Speeches

Madam President, it was Sir Winston Churchill that said that democracy means that if the doorbell rings in the early hours, it is likely to be the milkman. Well, ladies and gentlemen, these days it is not the milkman ringing our doorbells, but bombs, missiles, misery and pain. Authoritarian regimes that want to destroy our liberties, our freedoms and our way of life are ringing that doorbell. Make no mistake: we are the main course on Putin’s menu. Only through the brave and courageous resistance of our Ukrainian brothers and sisters, only through our help to those who fight for democracy and European ideals in Georgia, in Moldova, in Belarus, in the Balkans and even in Russia, will we prevail. Thanks to them, we might give an opportunity to our children to live the democratic dream. Let’s fight, outside and inside this European Union, the enemies of our liberties. Let’s start by cleaning our House of populists and extremists financed by Moscow, Caracas or Tehran. Europe, this is a wake—up call. Let’s show the world our desire to have the milkman at our doorstep.

Madam President, Mr Vice-President Schinas, do not deceive us, this fight is for the survival of our model of life. Our democracy is the main course. Putin's goal, like many other dictators and apprentice dictators, is to prevent the vaccine of democracy from spreading to their countries. And for this they will use all possible weapons. Threats to Ukrainian territory are not just a warning. Apart from a security alliance, which we are, and our commitments to NATO, above all there is the defense of our democratic values, not only in Ukraine, but also in Belarus, in Venezuela and in Russia itself, supporting democracy fighters like Alexei Navalny. I address the deputies of the left, who know very well that Putin's Russia is not the Soviet system longed for by some, that Maduro is not socialist and that the Communist Party of China is anything but communist. They are corrupt regimes full of oligarchs who defend their economic interests and impervious to democracy. Under this initial premise, the European Union must rise to the occasion and respond forcefully to what is happening in Ukraine. Let's practice the values we talk so much about. Let us forget the hope of global democracy that we nurtured in the 1980s and 1990s. We are in a new phase of the Cold War. Democracy versus autocracies. We can't let our guard down. And, above all, our asset is the economy, which remains our most powerful weapon. We must have the sanctions clear, prepared and directed towards these types of threats to our democratic system.

Madam President, we owe a moral debt to those who defend the freedom of their people with their lives and who only want the values and freedoms that we here enjoy. Two Sakharov Prize laureates, Berta Ramos and Guillermo Fariñas, addressed this House, its President and Mr Borrell to ask for protection from our European Union against the persecution of a regime that still does not respect minimum conditions; In this House, the European Parliament, that struggle has been recognised and with the vote of all the groups we have awarded it the Sakharov Prize. Disillusioned with EU support, the laureates denounce oblivion and make accusations, especially against Mr Borrell and the European External Action Service; their situation of despair is such that they propose the return of this Prize as a form of protest. I make a public appeal here to Berta Ramos and Guillermo Fariñas not to give up this Prize, awarded by the real elected representatives of European citizens in this Parliament; and they will, they will already talk to Mr Borrell and the European External Action Service. The last two resolutions adopted in this House highlight the stark reality facing the laureates: since 2016, when the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement was signed, the whole situation has worsened: torture, persecution of citizens continues and, what is more, organisations of the regime are being funded from the European Union; none of these organisations, which have even been awarded the Sakharov Prize, has been funded. What has to happen in Cuba for Mr Borrell, the European Commission and everyone to wake up to the persecution, the torture, of this bloodthirsty regime? I wonder where we are going to get the courage, the character, to point to a dictatorship for not respecting human rights when even here we give up congratulating Christmas; how the far left, the previous MP, is offended, right?: defending a torturer regime, but, nevertheless, offended because Christmas is celebrated. How can we get the courage to defend that? It's the question that remains. Merry Christmas to all, and especially to Cuban prisoners.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, the current situation on the border with Belarus is above all a human tragedy. Lukashenka is using migrants and causing them suffering solely for their political survival. This is both a human tragedy and a hybrid attack to blackmail our Union. Let's not be fooled. This crisis is not the work of a single dictator. Once again, Putin is trying to destabilize us. It is a new example of the cynicism and cruelty of the autocrats we face in this neighbourhood. This crisis requires a swift and strong European response to defend our borders and our values; as firm as that used by Vice-President Schinas when discussing the airlines used by Lukashenka or the sanctions to be imposed by the European Union in the face of the silence, many times, of the Council and also of the High Representative. We must all unite to, once and for all, drive out these 19th-century dictators who make no sense at our border or in this Europe.

Mr President, I consider this report by my friend and colleague Andrius Kubilius to be excellent. We are, clearly, with the Putin regime, facing an authoritarian and repressive regime. We have an uncomfortable neighbour, who behaves both as a trading partner, an aggressive competitor and often as an enemy of the peace, stability and unity of our Union. Energy security, strengthening our defence capabilities and targeted sanctions against the environment of Putin and his collaborators are key. The Kremlin respects only the strong. As for Russian interference and hybrid warfare, the text includes numerous references to interference in domestic affairs, and we Spaniards are no strangers. Recently, The New York Times denounced a document explaining how collaborators of Mr Puigdemont, Member of this House, sought support from the Russian Government for their plans to break the unity of Spain. Let us be aware that the enemies of democracy in Europe, in Spain – in this case Russia – are constantly seeking partners and allies among us to destroy this European project, and rely on movements and parties that want the division of our Member States. Finally, I would like to express my support for Amendment No 31 by the Socialist Group and my hope that the Socialist Government in Spain will maintain that same sense of statehood and defence of unity.

Madam President, I am glad that this important report is voted on this week. I would like to thank all the Members who contributed to the final text; I would especially like to thank the shadow rapporteurs for their work. We were very ambitious from the beginning. We wanted to have a text that could send a strong and clear political signal on the role of the European Union in defence matters. We also wanted this report to be voted on in committee before the NATO Summit and the European Union Summit with the United States. I am pleased that the conclusions of both summits are largely in line with our report, showing that the European Union can truly be an added value to the current transatlantic defence structure. Ladies and gentlemen, the report naturally highlights the importance of our transatlantic partnership. It also highlights our common history, our common values and our common successes. The report clearly states that this is a unique opportunity for closer cooperation between the European Union and NATO. Member States are currently establishing the strategic compass for European security and defence based on joint threat analysis. At the same time, NATO updates its strategic concept, highlighting the Alliance's vision for its security environment and goals for the next decade. Both projects will provide a clear window of opportunity to set coherent priorities and identify additional synergies. As regards the sharing of responsibilities —burden-sharing—The report argues that Europe must redouble its efforts to develop its own defence capabilities and ensure that it does so in complementarity with NATO. In the text we consistently demonstrate that the instruments and competences of the European Union can contribute to NATO's mandate. Some people have always been skeptical about the idea of the European Union as an active actor with its own defence capabilities. But I think that after a few years in which Europe felt alone in the world, initiatives such as PESCO or the EDF are now seen as a necessity, rather than a luxury. The European Union is not an obstacle to the main defence interests of NATO or the United States. Indeed, the European Union can be a complementary actor that helps to avoid redundancy and duplication. U.S. participation in the PESCO military mobility project is further evidence. The report highlights that Member States and NATO allies face a common reality of systematic competition, alongside new common threats, which have a significant impact on the security of our citizens. Our adversaries and authoritarian rivals use not only military force, but also a wide range of tools aimed at weakening our democracies. Only recently have we realized how powerful these tools can become, such as hybrid threats, cyberattacks, outside interference or election manipulation, and disinformation campaigns. While the European Union and NATO are not the same, their skills and knowledge can complement each other in addressing these challenges. We need to strike the right balance between ambition and realism; serious steps are being taken by addressing the fragmentation of European defence industries, investing in interoperability, conducting common threat analysis and expanding civilian and military missions. Let me conclude by saying that it is of the utmost importance that this Parliament demonstrates that we are serious about European and transatlantic defence. Those who oppose this cooperation and the efforts of the European Union to strengthen its defensive capacity are participating in the game of Russia and China: have a weak and divided Europe. Strengthening the strategic alliance between the European Union and the Atlantic Alliance is essential to address common threats and make the European Union a stronger global actor and partner.