Speeches

Madam President, it is so painful to speak every time about Hong Kong, showing precisely the nature of atrocities against ordinary peace-loving and democracy-loving people who, as my colleague said minutes ago, were betrayed by neighbours. And that shows the real nature of the Communist regime, regardless of propaganda. The arrest and charges against an authority, a great authority, 90-year-old Cardinal Zen, shows how vicious, brutal this regime can be. We stand by him. We call on the international community to use every power possible to exert pressure on PRC to drop charges against Cardinal Zen and other people of Hong Kong who simply want to live in peace. And we have to work with the Vatican. For me, a Pole, it is a reminder of the faith and brave behaviour of our leader, the Primate of Poland, Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński. It is the fate of leaders, of spiritual leaders, but we have to defend them by all our force.

Mr President, Commissioner, it is for the first time in history that we try to implement the Withdrawal Agreement. With pain, and not all circumstances we were able to foresee while negotiating and signing it. Surely, we did not foresee the vicious war so close to our borders, and necessity to focus on the security. I think there is room for compromise. Surely, the unilateral solutions are not the best ones. And I call on both sides to sit at the table and find this solution for the sake of future cooperation.

Mr President, Commissioner, it’s almost 20 years now of my active public support of all three applicants on their way to the EU. Also to Balkan states I can feel this wind of change blowing here. Yet the success of the whole of Europe, including enlargement policy, depends on our will and ability to help Ukraine win this war. Also Belarusians know this. They now fight in the Ukraine along with Ukrainians, against Russians, in a Belarussian regiment named after Kalinoŭski. They also deserve a European future. We have to remember them.

Madam President, colleagues, EU integration enjoys enormous support from the Georgian people. Many governments and members of the political elite of Georgia contributed to this result. The most prominent of them are now in prison. The third president of Georgia, Mikheil Saakashvili, as well as Nika Gvaramia, the one-off subject of today’s debate, appealed to us, the best friends of Georgia, despite their criticism of current government feeling historic significance and historic threat to their country, to grant candidacy status, not to leave Georgia in a post—Soviet swamp and not to punish the Georgian people by leaving them behind the potential iron curtain. Look at what is happening in Ukraine. I, myself, opposing some time ago a communist regime, can feel this with all Georgians. And I also appeal to you: grant candidacy status to Georgia as well as Ukraine and Moldova.

Mr President, thank you very much. In August 2008, Russia launched an unjustified aggression against Georgia. This happened under the previous Presidency, under the French Presidency. Countries such as the United States and the countries of my region belonging to the European Union, under the leadership of Polish President Lech Kaczyński, were the ones who supported Georgia in defending its independence. Let me remind you that in the European Union, we were rather in favour of the Heidi Tagliavini report, which actually drew the blame on both sides. It was then in Tbilisi that words were spoken warning of President Kaczynski's Russia. History repeats itself. Under the French leadership, Russia invaded Ukraine. And again, those who help the most are the United States, there is the United Kingdom, and there are countries in my region. With the great role of Poland, not only in receiving refugees, because we are also a hub in helping in all matters, humanitarian, but also military. She said that we are moving, that the Union is moving at the pace of the weakest, of those who are the slowest. The problem is that the slowest are also the strongest. And that's why I don't support a qualified majority in decision-making.

Mr President, much has changed in our approach to the Indo-Pacific since the famous negotiations of the CAI in December 2020. The report being discussed today is probably the best example of this change. Yet when we see the recommendation of and think about earlier meanders and mistakes in our policies towards the region, similar to the meanders and mistakes of policies vis—à—vis Russia, we have to question this recommendation. Unity, which is so much appreciated and in the report, is best achieved by unanimous voting in the CFSP.

Mr President, colleagues, yes certainly for decades the Russian Federation was able to turn the attention of the West from the immediate neighbourhood and the will to conquer neighbours, to global issues. Now it is impossible. We are aware of all the atrocities happening in Ukraine during this appalling invasion that is next stage of the war that started in 2014. Russia is to be defeated in this war, and surely no impunity for perpetrators of war crimes and for instigation and decision—makers as well. We require a special tribunal and we require all actions that are already taken. I am happy that my country, together with Ukraine and Lithuania, were in the lead of Member States’ initiatives to eradicate Russian impunity in war crimes through decades.

Mr President, luckily, today we send a really powerful signal to the Moldovan people in an extremely difficult time, surviving a period of instability, difficulties after COVID – yet showing enormous generosity in welcoming Ukrainians fleeing atrocities in a war waged by Russia in Ukraine. It is an enormously powerful message by Maia Sandu’s statement here in the European Parliament and by a very good report we have issued jointly, in consensus, over political divisions. We acknowledge Moldova as a member of the European community, of a European community of nations that want to realise their aspirations. And we want to help the Moldovan authorities and Moldovan people in achieving candidacy status to the EU as soon as possible.

Mr President, Commissioner, colleagues, I salute the Moldovan authorities and people for warmly welcoming Ukrainians fleeing war. For years, I have supported the Ukrainian drive to try to achieve a European future, a really European future, to obtain accession to the EU. Also, I support the sovereign, independent statehood of this country and welcome pro-European changes in the political scene. Allow me to deliver a difficult truth to us and to Moldova. In my opinion, to achieve this goal it has to be proper action now and during this important time. In order to fundamentally change Moldova, we have to help; collectively, the West has to help Moldova in cutting ties with the Russian Federation, in particular in hydrocarbons, but in other areas – financial – as well. So I think that joining the sanction is a major opportunity to this country, of course, with our fundamental help.

Madam President, I commend the Commissioner’s very accurate analysis of this situation. Unfortunately, since the announcement of the integrated EU—Africa strategy, all characteristics that are there and all pillars show even the deterioration of the situation, and we have to surely step up our efforts in all areas using all instruments available in order to face this challenge. We can name all areas, but let me focus on one issue. In order to maintain the possibility to remain a global player, we have to increase efforts to combat the possibility of further hunger. In the region, we have over 20 million people in need of humanitarian assistance. It gives further leverage to players like Russia, in particular after the aggression on Ukraine, with providing stolen grain to Africa, already that we know from our Ukrainian sources, and to China. That gives both players an additional hand in their political operation in the multilateral arena. In particular, in the UN that was visible in important voting in terms of Africa. So we need a further step—up of our actions vis—à—vis Africa.

Mr President, thank you very much. After the collapse of the original concept of the invasion of the Russian Federation, it returned to what General Ben Hodges, a former commander of the US forces in Europe, called ‘default settings’ in computer language: rape, murder, destruction, persecution, state terror. This he does in the war in Ukraine, a country that Russia does not recognise as a state whose statehood he does not recognise, against a nation that Russia does not recognise either and the Kremlin leaders do not recognise, calling it – and them – anti-Russia. For the reason we are talking about in this resolution, above all for the best that the Russian land has given up, namely the Russian opposition, Russia must be defeated this time so that it never threatens anyone again.

Madam President, I'm sorry. Each of us, active politicians, will one day hear the question: “What have you done to stop Russia? What did you do when the beasts murdered Ukrainians, women, children, the elderly?” Their bodies bear traces of actions that clearly indicate crimes against humanity. Evil must be called evil. It is our duty, our legal duty under international law, to do everything possible to stop this evil as soon as possible through massive total sanctions, tight, imposed in solidarity and carried out in solidarity. Also through the supply of weapons, because the Ukrainians are fighting in a just war. They fight for their freedom and for the lives of their children and mothers. And one more thing, Madam President of the Commission. Next Sunday will be a day of remembrance. Our Ukrainian brothers will understand this. A day of remembrance for Ukraine’s great friend, the man who warned the most and earliest about the Kremlin’s criminal policies, the late President Lech Kaczyński, who died in the Smolensk crash. Hi to his memory.

Madam President, certainly a recent summit with the People’s Republic of China (PRC) was very special. Since the full-scale unprovoked invasion of Ukraine by Russia, we look towards policies, statements and the strategic stance of the PRC with increased concern, noting declarations in Beijing, its behaviour at the level of the UN and also practical actions taken. We hope, though, that this efficient diplomacy is not willing to align with the war crimes and crimes against humanity, in particular with the position in the UN Security Council. Here in the European Parliament, we stand by the mature democracy of Taiwan. We support Uyghurs, and we monitor closely their fate in the PRC. We also stand by the activists and human rights defenders in Hong Kong, Tibet, and in other parts of the PRC. We are going to continue this advocacy. It is to be taken by EU leaders in general – not just in the remit of the human rights dialogue.

Madam President, it may be difficult, costly and painful, yet we have to make everything possible to assist Ukraine in defeating the empire of evil. First, by imposing further sanctions and thus stopping financing of the Russian war machine. Then, to assist in combating the aggressor. Last but absolutely not least, to bring all perpetrators of war crimes and crimes against humanity – each and every one, not only Putin – to justice. God bless Ukraine.

Madam President, the fate of cultural heritage in armed conflict is a matter of utmost importance. I dedicated a lot of my time in the Parliament to this issue. That includes, of course, Nagorno-Karabakh. Yes, we have to remember that both sides in recent phases of conflict used a lot of information – actually, disinformation – using it as warfare, actually, so we have to rely on impartial sources like UNESCO's mission. That is a fact finding mission that is to be sent to the region. We have to support this and to remember the role of Russia, that always wants to ignite the conflict and benefit from escalation.

Madam President, we used to call the Soviet Union ‘the empire of evil and the prison of nations.’ Now looking, listening to news after the bloody, awful, full—scale, cruel aggression of Russian Federation on Ukraine, we feel an unbearable . Once more willing to call it like this. Ukrainians fight what we call ‘bellum iustum’ – a war that is just – because with arms in their hands, they defend their territory, whole territory, internationally recognised territory. They defend their families, innocent civilians against an enemy, against war crimes, against crimes against humanity, because we see traces of this, not only traces, actually already many documented cases. Unfortunately, future security of our continent and probably global security, very much depends on the result of this war, and therefore we have to do our utmost to stop it. How to respond proportionately, Madam President, to killings of innocent children only 18 months old and how to use strategic patience when we have these kinds of results. The only way I see, is that after the surrender of the Russian Federation, full rejections of neo—imperialist ambitions of will. And that is not only Putin, that’s sure. The will to stay aggressive vis—à—vis neighbours and much more beyond. We have to work to this end.

Mr President, the only way to ensure stability and full sovereignty of countries like Bosnia and Herzegovina, as well as other partners like Georgia and Moldova, is the final surrender of Putin’s Russian Federation in bloody war waged against Ukraine, withdrawal from all internationally recognised territories of Ukraine and from meddling in the whole region and elsewhere in the world. I think that in between we have to keep utmost engagement in our relationship with Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Mr President, I salute the heroism and resistance of the Ukrainian people facing the unprecedented aggression from the Kremlin, Putin’s Russian Federation. I really admire the heroism of the Ukrainian leadership. President Zelenskyy already finds his place in universal history. I admire the heroism of the commanders, soldiers and in particular, ordinary people. You are invincible. It is our war as well and in resisting aggression, you are the best part of us, the West. We are honoured by your request to become a Member of the European Union. We will do our utmost to provide you candidacy status as soon as possible and immediately on unprecedented rules for membership, therefore. Because we need you and of course, you need us. In this I speak on behalf of all of the ECR Group’s Polish delegation. All of them fully support the resolution as negotiated by me.

Madam President, a few years ago here in the European Parliament, MEPs put aside their political divisions to discuss informally possibilities for really bad scenarios in Burkina Faso, as a potential place of changes in the Sahel. Unfortunately, COVID exacerbated this situation. Now we have a coup d’état but there is still a path to improve this situation. We join the African Union and ECOWAS in appeals to a return to constitutional order, but obviously many changes should be done also in the mode of our support to Burkina Faso’s people and to the security of the country and the region. Unfortunately, Burkina Faso is not present, as many as other coup d’état countries of the region, during this summit, but still we have to find a solution and we await the report from the High Representative / Vice-President as soon as possible.

Mr President, over political divisions here in the European Parliament, we raise our voice in defence of the Iranian people. Since 1988, the massacre, there are ongoing crimes against humanity. We speak about the so-called death penalty, but what kind of penalty is that? In many cases it is just extra-judiciary crime and simply swift executions without even the pretence of judicial or court proceedings. Words are not enough. Our action is needed because what we see in Iran – also with financing of terrorists outside and meddling in the region and even in our territories – requires our action and very strong sanctions.

Mr President, Putin’s Russia supporting ethnic cleansing, then self-determination, using hybrid war, political corruption and energy blackmail against the West, killing opponents on our territories. The aggressor, always pre-empting non-existent strikes in its propaganda. We have to stay united and firm. I stand by Ukraine. They know it. I stand by the people of Belarus and free Georgian society. The European Parliament should reiterate its long-standing position on Nord Stream 2: to halt it immediately. Not in case – immediately, because it is a very bad project, and the message sent at this dangerous time to Russia may be very bad, with dilution of our position.

Mr President, in the huge security crisis posed by Russia, in threatening further aggression on Ukraine and posing unacceptable security demands the collective West, we build step—by—step unity and consensus, sometimes with difficulty; yet now we agree to pair a dialogue with deterrence, and building necessary resilience of our countries. We see the value of this approach, and probably the real value of the collective West in facing very aggressive and challenging contemporary powers, like Russia and China. By the way, in a recent joint statement signed in Beijing, there are provisions for cooperation in military and security areas like, for example, in opposing any notion of the independence of Taiwan, or in supporting Russia’s security demands vis—à—vis NATO, US, and in this way also the EU Member States. So we have to be prepared, and in this kind of challenges I question QMV in decision making.

Madam President, I share Mr High Representative / Vice—President’s positive approach to Africa, and welcome the initiatives to be presented during the summit. I also note positive developments like, for example, possibilities for gas supplies from Nigeria to even Europe, diversifying our sources. But my concerns are predominantly about the security situation in Africa, from the Horn of Africa via Sahel to the Gulf of Guinea, and from Tunisia to Mozambique. During the summit, it is going to be a very important topic. And willing to enforce the role of the African Union, I know that countries like Mali, Guinea, Burkina Faso and Sudan are not to be present during the summit; we have to find solutions for the poor situation there. After the coup d’états and suspension from the African Union, 11 of our missions and operations are in Africa, and certainly we have to reinforce them.

Mr President, many things are still unclear in the events of this month in Kazakhstan, yet one thing is deadly clear: the enormous use of force by many parties to those events. Let me quote one document that is available on the web page of CSTO, the organisation led by the Kremlin – by Vladimir Putin – from the meeting of leaders on 10 July, where he said that he was not willing to allow further ‘colour revolutions’ in the region. That means that the so—called stabilising intervention that we had there by CSTO forces resembled the events that we know from Hungary and Czechoslovakia in communist times rather than current peaceful operations to stabilise the situation.

Mr President, I fully support the statements of my colleagues, the co—authors of this draft resolution, and hope for broad support in the vote. Certainly, after the adoption of the so—called national security law, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) was even able to tighten its autocratic grip on the freedom—loving population of Hong Kong, in particular curbing all manifestations of free political will and freedom of speech, and intimidating large groups of people. We saw this in particular in the run up to the legislative elections on 19 December and immediately after, with the persecution of all those advocating the boycott of the election. In the last days of December, the raid on the Stand News building and premises was just one additional manifestation we used to defend Jimmy Lai and others. Let us remember the Hong Kong people and let us broaden support for them.