair and it is unacceptable. And on top of that, I have to say to our EPP colleagues, unfortunately – and I really say unfortunately – it does not give our people and businesses the certainty and the stability that they need. Just look at the 407 products that were added to the 50 % tariff after the deal was struck. Dear colleagues, we can never allow for the rule of international law to be replaced by the law of the jungle. So we need solutions – and they will not come from the US, they need to come from Europe, and that requires a strong, broad and united response that we will have to work on in this Parliament. Therefore, we urge you, Commissioner, first to look to activate the anti-coercion instrument. It will make us ready to take countermeasures when necessary in the face of Trump's threats. We need to implement a sunset clause, take measures to protect our industries and strengthen the internal markets. And third, we need to unite with our partners around the globe – like-minded partners – to coordinate our response to the US and to China. President von der Leyen said this morning a new Europe must emerge, and that requires leadership and courage. It does – for our workers, our businesses and in our future. And I count on your support to do that.

Mr President, Commissioner, you sometimes wonder how deep a regime can sink. On the one hand, Putin and Xi Jinping make great adornment – for the sake of clarity, leaders of pronounced autocratic regimes – while on the other hand they suppress peaceful, peaceful protests at home from students, but also from the population, against the decline of democracy and against corruption. Let me thank Commissioner Kos for her clear introduction. I hope that the message will be followed by the whole Commission and the Council. I also hope that the so-called EP appeasement — supporting and socialising with President Vučić – stops. After all, Serbia is not any country, but an accession country. It is time for action and to actually use the accession negotiations to make a difference on the ground. I would like to give the Commissioner every support for this. It is very important for the pro-European majority to take a clear position, for democracy and the rule of law in Serbia.

Mr President, I must honestly say that I do feel vicarious shame about this intervention by the European People's Party. I wish Hilde every success with the negotiations; It won't be easy. It is high time that we put down a resolution in this House! The Commission is hiding behind the Council and the Council behind the Commission and behind unanimity. But those who cannot hide from the genocide are the Palestinians in Gaza and the occupied territories. Take action, introduce economic sanctions, suspend the association treaty, stop the subsidies to Horizon. Stop buying weapons. Today I read in the newspaper that there are numerous Israeli companies present at a large arms event in London. We're not going to spend our money in Europe on Israeli weapons, are we? Europeans demand action! And something very important: International law obliges us to act. Anyone who looks away from genocide violates that right and is partly responsible. This applies both to us and to the Commission. Apologies are up.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, for more than a year now Joseph Figueira Martin has been imprisoned in the Central African Republic, kidnapped by the Wagner Group, detained, tortured, threatened with death. And he's still there. He faces a life sentence based on false accusations, without trial, without justice. Colleagues, this is more than a personal tragedy. It is an attack on a European citizen and an attack on international law and human rights. We call on the authorities of the Central African Republic to immediately release Joseph and also provide him with urgent medical assistance. Colleagues, it's time to take Joseph home.

Mr President, dear Minister, dear Commissioner, we are facing a moment of truth in our trade relations with the US. Yes, we've shown patience and we have engaged, negotiated in good faith, as you mentioned. But here we are: deadline day, no deal, no relief, with Trump now even threatening 50 % tariffs on copper and a staggering 200 % on pharmaceuticals. Colleagues, that is not a relationship. That is abuse. And Commissioner, I said it before – I admire your calmness and your determination. And yes, we support your work and we hope you find a deal, but not at any cost, because we don't care about the deal with Trump. We do care about our workers, their jobs, their livelihoods, and about our businesses. So, Commissioner, our group has three messages for you today. One – it's time to set a clear deadline, and with retaliation, if necessary, not only on goods, but also on services. Two – it's more domestic and not always in your competence, but protect workers and business in Europe. Thousands of jobs are at risk, so now take immediate action to protect them. And three – don't let Trump play 'divide and conquer', not with Europe, not with the world. And so it's time to team up with countries like Canada, UK, Japan, Australia and establish a real trade coalition of the willing. It is time for Europe to strengthen up, to lead. Please, Commissioner, don't let the bully win. Push back.

Madam President, you know, Ms Montserrat, we have a sort of joke in the S&D Group. Every time you take the floor in the plenary, you will wait one minute, two minutes before you say the name Pedro Sánchez. But let me come to the Council. Dear Presidents of the Commission, of the Council and of the Parliament, when there is a storm outside, people look for shelter, a place where they can be safe and where they can count on protection. Colleagues, I do not have to tell you that there is a storm outside and that anybody who looks to Europe for shelter will be disappointed today. Just look at the outcome of the EU summit. Genocide in Gaza? Not on the agenda, no action. Further support for Ukraine? Blocked. Sanctions against Russia? Postponed. Ban on the Budapest Pride? Not on the agenda. The Serbian Government's heavy‑handed attack on protesting students? Business as usual. Trump will see. It is very clear who gains from that approach: Putin, Trump, Netanyahu, Vučić, Erdoğan, Orbán, Xi. Dear Council, you mentioned it, international law, multilateralism, rules‑based order are the principles on which Europe is built and they are the strongest weapons that we have to defend people. But it only makes sense when you follow them consistently, if we uphold them every time and we protect them when they are under attack. We need to act by finally confronting Orbán's attack on his own people, by giving Ukraine a clear and committed path towards EU accession, by stopping the appeasement of Vučić, and by finally doing what's right and suspending the association agreement with Israel. Council and Commission, that would be leadership. Please act upon it.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, a thousand. At least. This is the number of victims in Gaza since 26 June 2025, the day on which the Commission and the Council discussed the conflict in the Middle East. Thousands of lives and most of them women and children. With thousands and thousands of lives at stake today due to the hunger and hardship that the Netanyahu government consciously creates and organizes. In Europe there is a report that allows us to exert pressure, to take sanctions and to stop the violence. But nothing came. Well, it is to say, a letter from the Heads of Government kindly asking for humanitarian aid to be allowed. Not a day later, not even a day later, Netanyahu stops the food dispensation in North Gaza. The lack of action from Europe is not only intrigue, it is a disgrace. It is inexplicable, indefensible and irresponsible. How long, Commission? A thousand more dead? Two thousand maybe?

Mr President, Commissioner, EU enlargement – when it's done right – is a game changer. It brings peace, prosperity, strength across Europe. And today, with Russia tightening its grip in the Western Balkans and Eastern Partnership countries, the stakes are even higher. The momentum is real and we cannot afford to make the same mistakes we made in the past. So no shortcuts on our values. The rule of law, independent courts, freedom of speech, freedom of media, fundamental rights, democracy: they are non-negotiable. Even now – especially now – if a candidate country slides back on these values, we must act. When Serbia's President shows up at Putin's parade, while silencing democracy back home, the EU must respond. No more appeasement! Our credibility is on the line, and so is Serbia's future. And at the same time – as you mentioned, Commissioner – we need to reform ourselves. We can't demand from others when we ignore it ourselves. We need stronger tools to address democratic backsliding in the EU itself. And let's be honest: enlargement means readiness on our side, too. As candidate countries prepare, so must we, by reforming our institutions in parallel, updating the EU budget, making it fit for a bigger Union and, yes, moving beyond unanimity, as you mentioned. Dear Commissioner, people also need to see the benefits of enlargement – both in the EU and in the candidate and future Member States. So let's act: speed up access to the single market, give candidate countries observer seats in the EU institutions and let them be part of the project as they work towards full membership. And I would like you to convey the message to the Commissioner for Enlargement that she has the backing of the S&D Group to do all that in the coming months and years.

Mr President, Madam High Representative, ladies and gentlemen, the escalation of the conflict in the Middle East is disastrous for stability in the region and in the rest of the world. But as always, it is ordinary citizens who pay the price for this brutal violence. At the same time, the gruesome and genocidal offensive against the Palestinians in Gaza and the West Bank continues. The question here is: Which side is Europe on? Apparently not to those of the victims. Apparently not on the side of international law and human rights. And apparently not on the side of the 250,000 Europeans who took to the streets in Belgium and the Netherlands this weekend. I do not know if you have seen that, Madam High Representative. They are being silenced by the Commission today, while Netanyahu is being patted on the back by the President of the Commission. That's not just outrageous. It makes Europe complicit. European leaders are hiding behind each other today and the Commission is hiding behind unanimity in the Council. But you don't always need unanimity to act. You can take the initiative, for example, to cancel parts of the Association Agreement. I am thinking of cultural cooperation, research and development, cooperation with universities and cooperation in the field of health. The Commission may take that initiative. It's time to act.

Mr President, dear Commissioner, from your speech just now, I interpret that you still believe that Serbia will join the European Union one day. You nod, but then it is time to step up, because we are losing Serbia today. The rule of law, democracy and fundamental rights – they are all under threat. And imagine this, today's Serbian students are braver than the European Commission, maybe the whole of the European Union. They're the ones highlighting the systemic flaws in Serbian democracies, they're the ones fighting for civil liberties, and they're the ones exposing and condemning widespread corruption. Commissioner, they are fighting for European values and they deserve our full support. It is not compatible with what the European Commission today is doing in their approach of appeasement, which damages European credibility today. I know you know we support you and I know you think alike, but the European Commission needs to be much more forceful in the way they communicate. As we speak, there is a delegation up there, but there is also a delegation running to Brussels, and they will be in Brussels on Monday. And, dear colleagues, when they arrive, will we then, all of us, welcome them with open arms?

Mr President, dear Commissioner, colleagues, the US, once the greatest defender of liberal democracy, is rapidly becoming an authoritarian regime. This is a huge challenge, but also an opportunity for the European Union. It is time to show our strength. That is why we should support the WTO and intensify our contacts and trade with like-minded countries like the UK and Canada, and look for new sustainable partnerships in Asia and Latin America. And, of course, we need to negotiate, but not at all costs. Dear Commissioner, can you guarantee that our legislation is not up for discussion with the US? And why are the tariffs on US services still not yet on the table? I think we need answers to that. Above all, dear colleagues, the 'Trump show' should not distract us from doing what is needed for Europe. That means providing support for workers, implementing the Green Deal and investing in our strategic economy. Because the world, dear colleagues, needs urgently a united and independent Europe to lead the way.

Madam President, dear colleagues, dear Commissioner, today's debate is not only about İmamoğlu. It's about all the people, the journalists, the researchers, the women, the civil society organisations, and the minorities under attack. It's also about the way Europe deals with rising autocrats and dictators – from Hungary to Türkiye, from the United States to Russia. Think about the message we are sending to those who defend the values that we stand for, as we let them slip into the hands of autocratic regimes, while wheeling and dealing with the oppressors on migration, on critical raw materials, on defence? If we fail to act, to be clear on whose side we are on, if we fail to defend democracies, the rule of law and human rights, then ask yourselves, colleagues, when the time comes, who will defend you?

Mr President, Europe was, is and always will be a peace project. But choosing peace and freedom means taking our security into our own hands. That is why the Commission's and the Council's proposals are an important first step. However, a new European peace architecture includes many more 27 Member States that are investing additionally. It also requires coordination and strategy. Safety is so much more than just bullets and tanks. It is also about infrastructure, technology and reducing our dependence. Think of energy, raw materials for example also medicines. Security also does not mean cutting costs, but rather investing further. Yes, in defence, but also in sustainability, infrastructure and social policy. After all, our social model is unique in the world and that is what makes Europe so different from what Putin and Trump stand for. This is what the Ukrainians are fighting for: peace, freedom and security. That's what we need to protect now, more than ever.

Madam President, colleagues, let me thank M Warborn for his short history lesson. Of course, we agree very much with the fact that geopolitics has changed dramatically in the last five-to-ten years and the EU-Mercosur agreement is, in that light, important. For the S&D, it is important also that, in the next coming months, we will fully scrutinise this deal up to the very detail. We need to make sure that this deal works not just for our economy, but for the environment and for the workers on both sides of the world. We hear the sincere concerns, Commissioner, from the unions, from the environmental NGOs and from the farmers. It is important, as you mentioned, that the Paris Agreement is now an essential element. But many questions, Commissioner, on deforestation, remain. And we need answers on these. Let it be clear: this Mercosur agreement cannot water down the EU Deforestation Regulation. So we need answers. The S&D will be a fair partner in this process, but we need answers to make sure that the impact of the agreement on climate, workers' rights and European farmers is clear.

Mr President, Commissioner, we have all known this for a long time. We've been dependent and naive for too long. Depending on imported raw materials, imported gas and oil from Russia and imported security. We have also been naive – naive, I hope – thinking that we could afford to be and remain dependent. Today, more than ever, that time is over. We have to stand on our own feet. This ambition should be reflected in the Commission's work programme and initiatives. International trade – which you have the power to do – is a very strong lever for this. So yes, we are open to trade, but in our opinion it must be based on human rights, on workers' rights and on sustainability. All of this must also be enforceable. This is the benchmark for us. We must also eradicate poverty, both within the European Union with the Social Compass and, of course, in the rest of the world. We will have to develop a strategy to effectively fill the gap that USAID is dropping. Unfortunately, the Global Gateway is too much of a black box. We expect much more parliamentary scrutiny and transparency from the Commission. Finally, something about enlargement. We must reunite with the countries of the Western Balkans, Moldova and, of course, Ukraine in the long run. You can count on a strong S&D Group that is committed to the necessary reforms to also work on that enlargement.

Mr President, it is almost unimaginable, but it is indeed three years. Three years of continuous Russian aggression against Ukraine. Three years of deliberate attacks on towns and villages and critical infrastructure, with at least 12 000 civilian casualties and 20 000 kidnapped and deported children. The numbers are terrible. But fortunately, it is also three years of unity and a strong European response, a strong European condemnation of this illegal and brutal war. Three years of European solidarity and support for Ukraine and – on this we are very united in this Parliament – we will continue to give this support, as long as it takes. The future of Ukraine is European, that much is clear. And so, after three years of war, we have to start thinking about rebuilding and strengthening democracy in Ukraine, even though the war is not yet over. Fair and free elections are probably not yet for tomorrow, but we must prepare them, so that after the war we are really ready to make Ukraine a free, open and progressive country, a Ukraine with strong democratic institutions and a strong rule of law, and ready with our help, so that Ukraine finds its way to European membership.