Speeches

Madam President, Commissioner, Minister, today we say it is time to complete the single market, but that implies we're almost there. But are we? Really? Let's take a look. We should by now have the 28th regime, but we don't. What's blocking it? We should have a European energy market, but we don't. Is the French nuclear lobby blocking it? A European telecoms market – we should have it, but we don't. What's blocking it? We should have a capital markets union, but we don't. Are the national market supervisors blocking it? Or a complete banking union – we should have it, but we don't. Are the Sparkassen in Germany blocking it? We should have harmonised labelling or recycling rules, but we don't. What is blocking it? We should have our academic and professional qualifications recognised across Europe, but we don't. Again, what's blocking it? Because without a true single market, Europe is blocked, either by selfish economic or national interests or by its own infuriatingly slow pace and bureaucracy. No wonder we don't have any European company in the top 25 most valuable anymore. No wonder our young talent prefers to go work elsewhere. We can and must unblock Europe. It will take courage and speed. But let's unblock Europe.

Madam President, Frau von der Leyen, allow me to address you directly to remind you of the great wisdom of Spider-Man. With great power comes great responsibility. You have great power, Frau von der Leyen, you lead the executive unit of our Union. And I had a chance to talk to you, and also to Council President Costa, before your mandate began. Do you remember? So I'll ask you again today what I asked you at the time. Show leadership. That means decide exactly what needs to be done and then actually doing it, forcing it through. Show courage by treating what is important better than what it is urgent and not trying to please everybody, as you've seen, it's not going to be possible. And show speed, please, show speed, because we know we can move faster and we know we are running out of time. I mean, we didn't need Draghi to tell us of this, that we're running out of time and also that we run an existential risk. So I say again, you have great power. You have the great responsibility to reform the EU before it is too late. And there are four years left in your mandate. Use them to show leadership, to show courage, to show speed. Renew Europe will be here to help you. But the primary responsibility is yours. For Europe's sake, I wish you success and good luck.

Mr President, Commissioner, Joseph Figueira Martin has been in prison without charge for almost 15 months in the Central African Republic. It is captive in inhumane and degrading conditions. He has health problems that get worse every day and does not have any medical support. Joseph Martin must be released immediately. This description is unfortunately identical to many others that this House has appreciated in other emergency resolutions. It is identical, but it is not the same and the differences are large and politically significant. Joseph Martin was not initially detained by the Central African Republic authorities. He was arrested and tortured and held in total isolation by the Wagner mercenary group, which has one of its largest detachments in the world, always in Russia's pay, in defence of its interests. Joseph Martin, far from being a spy, was an expert at a humanitarian NGO in Bangui. It turns out that this NGO is American and that was enough for the mercenaries of the Wagner Group to accuse him, without any evidence, of being an American spy. Therefore, honourable Members, in supporting this resolution, will be saying that they do not accept that Russia's interference in third countries promotes the violation of the human rights of European citizens and will also be saying that they will never accept that the threat that Russia poses to Europeans has even the slightest parallel with what Joseph Martin has already suffered. For us, there is the warning. For Joseph Martin, immediate freedom.

There is no direct link between Trump's tariffs and the international tax regime. What I do know is that many of these low effective corporate tax rates that the honourable Member mentions are not illegal, they are the use of the current tax regime, which exists a little all over Europe. The honourable Member is asking whether there should be a way to, and it is difficult to determine the tax base per Member State, or whether there is a way to detect and collect CIT at European Union level. And if that's the question, our answer, and any liberal's, is this: Tax responsibilities are to fulfill like any other.

Mr President, Madam Minister, Mr Commissioner, the present EU‑US trade environment is so bizarre that today, 9 July, the only source of relief is that we did not receive a letter. But it is only a temporary source of relief. In three weeks we will be anxious again, waiting to receive another letter or perhaps reach a personal agreement, or perhaps a late night post telling us which tariffs will apply. This would be laughable if it were not so serious. We are the largest commercial partnership in the world. We represent some 30 % of global trade and 43 % of global GDP, and we depend on whether the letters arrive or not and on the whims of an unpredictable administration. In the meantime, the existing tariffs, the 10 % baseline, the 50 % on steel and 25 % on cars are strangling our growth. And the same is true for the relentless appreciation of the euro. 14 % since the beginning of the year, equivalent to another hidden tariff. Now we have a political agreement, we need to move to sectorial agreements. Speed is important, but we will not be able to close all files by 1 August. So let's be smart and not start with those like aircraft parts and medical equipment in which the EU has some leverage. In time, a deal is possible as well as urgent. Also, urgent is closing other free trade deals around the world and making them come into force much faster. The benefits of free trade for our citizens cannot, so to speak, be lost in translation.

Mr President, Commissioner, without modern infrastructure there is no energy transition, no competitiveness and no future. The electricity grid is the backbone of the European economy and is indeed outdated, congested, fragmented and unprepared for a demand that is estimated and expected to grow strongly. The beautiful report we are debating here today shows the way: more investment, more technology, more market. It is €584 billion by 2030 to meet growing demand and integrate renewables and strengthen interconnections. In return, we will have lower prices and higher competitiveness. Households and businesses could save up to €40 billion, and the economy could grow almost as much. This is a year, every year. It is not a green utopia; This is liberal techno-sustainability. We need clear rules, fast updates, private investment and digital innovation. The electrification of Europe cannot be delayed by the bureaucracy or protectionism of some countries, which meant that only this week the link between the Iberian Peninsula and France was agreed. As Draghi said, without networks there is no growth or strategic autonomy and therefore the choice is simple: Either we move forward with courage or we stay in this dependency, unable to compete. It is time to connect Europe to the current.

Mr President, the abuses of the rule of law occur both in right-wing extremist regimes, such as Hungary, which we have discussed at length today, and in so-called moderate left-wing regimes, such as Spain, whose situation should inspire real concern. Because in Spain, the Prime Minister, Pedro Sanchez, always puts his personal and political interests before the rule of law. He passed an amnesty law negotiated under the cover of fugitives from justice; exerted unacceptable pressure on magistrates and journalists; went into "spiritual reflection" to avoid pronouncing on his wife's problems; He invented a position to employ his brother and now the Koldo case, a serious corruption scandal involving close collaborators, is revealed. This isn't everything, but it's too much. Because the brazen partisanship of the state apparatus by Sanchez's PSOE undermines trust in democracy, gives strength to extremists and paralyzes the country. Spain has been without a budget for two years and the parliament does not work. The rest of the country also does not work, which already affects other countries, such as Portugal, which still does not know why it ran out of electricity for almost a day, since Redeia, chaired by Beatriz Corredor, a friend of Sanchez, has not yet produced a report on the blackout almost two months ago. Mr President, Sanchez's opportunism and cynicism are dangerous to democracy.

President, Commissioner Séjourné, the Communication "Single Market Strategy" was published today. Thirteen months after the Letta report, nine months after the Draghi report. In fact, the European Union still does not break speed records and, in this case, it is not even because it does not find the topic important, because Draghi already told us that barriers to the single market can cost 10% of European GDP – 10% of European GDP. Removing these barriers would mean taking a six- or seven-year leap at once, just imagine. The IMF tells us that these barriers to the single market are equivalent to tariffs of 45% on goods and 110% on services. Removing these barriers was like Trump being elected four or five times and starting a tariff war. And yet, the ideas in the document are good, the document is good: the focus of implementation, an scorecard with many indicators to monitor better, the ‘once only’ system, service passports... There are many good simplification measures in this document. But the main way of removing barriers is the harmonisation of rules and the harmonisation of rules, Commissioner, which often comes up against the short-sightedness and even selfishness of some Member States, the European Council and even this Parliament. With short-sighted and selfish politicians, there will be no real single market and, in fact, there will be no European project. The challenge is clear to all of us. It is time to see clearly and to think about the common good.

Mr Oliveira, I believe that if we do not stop Putin, there is no housing, there is no education, there is no health that is worth any European. So it is the honourable Member who has to explain: Why, three years ago, since Russia's invasion of Ukraine, have you consistently advocated a policy of appeasing tyrants like Vladimir Putin? That is what the honourable Member has to explain.

Madam President, Mr President-in-Office of the Council, Commissioners, ladies and gentlemen, the world has changed a lot since the last plenary sitting here in Strasbourg. On February 13, the last day of this plenary session, US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth said the following sentence: "The United States is no longer available to ensure Europe's security". Clarinho like water. As the President of the Commission said just now, the time for illusion is over. That is why the European Council, the Council last Thursday, was right to relax the rules of the Stability and Growth Pact, to create a new line of financing and even to change the mandate of the European Investment Bank to allow credits for defence projects, which, incidentally, clearly shows the dormant way in which this European institution was looking at the defence industry. The Council has therefore done well. You did well, but that's not enough. Because it is urgent to define a European defence architecture, because, without this, the industrial plan that is long talked about will remain vague, joint purchases will remain uncoordinated and Europe's defence will remain dependent on others, including in its nuclear component. So the end of illusion time requires these quick and decisive responses, but we already know that speed has risks – and it is worth talking about these risks here today. the risk of systematically overtaking and side-by-side with the European Parliament; the risk of the Commission and its President becoming essentially a decorative figure in the face of political initiatives by Macron, Starmer, Merz or, perhaps, others; and the risk of destroying NATO, for which no one has a credible alternative today. So that, ladies and gentlemen, is our challenge: saving Europe – starting with Ukraine, which deserves our help so much – without destroying its institutions. And it is our responsibility to rise to this challenge.

Mr President, Mr Commissioner, Minister, the Competitive Compass has finally set Europe in the right direction: the direction of growth by creating the conditions to make the most of the creativity of our citizens and the strength of our companies; and the direction of simplification. Yet another attempt to cut the red tape that is strangling our families and our businesses. But let us make sure this time we make it work. But, if the Competitive Compass is not to be just another pretty strategy document gathering dust on some Brussels shelf – and to avoid what Draghi calls Europe's slow agony towards economic and political irrelevance – we need decisive and urgent action, and we need to need to change. And we're all aware that change always faces resistance. Resistance from those who benefit most from the current state of affairs: vested interests, bureaucrats, rent seekers. And resistance also from those who always say, 'Yes, but…' They agree in theory, but they always drag their feet in practice and thus ensure that nothing gets done. As liberals, Mr Commissioner, we are glad to confront them all and we urge the Commission to do the same. We will be supportive and constructive but will also be watchful and hold the Commission to account if we fail, because Europe's future depends on us winning the race and at the moment we are struggling to even reach the starting line.

Mr João Oliveira, your blue card question is undermined by two facts: the fact that I did many and therefore did not even hear what I said, because the answer to your question was in my speech. What do we have to do? It is not a question of distancing ourselves from the United States, it is a question of being autonomous in relation to our interests. Europe should no longer have dependencies on defence, the economy and a number of other aspects for a long time. And it is also undermined by the fact that everything happening in the world, for you, is a way of attacking the United States or defending the interests of those autocracies from which your party has never distanced itself. Therefore, a recommendation: ask fewer "blue card" questions and listen more to what your co-religionists say.

Mr President, Commissioner Šefčovič, representative of the Council, how many alarms do Europe have to sound to wake up? The economic decline of the European Union for decades was an alarm. The Draghi, Letta, Niinistö reports were an alarm. Trump's inauguration is yet another alarm, because Trump's world is not based on rules and values is based on interests and power. That is why Europe must wake up and be autonomous in its interests and regain power in the economy and in defence. But how to wake up? With strategic focus, because you can not waste time with collateral issues and wokisms that only reinforce the extremes to the left and right. Courageously, because you're going to have to take risks and you're not going to please everyone. And quickly, because the reforms are difficult and the effects time-consuming. There's no more time to waste! And wake up for what? To be autonomous in its defence, to deepen the single markets and grow, to defend free trade. And to simplify, simplify, simplify and kill the European bureaucratic monster. Europe – Commission, Council and Parliament – has already shown that it reacts well in crisis situations. Trump is the biggest crisis of all. With all confidence in the strength of democracy and freedom, Europe must wake up, but it must wake up now.

Mr Vice-President, Commissioner, the Budapest Declaration is one of the best things that has come to us from Hungary in recent times. Talk about economic growth. Finally. It talks about deepening the single market. Excellent. He talks about starting the Capital Markets Union. Great. It's about embracing the technologies of the future. Fantastic. And even mobilizing private investment. Wow! And even better, it promises a simplifying revolution: Cutting red tape, cutting red tape. And he says all of this is to be done urgently. Brilliant! It looks like it was written by a liberal. But the problem is this: the statement has to translate into tangible actions and results, otherwise it will serve for some newspaper headlines, but nothing more. And that's not enough. The Commission that we have just elected today must start work now on the concrete reforms that will restore competitiveness to the whole economy, including the manufacturing industry and agriculture that we are discussing here today. And it should not do so by creating dependency on subsidies. Therefore, the appeal to the new Commission is: do not postpone problems any longer, adopt concrete reforms that improve people's lives. It's time.

Madam President, Commissioner, the war in Ukraine is not for land or borders. It is a war for the soul of Europe and its values – a Europe where freedom is defended and democracy triumphs over tyranny, a Europe where aggression is met not with hesitation, but with resolve. We must continue to support Ukraine, whatever it takes. And 'whatever it takes' means more weapons, air defence systems, ammunitions, long-range weapons and the permission to use them. It also means more effective sanctions and continued diplomatic support, because Ukraine's fight is our fight, and a victory for Putin or Kim Jong Un would be a defeat for us all. Too often we have hesitated and delayed. How many lives and how much suffering would have been saved if we had acted quicker? I do not know about the Hungarian Presidency, but this Parliament is clear: we will not hesitate, we will not tire, we will not let democracy yield to tyranny.

Mr President, if I said to you, let's cut red tape, you would all agree. It's in all our programs. Yet nothing really changes. And it's not for lack of trying. In 2000, there was a Lisbon strategy for simplification. It failed. In 2002, there was a better regulation agenda. It failed. In 2007, there was the Stoiber Group action program. Didn't do very much. In 2012, Refit. Same thing. In 2014, Juncker's 'big on big, small and small'. This probably failed because the title was a bit silly. They all failed to make any real difference because the Member States resist and gold plate European legislation, because our own EU bureaucrats are afraid of losing power, because our own legislative process favours the regulatory Christmas tree, which everyone puts something on. And frankly, because we as MPs are failing at our jobs, not only are we not simplifying, we are complicating things further. So why should this attempt, this time be different? Because if we fail again, things that are important will fail too and people will suffer in their daily lives. Help to Ukraine will come too late, houses will take too long to build and cost too much, renewables installation will take too long and cost too much, cross-border rail links will take too long and cost too much, as will cross-border energy grids, etc. and we will never bridge the great gap to the US. So do you want to get re-elected? Because this is what it takes. If you want to get re-elected, let's do something about this now.

Ms Grapini, thank you for your question. I fully agree, and the problem with having one minute time is that we can't talk about anything. But our health systems, and mostly our education systems, need to be thought about in terms of competitiveness also: the skills that we need to have and the knowledge that we need to have for the future skills that Europe needs. So, yes, the Draghi report is very strong on that. But the main premise is: if we don't grow, we won't have the chance to compete with our neighbours, and the young talent that we will be forming in our education system won't have a choice but to go away.

Madam President, this liberal minute in the European Parliament is enough to say three things that the Draghi report is, two that the report is not and one that the report must be. The Draghi report is lucid because it recognises that there is a lag behind China and the United States and therefore tells us that if we do not change, if we do not grow, there will be no resources, neither for the great transformations that Europe needs, nor to sustain the European social model, nor to retain our young talents. Secondly, the Draghi report is courageous because it is not afraid to acknowledge that we are facing an existential risk and therefore proposes reforms that are necessary but difficult. And thirdly, the Draghi report is clever because it reaffirms confidence in the free market and free competition, but admits exceptions that it justifies well, without giving in to protectionism. But the Draghi report is not to be ignored or left in the drawer. Europe must stop making successive postponements a way of reaching consensus. And the Draghi report is not perfect either. But the imperfections it has are to discuss and improve. It is not to be used as a pretext for doing nothing. Finally, the Draghi report must be the great strategic guide for all of us, for the Commission and for the scrutiny of this Parliament, because history will not forgive us if we are not as lucid and courageous as this report is. Let's get started now.

Madam President, dear Roberta, Frau von der Leyen, distinguished guests, fellow MEPs, today we are not choosing only a President of the European Commission, its political guidelines. I think we are actually choosing a destination and a path to that destination. We are choosing where we want Europe to be in five years’ time, and we are choosing what measures will take us there. Because in five years’ time, we will be held to account by our voters, and we will have to tell them if we chose the right destination: if Europe will once again be the beacon of freedom in the world, if Europe will be again a haven of peace and security or the land of opportunity and prosperity. They will ask us if we chose the right path. Did we hear the legitimate concerns of our citizens? Did we make up the difficult choices that we have to make, and the difficult reforms that we have to make to meet these concerns? And did we recognise, above all, that sustainable economic growth is the first priority in order to provide resources to meet all other challenges? These political times give us – all of us – an historical responsibility to provide decisive political leadership that will ensure we keep on the path to the right destination. Frau von der Leyen, my question to you is if you are conscious of this responsibility and if you are prepared to discharge it together with this Parliament, because from Renew, from the liberals, you know what to expect: loyal, constructive but demanding cooperation to make sure that Europe keeps on the right path and reaches the right destination. Let’s get it done.