Speeches

Madam President, Commissioner, for too long, Europe has treated our digital comms as a tech matter; in truth, it's a political issue. We only ever notice our mobile phone network, our internet, when it falls. But our economies, public services and democracies rely on it every single day. Europe cannot be a global leader when every Member State plays by different rules, when investment is too slow or when we're reliant on networks that we don't control. Ireland has learned that the hard way. Communities were left behind, not because they lacked ambition, but because the infrastructure wasn't there. And the National Broadband Plan was a political choice by my party, Fine Gael, to invest, include and build resilience. Now Europe faces the same choice. We cannot compete when we move country by country, while others act together and invest at scale. This makes us weaker. And this is a security issue – whoever controls the digital networks controls influence. So Europe must not allow China or any other authoritarian state to gain access or leverage over our networks, our economy or our democracy, because our democracy actually depends upon it. Europe must take control, invest for the long term and put European security first. We have the plan, now we have to deliver.

Madam President, Commissioner Jørgensen, housing is now the single biggest cost-of-living pressure facing people across Europe. In Dublin, rents are at a record high. Young people can't afford to move out of their homes. Students are struggling to find digs. Even our nurses, teachers and Gardai can't live in the areas that they're serving. Whilst I recognise that housing has never been a European competence, a European crisis requires a European response. That is why the affordable housing plan that you've launched today is really important and really matters. Firstly, it focuses on supply. Europe needs more homes faster and that means cutting red tape, speeding up planning and supporting modern construction methods so that we can deliver homes at scale without sacrificing quality. The housing simplification package is enormously welcome. But, Commissioner, I really hope that we find the resources to deliver this as soon as possible instead of waiting until 2027. Our young people can't wait. It should also consider the impact of some environmental regulations. During a crisis, we need to take drastic measures, and I think the time has long passed for rebalancing the need between housing and critical infrastructure over environmental impacts of their construction. Secondly, this plan unlocks investment – real investment for Member States like Ireland that now can afford the delivery of housing supply for low and middle-income households. Thirdly, it tackles short-term rentals in a housing stress area. In parts of Dublin, there are more Airbnbs – empty houses – than there are people who are looking for houses. It's not sustainable. Fourthly, prioritising young people and students – more students need housing, innovative living models and support to reduce deposits. I just want to say, as Vice-Chair of the committee for the last year, you really have listened to us and really, really responded today. And I really look forward to supporting you in all of your endeavours. (The speaker declined to take a blue-card question)

Mr President, the aviation sector is an absolutely vital part of our European economy. It provides countless jobs and huge investment. It is also a vital lifeline for peripheral parts of the European Union, like my own country, Ireland. In 2019, air transport supported approximately 14 million jobs and EUR 851 billion to GDP in Europe. But decarbonisation remains a really important challenge and one that is vital not just for society but for our planet. The future development and success of this industry is strongly linked to the supply of sustainable aviation fuel, or SAF. However, the industry for SAF in the EU is currently extremely limited, with much more significant production taking place outside of Europe, in the US and China, due to their additional supports. We have set targets under ReFuelEU, but the rest of the world is moving much faster than we are. Singapore, for example, will require SAF use in every single departing flight from 2026. The US has already extended their SAF tax credit. Our challenge is supply. Our current rates of SAF production are much lower than the demand that even currently exists, so we need to invest to scale up. The EU has ambitious targets in terms of supply and demand for SAF in the aviation sector, but EU Member States need to do more to incentivise the production of SAF. Because if we don't get this right, Europe is going to be left scratching its head again, wondering why we're left out of such a vital sector where we really should have a strong presence. Let's make sure that doesn't happen.

Madam President, Commissioner, people rightly expect high standards in politics, but the revelations about immoral or seemingly corrupt practices really do enrage people, and they damage the trust that we have in politics. And if people have no longer got trust in politics, well then democracy in itself is going to be undermined. We know that in the past there have been particular challenges when it comes to lobbying from countries outside of the EU, and so for that reason we need really clear rules, transparent supervisors, reduced bureaucracy and proper implementation. We also have to uphold people's fundamental rights, because it is important to recognise that representations can be legitimate, and third‑country groups, including civil society, have a right to express their positions. So we need to make sure that the EU remains open for engagement to dialogue, to hearing the voices of our neighbours, while rightly clamping down on abuses and illegal practices. Many Member States already have their own rules, and it is right that they can build a minimum standard, but we set the standard at an EU level. On a particular personal note, one place where I really feel that we must ensure that the voices of civil society continue to be heard is Northern Ireland. Northern Ireland is unfortunately part of a third country, dragged out of the EU against a majority opinion. People in Northern Ireland, however, continue to have a birthright to EU citizenship should they want it, so Northern Ireland remains part of the Customs Union. But while Northern Ireland no longer sends representatives to this House or to our other institutions, we should ensure that the voice of Northern Ireland's civic society organisations continues to be heard.

Madam President, as a parent, you can be sure that the recent data showing that more and more young people are turning to chatbots for friendship really stops me in my tracks. AI chatbots are perfectly mimicking the predatory behaviour of human groomers with absolutely devastating outcomes. Like most parents, my head tells me that I know about all of the opportunities that the internet gives, but my heart tells me it can be a real source of danger and harm for our children. Quite frankly, I think parents have had enough. I am really tired of hearing stories about children exposed to things that no child should ever see. I genuinely dread to think how easy it can be for an innocent child to come across adult content, extreme violence, or targeted manipulative content. I am tired of childhoods being ruined, of young people's mental health being damaged and criminals getting away unpunished. I am tired of parents feeling like we are left to fight this battle all on our own. With this report, we are setting clear expectations and it is time for the Commission, Member States and platforms to enforce them. This is Europe saying: no more. If a company put children's lives at risk in the real world, we would shut them down. Online platforms should face exactly the same responsibility and exactly the same consequences. We have had enough of weak enforcement, weak rules and far too little responsibility. Whether it is under 16s on social media without proper parental control, addictive design keeping children hooked for hours, or AI bots preying on our children's fears and insecurities, we need real age checks, real safeguards and real consequences. We absolutely must ensure that we are giving parents and children the resources and the information that they require to tackle this issue effectively.

Mr President, I want to welcome the presentation of the European Court of Auditors 2024 Annual Report and thank Tony, my fellow Irishman and his colleagues, for the work. The overall error rate in EU spending has fallen from 5.6 % to 3.2 %, and that genuinely is progress. But it is still materially above the threshold of 2 %, meaning there is a lot of work to do. But when it comes to the RRF, I believe the Court of Auditors should be playing a much stronger role. The RRF is a real symbol of solidarity, but the court has identified gaps in transparency, cost verification and control consistency right across our Member States and this makes it difficult to show value for money and increases the risk of duplication with other EU funds. So, for credibility of EU spending, I am looking for the Commissioner and the Commission to develop a harmonised framework for reporting and verifying the actual costs of RRF-funded measures, to establish a central EU registry, to track projects right across the EU institutions and prevent duplication of funding, to strengthen the ex-post audit and clawback mechanisms to ensure proper use of funds, and finally to publish a clear, accessible data-linking funding to tangible results that citizens can understand and trust.

Mr President, Commissioner, consumers today are shopping with their feet. They have high standards and they're asking the market to meet them. They're looking to make more informed decisions on product standards, supply chains and production processes, and this report is about helping producers to respond. This is about making Europe's product framework fit for the clean and digital future. But to succeed, we must create a system that drives innovation and competitiveness, not one that slows it down. Consumers deserve products they can trust, products that are safe, sustainable and transparent. The Digital Product Passport can help achieve that by improving traceability and accountability, but it has to work for businesses too – especially for small and medium enterprises that literally form the backbone of our economy in Europe. That is why we should work towards interoperable data standards. Compliance must be clear, affordable and practical. Europe's single market is one of our biggest strengths; we cannot afford to burden it with complexity or inconsistent enforcement, and that means keeping conformity checks proportionate and holding non-EU traders to exactly the same rules as everyone else. By striking the right balance, this framework can make Europe a global leader whilst protecting competitiveness and encouraging innovation.

Mr President, Commissioner, when it comes to tech innovation, Europe is playing catch up; I don't think that's a secret. We need regulatory reform and I'm really glad that the Commission is recognising this. We need to simplify our rules and lighten the burden on innovators. We need to adopt a real risk-based, proportionate approach, not more ex-ante regulation. And we need to put competitiveness at the heart of our thinking. We need to give people confidence that their data is secure. But there is absolutely no point in having rules if we do not enforce them properly – that is why the Commission needs to send a strong message when it comes to our enforcement powers. Pressure from the other side of the Atlantic not to enforce rules is not acceptable. Threats to EU officials who are only doing their job is not acceptable. Enforcement should not be a pawn in a global geopolitical chess game because in Europe we have the rule of law – it has to mean something. If there are concerns about enforcement powers, then they can be dealt with as part of the legal process. We have regulators, independent courts and a democratically elected backstop if needed. That is how the rules should work in democracy. But we should not forget that ultimately the DMA was voted democratically in this House by the representatives of our people, as well as by the Member States and the Council – it is the law of the land. We make a mockery of that law if we do not enforce it properly. This should be a point of principle. Europe will never be taken seriously, or indeed we will not take ourselves seriously, if laws are enforced based on the whims of and pressures of global actors, rather than the democratic rule of principles that we hold dear in this House.

Mr President, colleagues, these reports take us a real step towards a more joined up, science-based system for managing chemicals in Europe. A common data platform and stronger cooperation between our agencies can make regulation more efficient, more transparent and, ultimately, more effective. By establishing consistent assessment methods with a single shared data platform, I think we can make sure that important data is accessible, comparable and contributes to building an even safer and more efficient industry for Europe. That is what smart regulation, driven by the goals of competitiveness and simplification is all about. But as we build this new framework, we have to continue to keep competitiveness front and centre of everything we do. Europe's strength depends on industries that can innovate and invest with confidence. In an era of global uncertainty, we must show that Europe is open for business – it is a place where innovation happens. In Ireland, our pharmaceutical and chemical sectors show what can be achieved with good regulation that supports rather than stifles enterprise. And I think this goal must be a system that helps businesses to innovate, not one that buries them in complexity. If we get that balance right, we can protect health and the environment, reduce duplication and keep the EU, especially our pharma-producing states, at the forefront of the world's leading technologies.

Mr President, first of all, I would like to congratulate Michalis on the great work that he's done. This is a really, really good report. But, Commissioner, you know that we have EUR 10 trillion worth of savings sitting across the European Union in bank accounts instead of being used for investment. If we used that money productively, we know it could support jobs. It could support infrastructure and businesses. Our policies – this Commission's policy priorities – would give people who are not earning any money by having it in their bank accounts an opportunity to earn better nest eggs for themselves and their future. I'm talking about the EU savings and investments union. I want to particularly welcome the Commission's proposal for the new tax favourable savings and investments accounts. But if we are going to get serious, we need to make sure that every single Member State works towards simpler tax rules and to supporting our savers to become investors. Tax rules should encourage people to make their money work for them, and not punish people for doing so. In Ireland, we have long punished our investors by having very, very high exit tax on ETFs and an absolutely nonsensical 'deemed disposal' rule. Yesterday's national budget in Ireland went a small way towards fixing that problem, but we have a long way to go. We need to remove the 'deemed disposal' unit once and for all – right now.

Madam President, Commissioner, Europeans just want to know the things that are illegal offline are illegal online. I think it's just as simple as that. The idea of threats from other parts of the world against EU officials for simply doing their job, as we saw this summer, is absolutely outrageous. I think we need to be serious; if Europe wants to be taken seriously, we need more than just rules. We need to be competitive and we need to build a dynamic pro-investment environment where home-grown EU tech can thrive. Over 100 different pieces of EU legislation have been proposed in the last few years and there's still more to come. I honestly think this is madness. We need to reduce the regulatory burdens on European countries. We need to reduce the regulatory divergence. And I want to see the 'digital omnibus' bill do exactly that. Furthermore, Europe will not develop a digital sovereign future if we cut ourselves off from the rest of the world. We need to protect our supply chains, promote digital solutions, and simply give companies the space and the freedom that they need and the support that they need to innovate. The talent and the potential is here in Europe. We need to be brave enough to let it grow and thrive.

Mr President, thank you Commissioner for joining us here this evening. I think we can all recall the scene from Scotland during the summer, where President von der Leyen painfully shook the hand of President Trump on a deal that only makes things harder and trade harder between the EU and the US. And I think it's in that context that we are discussing the principles that should govern global digitalised economy, particularly the taxation of digital services, this evening. Taxation is all about fairness, dynamism, efficiency. It's how we raise the revenue to fund goods and services. It's about investing in the future, creating opportunities for growth and for security. Taxation should support competitiveness, investment and job creation. And if it does not do this, then it's not serving the common good. When it comes to the taxation of large digital platforms, as with all elements of tax policy, it's all about making sure that neither goal is undermined. And that's why we seek to discuss this matter today. When capital is mobile and crosses international borders, how do we uphold the common good and also promote opportunity and investment? I think it's clear that global challenges like these require global solutions. And that's why it's right and proper that Europe has been such a leader in the negotiations of the OECD Pillar Two agreement. The agreement is a compromise that meets the realities of a digitalised economy. First, it sets out a minimum level of taxation on large companies, second, it introduces new rules for taxing the profits of large companies where they don't have that physical presence. Our commitment to multilateralism is unwavering. At a time when international institutions are being undermined as never before, it is right that the EU continues to strongly support the OECD process, but clearly we can't make any progress if everybody is not at the table. Regions of the world that act on their own or depart from global standards create fragmentation and perverse incentives. However, the return of Donald Trump as US President saw an executive order to withdraw his country from the agreement. That agreement was the result of so many years of hard work, so it's vital, I think, that that work and this agreement be protected by us as an absolute priority. We have seen the change of approach and temperament from the US President, and it sees the agreement as an attack on American businesses, and he is loudly promising retaliatory actions. However, that's not a reason for us to give up on the agreement. Walking away would not help to resolve them, indeed, it probably would exacerbate the problem. So we ask, where to now for the OECD negotiations, particularly in respect of Pillar One? How can the EU show leadership to keep this agreement on the table? We've seen proposals from the G7 for US-specific exemptions and allowances and they do require careful scrutiny, and I know the Members of this House will do so. But in the midst of this geopolitical discussion, we've also asked the Commission's views of calls to take unilateral action. I know that the question of new own resources is a separate matter, but it does remain part of the discussion. Does the Commission foresee unilateral action as a serious probability, and what would the threshold of this be? Multinational investment is an important part of the European economy. It provides jobs, opportunities, vital government revenues across the EU, both directly and indirectly. And millions of our citizens rely on this investment to earn their livelihoods. That's why departing from multilateral processes presents huge risks and will not yield the benefits that some people say it will. It's not about threats of retaliation, it's about showing that Europe is the place to do business and not creating imbalances that will drive our investment away. Is the Commission still committed to international engagement? Does it still recognise the economic hurdles that would exist if we departed from that engagement? I think we are living currently in a period of huge economic uncertainty. There is regular turmoil on international markets and jobs announcements are being reassessed. So when it comes to tax policies, Europe does face big challenges. And while tax is rightly a Member State competence, the growth of divergent sectoral taxes creates internal trade barriers and undermines our EU economy. So instead of calling for new taxes, we should be looking at ways to better calibrate the ones that we already have – and we have plenty – so that they do not create additional burdens or barriers for investment. Finally, Commissioner, specifically in relation to the digital services tax, I think it's crucial that we take an evidence-based approach. If the Commission is looking at this option, will it commit to a comprehensive cost-benefit analysis to reduce unforeseen consequences? Everyday, people, as normal, are using digital tools and services. The digital economy is at the heart of every single one of our lives, and there is almost no way that a tax does not ultimately impact consumers in some way. It's extremely unlikely that any DST would similarly be passed on in higher charges of subscriptions to the people that were served. It's commonly said that there are only two certainties in life: death and taxes. And I think when it comes to the latter, we need to be responsible, forward-thinking and results orientated.

Madam President, I think we all know how stressful it can be to book a holiday; you're trying to juggle your flights, your hotels, your transfers, and you're keeping your fingers crossed in the hopes that nothing goes wrong. But now, the new EU Package Travel Directive is designed to help make that process clearer, easier and much safer. It's going to cut down on red tape so that small businesses and local travel agents can do what they do best: offering great value and choice to their customers. But at the same time, it keeps the cost of travel low by making sure the rules are simple and fair. I think most importantly, it is going to protect you, the consumer, whether you book, online, in person or as part of a package. You will have clear rights and stronger guarantees when plans change. We are going to have a better definition of what constitutes a package. We are going to have new standardised information rules so that it's very clear that you know what you're dealing with. You're going to have new cancellation rights, so you won't necessarily need a reason from now on. And things will be faster and fairer, particularly when it comes to our refunds. So the new proposal is a win for businesses, it's a win for consumers, and it's a real win for Europe's travel industry as a whole and I'm very proud to welcome it.

Mr President, Commissioner, I think we can all agree that free and open trade is good for everyone. It's the best way to make sure that we spread wealth and prosperity. So, it stands to reason that tariffs are bad for everybody and tariffs are going to make all our countries poorer. I'm glad that since the beginning of this ludicrous one‑man trade war, the EU and you particularly, have stood consistently as the adult in the room, because we all should be clear: in all of our Member States, ordinary working people are looking on and are in fear of losing their jobs and in economies faltering. What we must do is we must protect our agrifood and our drinks industries, our pharmaceutical companies, our heavy goods manufacturing. There are so many other sectors where tariffs – even 10 % – will result in job losses. A reprieve till 1 August is a good move, but what we need is a resolution. We should not be talking about retaliation at this point. We should be talking about a pragmatic solution and European leading the way. So, I want to just wish you the very good, to assure you that you we all stand behind you and your team, and we're very proud of the practical approach that you have taken in the last number of months.

Madam President, Commissioner, we often talk about politics in terms of keeping the lights on, but when it comes to our energy infrastructure, this literally is what it's all about. Europe relies on energy always being available to run all of our vital appliances, light and heat our homes and our businesses, and keep the world as we know, and expect it to be, running. The last few years across Europe have seen how easy it is to disrupt our power supply; from systems failures recently in Spain to sabotage by Russia in the Baltics. And I think it's clear now that energy is a new front in global conflict. In Ireland, for far too long we've been relying on a single interconnector from the UK. One incident on this connector, whether it's sabotage or an accident, and literally the lights would go out right across the entire Ireland. And that's why I welcome the soon-to-be-completed Celtic Interconnector with France, because we need to see much more of this vital investment. In Ireland, we literally have spent the entirety of my political life – 17 years – talking about cross-country interconnectors, and whilst talk might seem cheap, it's racking up huge bills. If EirGrid had spent the last few years building the North-South Interconnector underground, rather than simply talking about it and going around in circles, we would now have a connector up and running, and actually it would have been much cheaper, cost-wise, than it's actually going to eventually cost to build. We need to stop treating vital infrastructure like it's an afterthought. A modern European economy needs a reliable infrastructure supply for every EU country.

Mr President, Commissioner, conflict in the Middle East has been a feature of our lives and on the news screens for many years now, for far too long. Many Europeans are so desensitised to the daily tragedies that they've kind of switched off, or they genuinely don't believe that we have a solution. But I don't think we should forget what instability in the Middle East really means, because the escalating conflict between Israel and Iran will have social, economic and security consequences for the entire world. Let me be very clear, what's happening in Gaza today, and for the last number of months, is an infamy. It's indiscriminate slaughter. What is horrifying is the notion that it is a tactic for political survival by the President of Israel, or a game by the President of the United States. Human rights, be they freedom, sovereignty, statehood, the protection of lives, should never be optional, but right now in Gaza, they don't even exist. With every passing hour, children in Gaza are starving to death, communities are being wiped out and lives are being brutally ended. Yet there are people in the world with the power to end this slaughter today, and many of them are in the European Union. So I make the call again – stop the killing, let the aid in, release the hostages and end this brutal war now.

Mr President, Commissioner, for too many Europeans, major public transport developments can sometimes feel like being stuck in one big traffic jam: frustrating, never making any progress, and that's before we ever even talk about the increase in costs. That's honestly the case when it comes to MetroLink in Dublin. For literally my entire adult life, we have been talking about building a metro for Dublin North, especially to and from our airport, and then maybe on to other parts of the city, the south and the west. And all this time, the much vaunted plans have been delayed and adjusted with no measurable progress. So now we're talking about a start date of 2028 and an estimated cost of between EUR 7 billion and EUR 12 billion. Now, I don't know any other project that would come in with an estimated EUR 5 billion price range. MetroLink in Dublin will no doubt bring about immeasurable benefits, both economically and more importantly to the quality of the people's lives that I represent. But we need to get the shovels in the ground and we need to get the EU through the Connecting Europe Facility to play its part in financing this project. As the only major EU capital city without a rail link to the airport, MetroLink would see a major EU transport priority under the forthcoming sustainable transport investment plan. It's vital for businesses, it's vital for citizens and it's an efficient and sustainable public transport system.

Mr President, Commissioner, without doubt, the single market is Europe's greatest asset. It creates opportunities for businesses and workers, it allows us to raise living standards in all Member States and it gives us real influence in the world. But we know we have an awfully long way to go before its potential is fully reached. Today, the single market strategy is a good start, but we need action – real action – to make it a reality. We also, I believe, need much more ambition, especially for banking and financial services. But more than anything else, we need to stop burdening our small and medium businesses with red tape, and give them the support and the services to trade across the borders of Europe. So I want to welcome three things today. Number one: I want to welcome the plans to recognise professional qualifications right throughout the EU. Irish people are the working envy of every Member State, and their skills should be recognised and valued. Number two: I want to welcome the plans that we stop punishing small and medium enterprises by reducing the burdens on businesses between 250 and 750 employees. But we actually must aim much higher. Number three: I'm really glad to see the Commission responding to my call for reform of our GDPR rules for SMEs. Reducing GDPR record-keeping requirements means less red tape, more clarity and, finally, a bit of breathing room for the entrepreneurs who drive our economies. And I really think it's a win-win for common sense. But we do need to go further. So I want to continue pushing for further practical reforms to strike the right balance between privacy and productivity. What businesses need is not more paperwork, but clear proportional rules that actually work in the real world.

Mr President, Commissioner, when it comes to commercial practices, online is the only show in town. But when it comes to consumer fraud, online spaces still remain a Wild West. We need all actors on board to ensure that we have a shared responsibility. Because today, citizens in Europe are subject to fake advertising and online scams on a near daily basis, often via social media platforms. Our own Irish Data Protection Commission has already issued over EUR 3.5 billion worth of fines, as well as corrective measures. But it's all too easy to put fake advertisements purporting to be from regulated institutions online, and for unsuspecting citizens to be scammed out of their own money before the advert just simply disappears. Three in every four Irish people have encountered some form of suspicious activity online, whilst 45 % of Europeans stated they have experienced more suspicious activity compared with last year. We know that such incidents are hard to track and almost impossible to reverse after they happen. The Digital Services Act obliges platforms to take down illegal content once it has been reported. However, it creates few proactive obligations prior to publication or even reporting by individuals. So we need to look at ways to ensure that electronic communications providers verify with national competent authorities that advertisements purporting to be from regulated entities are, in fact, legitimate, so that we can protect our people and their hard earnings.

Madam President, colleagues, today in Hungary loving just somebody that you love can get you branded a threat to the state, and that certainly isn't about protecting values, it's state-sponsored homophobia. The bill that was introduced to ban the Pride marches, to use facial-recognition technology and to fine anybody who dares to attend EUR 500 is not just repressive, it is absolutely shameful. In Ireland, we know what it means to fight for LGBT+ rights. We know that dignity, visibility and equality are not just given, they're won – by people who are brave enough to demand them, people who refuse to hide even when it is hard and especially when it is dangerous. And the LGBT+ community of Hungary who have marched, spoken out and stood tall simply want to be who they are. They certainly will not be silenced or repressed. In Europe, we have values: freedom, dignity, equality. Orbán, however, only values power. If we, as Europeans, stay silent now, we risk normalising this erosion of rights across our Union, and we open the doors for others to follow – and there are many waiting in the wings. This is not just Hungary's problem. It's a test of Europe's conscience. Real leadership means courage. It means standing up for your people – and that means all of your people, even the ones that you might not agree with. It's not about targeting our most vulnerable. There is nothing brave about bigotry. It is time for Europe to invoke the rule of law. And I wish you every success, Commissioner McGrath.

Mr President, Commissioner, for millions of Europeans, the basics have become just simply unaffordable. In the 1980s, the average home in the EU cost about three times the average salary. Today in some cities, in my own capital city, sometimes it's more than eight times the average salary. Bills have increased and wages – even though they have been adjusted for inflation – have stagnated in too many sectors. I definitely don't call that progress. We as politicians must remember that economic success is not measured in GDP by most normal people, but in whether a person can look after their family, heat their home, put food in their fridge. The EU has long championed meritocracy as a core value. I think that means allowing people the freedom not only to fulfil their potential, but continued action on the cost of living and investment in our public services. Social Europe cannot be just about protection; it has to be about opportunity. We need to remove the barriers to social advancement, put money back in people's pockets and reduce government bureaucracy. A 'social Europe' is not just a slogan; it's a responsibility. And it's time we got back to basics.

Madam President, Commissioner, the Union of Skills must include everybody. Because for every mother who stepped away from her career to raise her children, for every woman who moved abroad but wants to bring her skills back home, and for every woman who took a career break and was told she has no longer got the skills, Europe has to do better. Women don't lose skills when they step away from the workforce; they gain new ones. Leadership, resilience, problem-solving: these are qualities that our workplaces need. Yet too often, women returning to work face barriers instead of opportunities. A career break cannot be a career end. We need to end that stigma. That is why returnships are so crucial – supported pathways back to the workforce that offer training, mentorship and real job placements. Because without them, we are absolutely wasting talent. And if we want to remain competitive, we need skilled workers to return to our workforce. Ireland led the way with the launch of its ARC programme last year, and I really hope that Europe uses this model, ensuring that skilled workers, especially women returners, have the opportunity they deserve to re-enter the workforce and to contribute to our shared success.

Mr President, Commissioner, President Lagarde, we are here today discussing the ECB annual report. At times of enormous uncertainty, following on from Canada, Mexico and China, President Trump is threatening the EU with steep new tariffs. Billions of euros of investments and thousands of jobs depend on the trade between Europe and the United States. I have heard the concerns from people and businesses in Dublin about how America may soon be closed for business. European Member States, including my own, have strong historic, cultural and huge economic links with the United States, and we need to do everything we can to preserve this, and ensure that EU‑US relationships remain functional. Yet there are those who would have us turn away from one of our closest historic allies. And this literally would be the definition of cutting off your own nose to spite your face. President Lagarde, I want to welcome your words in the Financial Times recently with President von der Leyen, where you highlighted the need for Europe to be better at helping businesses to grow and thrive. We need to see the reforms to boost competitiveness and innovation. I also want to welcome the work that has taken place to bring down inflation by the ECB. This is why the ECB can now reduce our interest rates, which is very welcome. But for this to continue, all the Member States must be prudent. The time for talk is over and the time for action absolutely is now.

Madam President, colleagues, we have spent the last few months since I've been here intensively talking about the importance of innovation, and it is clear that, despite all of the risks it entails, crypto stems from a desire to innovate and operate outside traditional norms and structures. In general, legislators and regulators should focus on creating the conditions for innovation and sectors to thrive. But in this case, there's vital issues of trust, consumer protection and there is obviously the serious potential for financial crime that still exists. And yet, on the other side of the Atlantic, we hear the promises of the new administration of the sector, even as the President's own meme coins were launched and then crashed and lost half their value in the space of one weekend. I think there are serious questions that have to be asked about a situation where the most powerful politician and one of the richest men in the world can self‑enrich himself through a scheme while purporting to be in charge of the regulators of that particular innovation? And while these questions go unaddressed, the cryptocurrency industry will continue to face serious pushback by some of us in this Chamber and outside. The EU's legal framework for the sector seeks to promote innovation while tackling market abuse and the very large elements of criminality, and its full implementation has literally only just begun, it's in its infancy. So, I hope that when we eventually come to review and have an international standard, that our efforts will be used for that global standard.

Madam President, Commissioner, as Timothy Snyder said, 'to abandon facts is to abandon freedom'. In recent months, we have seen an election in the European Union suspended due to illegal content and manipulation of algorithms. We have US tech billionaires promoting far-right politicians in Europe and talking about taking down democratically elected governments in Europe. Now we see social media platforms reducing their oversight. Next month marks one year since we passed the Digital Services Act, and it will be all for nothing if national regulators, including Ireland's – my own, Comisiún na Meán – don't have the resources that are needed to make sure that we bring it into full effect. So let us be very clear: this is not about controlling free speech. Instead, it's about ensuring that no voices can be silenced or drowned out by incitement to hatred, deliberate misinformation or manipulation of algorithms. It's about protecting democracy online. It's about making the online space open to everybody, not just the highest bidder. EU regulators need to agree soon – now, not in 2026 – on a common approach for age verification to protect our young people. And furthermore, platforms should be banned from making money profits from criminals by taking ads for people who are purporting crimes. Europe faces vital elections next year and we need to make sure that we control freedom of speech on all of our platforms.