Debate contributions by Michał WAWRYKIEWICZ

Mr President, Commissioner, colleagues, this resolution is about the citizen of one of the Member States of the European Union, Sweden, who was caught and sentenced to death by the Iranian regime. And what we are witnessing in the case of Mr Jalali is not an isolated miscarriage of justice – it is a very symptom of a regime that weaponises law to punish truth and uses human beings as bargaining chips in a cynical game of geopolitical extortion. I rise today not only on behalf of the EPP, but in defence of the most basic principles we claim to uphold: the rule of law, human dignity and justice. Dr Jalali, an academic, a European resident, was sentenced to death on fabricated charges by the Iranian regime. For nearly a decade, he has endured confinement, psychological torture, brutal treatment, lack of legal aid, medical neglect, and just one week ago he suffered a heart attack. His life is hanging by a thread, and so is our credibility if we do not act. We in the EPP call for the immediate unconditional release of Dr Jalali and all other political prisoners. Punishing a human being with death is an atrocity in itself that does not fit within the framework of our fundamental values we share. This is not about ideology. This is about principle. Human rights are not negotiable. Academic freedom is not expendable. And silence in the face of tyranny is not neutrality – it is complicity.

Mr President, as far as I understand it, today we are discussing the rule-of-law crisis in Spain, and we are discussing what the government is doing, what the Prime Minister is doing. And here I have the article from El Mundo, which describes very precisely all of these issues, that I deliver to you. So this is my answer to your question!

Mr President, Commissioner, colleagues, I am an external observer of this situation in Spain, from the country where the rule of law was devastated for years. I am truly saddened to have to admit that the state of the rule of law in Spain raises the most serious concerns. There comes a moment where the silence becomes complicity. Today in Spain, the rule of law is not only eroding, it is being dismantled from within, because it is about the Prime Minister. We see a Prime Minister, Sánchez, whose right-hand man has been caught on tape negotiating kickbacks, whose own wife and brother are under corruption charges. How does the Government respond? By launching smear campaigns against prosecutors, by declaring judges the real opposition, by tabling laws that retroactively protect those in power, and by politically motivated conversion of substitute judges into a permanent one. Tell me it is not true. Convince me. Prove me I'm wrong, because you haven't done it yet during this debate. Let us be clear. This is not governance. This is a systematic abuse of institutions for personal and political gain. The European Union cannot afford to be naive. When a government instrumentalises justice, when it compromises its own courts, and when it writes amnesty laws to blur accountability, it is no longer fit to lead a democratic nation. Spain deserves better. Europe demands better.

Dear colleague, I would like to ask you a question. Have you read this opinion of Advocate General from 5 June of this year, which was mentioned by the Commissioner in this case? I suppose you read it. Good. You read it. So your colleague has just recently said that you're calling from Law and Justice that we do not understand the Treaty. You know what the Attorney General has recently said? Hungary's measures deviate significantly from the model of constitutional democracy enshrined in Article 2 of the Treaty. What would you say to that? They are not also entitled to interpret European Union law?

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, how many times have we debated in this House about the violations of the rule of law and fundamental rights in Hungary? It is hard to count, even during this mandate. Of course, the representatives of Orbán's regime and their political friends will immediately start to explain to us that the European Union is determined to harass the sovereign country. But the truth is that we rely on law, on treaties, on charters, on conventions and on dozens of judgments of the European courts. And this is what the rule of law is all about. The truth is that what we are currently witnessing in Hungary is the 'Putinisation' of its political system. The recent law banning Pride marches is a direct assault on the freedoms of assembly and expression, protected under the EU Charter. Orbán is following the path set by Putin: first came the anti-LGBT propaganda law, now a ban on assemblies that promote or display homosexuality or gender change to minors, effectively prohibiting Pride marches. And we all know what will come next if we do not act: a total ban, prohibition of any expression of views that are inconsistent with the government line.

Madam President, Commissioner, colleagues, I am really happy, as one of the shadow rapporteurs, that we are finally presenting this report to Parliament. Thank you, Ana Mendes, for your cooperation, and all of the other colleagues that were working on this important report, because respect for the rule of law can never be taken for granted. It is not an empty, well-sounding phrase – it is the very foundation of our European Union. It is a frame without which the Union and any of its policies cannot exist. It is the backbone for our independence, for our freedom and democracy. That is why continuous and credible monitoring of the rule of law is essential to detect cracks in the system early and react swiftly and firmly when democracy is under threat. Five years ago, the European Commission launched its first annual rule of law review cycle, and since then, I believe that we, as the European Union, significantly strengthened the EU's capacity to respond to challenges and support necessary reform. Our report, Parliament's report, supports and complements the Commission's assessment. In this year's report, we focus on expanding our toolbox, notably by calling for the establishment of a permanent group of independent experts, a 'wise persons group'. Their role would be to monitor developments in Member States, issue regular assessment and sound early warning to the Commission when needed. For the first time, this report also addresses the vital link between the single market and the rule of law. It rightly highlights that corruption and judicial inefficiency erode investor confidence, hamper cross-border cooperation and threaten the integrity of the internal market. In case of systemic rule of law breaches, we should explore mechanisms to protect the internal market from the consequences of such violations – violations which undermine trust, mutual recognition and the EU legal order.

Madam President, Commissioner, colleagues, we are discussing today the most important topic of all, and I would like to thank Mr Lenaers and all of the others that worked on that file for the great job. Protecting children from sexual abuse, especially online, is our core duty, and I believe no one in this House has any doubts about that. With over 32 million reports in 2022, stronger EU-wide protection is urgently needed. The DSA sets a framework, but enforcement is still too weak. We need real accountability from platforms and better coordination across all of the 27 Member States. This legislation brings essential updates, clear definitions, longer limitation periods, and stronger victim support. This is the great advantage of these documents. Parliament must also address online anonymity and poor age controls by promoting effective age verification and identification to protect children. And finally, the huge topic of using artificial intelligence was raised by the rapporteur at the beginning of this debate. This is probably our biggest challenge in protecting children against sexual abuse.

Mr President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, a week ago, a draft bill on so-called 'transparency of public life' targeting foreign-funded NGOs was published by the Hungarian Parliament. This is another scandal. This is another attack on European values. It is very similar to laws adopted by authoritarian states, including Russia, and it is intended to block any independent voices against Orbán's regime. Let us be clear: if this law comes into force, it would risk draconic penalties for Hungarian freedom fighters. This law follows the 'defence of sovereignty' law, which is already the subject of an infringement procedure by the European Commission, now proceeded in the Court of Justice. I fully agree with what Commissioner McGrath said: freedom of speech is the essence of democracy. That's why I urge the European Commission to act decisively regarding this law and to initiate the infringement procedure together with a motion for interim measures for effectiveness of these actions. The lack of an interim measure in this case will simply put the safety of the whole Union in the hands of Putin's Trojan horse in our community.

Mr President, Commissioner, colleagues, the United States is again turning to protectionism – an approach history has shown to hurt, not to help, citizens. Tariffs may look like a shield, but act like a sword, raising prices and limiting choices. Europe must not respond with isolation. Our strength is openness, competitiveness and fair trade partnerships. Instead of building walls, let's deepen ties with democratic allies, from Canada and Australia to Japan, and at the same time, maintain relations with the United States as much as economic profitability allows. Let's not allow others' short-term thinking to define our future. Free trade is not naive. It's in Europe's best interest.

I will respond to you very easily and clearly. I went through all of these lies and manipulation in Poland between 2015 and 2023. But I'm a lawyer. I stick to the facts and the court verdicts, and you should as well. So look at the verdicts of the Court of Justice, of the European Court of Human Rights. You lost all of the cases. All of the cases. That's my answer.

Madam President, Commissioner, Minister, spring has arrived on the Danube River. Not only in this calendar sense, but in a symbolic narrative. Freedom has blossomed in the hearts and minds of the people. Yes, the Hungarian Spring of the people has arrived. After 15 years, the people have finally had enough. They have had enough of the arrogant regime, the methods of rule taken from the autocratic, brutal autocracy and the sowing of hatred and fear, the drastic violation of the rule of law, the lying and the manipulative propaganda, the kleptocracy and the corruption, and finally the turning of Hungary away from the Western civilisation, from Western Europe, from its roots and the desires, and changing vectors toward a cruel totalitarian tyrant from the East. The people have had enough. Hungary has been in Europe for more than 1000 years, and the Hungarian people will not allow anyone to turn it away from Europe, from its values, from the democratic principles of the state, from the style and prosperity of life, and from the alliances of the Western world to which Hungary indisputably belongs. The Orbán regime feels it, sees it, experiences it – the mood on the street – and it's starting to get scared, because the time will come to bear responsibility for all that has happened over the 15 years. And all of these recent legislative action that breaks the rules of the democratic word are a sign of fear and panic.

Madam President, Madam Commissioner, the EU was built on the foundations of human dignity, human rights, democracy and the rule of law. Today, as we examine this report, we see those very principles under attack globally and unfortunately, yes, also in our union. Human rights defenders are persecuted and convicted. Constitutional rules are brutally violated. Civil society is shrinking. Across the world, free elections, independent media and the rule of law are being eroded. And we cannot be neutral in the face of this. Our foreign policy must reflect our values. This means effective measures against human rights abusers and strong vocal support for those risking their lives for freedom and justice. And we must lead by example and speak out clearly, whether it's Istanbul, Managua, Tehran, Moscow or even a Member State that violates our fundamental rights, like Budapest. Silence is complicity. Democracy must be defended everywhere and every day. This is our duty.

Madam President, Commissioner, colleagues, I would like to thank the European Commission for this important legislative proposal. President von der Leyen once said, 'if you are a parent in one country, you are a parent in every country'. I want to thank also the Council and Minister Szłapka for the declaration to work on this fight during the Polish Presidency. The Polish Presidency understands the real issue at the heart of this proposal, and is not afraid to address it head on. As a lawyer, I must underline that this proposal is not about interfering in national rules on family law, or it is not about regulating surrogacy or imposing any new definitions on parenthood on Member States. This is about guaranteeing that each child in the European Union has a full package of rights, regardless of the circumstances of their birth. It is about ensuring that the child does not lose legal parents, access to healthcare, nationality or inheritance rights simply because their family moves to another country of the European Union. One of the most practical and urgent issues addressed by this proposal is 'limping parenthood'. 'Limping parenthood' refers to the situation where a child's legal parenthood is recognised in one Member State, but not in another. This leads to, for example, loss of parental rights by one of both parents, restriction of the child's rights, including losses in access to citizenship, inheritance, social benefits or parental care, costly and lengthy legal proceedings, and the risk of family separation. The European Union is built on the principle of freedom of movement, non-discrimination and legal certainty. It is our duty to ensure that these principles apply equally to all families. This proposal is not about politics, it's about people and, in particular, children.

Madam President, Mr Commissioner, Minister, colleagues, it seems to be quite obvious that we have to take a decisive step to fix the EU's broken return system. This is the time. The new regulation needs to deliver effective, fast and coordinated returns. Like my colleague Lena Düpont pointed out today, those who are not entitled to stay on EU territory should be returned – it's simple as that. As expressed by Mr Commissioner, those who posed a threat should be returned, should be removed. I would add that prioritising the returns of those who pose a threat to our common security is key. Improving the effectiveness and sustainability of the returns is one of the priorities of the Polish Presidency. Poland is supporting innovative solutions, including the concept of return hubs. But let's be clear efficiency cannot mean turning a blind eye to human rights and dignity. Let us be effective, but never forget our identity.

Madam President, Madam Commissioner, the conclusion seems to be very simple: Europe must take responsibility for itself and we can no longer assume that the US will lead. We must strengthen our own resilience, deepen cooperation and invest in stability on our own terms. For years, I was the part of civil society. Actually, I landed here in the Parliament directly from the Free Courts Initiative – an NGO in Poland struggling for the rule of law – so I perfectly understand this particular problem with funding cuts for non-governmental organisations, which are an integral part of the Western world. I recently organised a short meeting with NGOs from Poland, and I heard their alarming reports from the ground. We need to understand and remember: they are not only think-tanks, they often operate on the ground, on the front lines and they provide sensitive area services, so we need, as Europe, to provide them with help because they are a true democracy shield for us.

Madam President, Mr Commissioner, what I expect from the European Commission when it comes to strategic initiatives for this term is to be a decisive firm guardian of the rule of law and democracy, using all possible available tools that you have at your disposal. But not only – I also expect legislative initiatives to be taken to strengthen the existing toolbox. This is what we learned in recent years from the countries which were clearly violating our principles, values and rules. This is what we learned from Poland between 2015 and 2023, and this is what we learned from Hungary until now, that even the most appropriate, correct and rapid use of the infringement proceedings, Article 7 and also the conditionality mechanism is not effective enough to protect the rule of law. Therefore, I strongly encourage you to work on it, to work on increasing your tools, and what I want to assure you is that this House is ready for cooperation.

Mr President, Commissioner: 'I will not bow to this regime; I will not play by its rules. I am on the hunger strike. There is something greater than life itself - it's freedom.' These powerful words from the courageous Georgian journalist Ms Mzia Amaglobeli remind us how serious the situation in Georgia is today. As she stands against the pro-Russian regime of Ivanishvili, I stand with her and with all of these fantastic people on the streets of Tbilisi or Batumi; and I can simply say 'I'm Georgian today!'. Europe underestimated Russian imperialists for many decades. We cannot repeat the mistakes of Yalta in 2014. Now is the time to act. We must impose stronger sanctions and support free media, as well as citizens struggling for the democratic and European future of Georgia. As Ms Amaglobeli warns: 'today, it is me; tomorrow it could be anyone.' The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good people to do nothing. Let us not fail Georgia!

Mr President, Commissioner, Minister, what we can learn from public information from media, but also what we could hear from the Commission and the Council, once more and again proves to us that Orbán has installed an authoritarian regime in Hungary and is much closer to Putin's standards than to those of the European Union. I will remind you of what has been going on in that investigation. An investigation by independent journalists showed the process of spying by the Hungarian secret services of representatives of OLAF, the European institutions – those who were investigating István Tiborcz, Orbán's son-in-law by coincidence, and he was suspected to use EU funds illegally. This situation is a moral transgression of all possible barriers. How can we define a Member State that spies on the European Union institutions? It is unimaginable. What's more, Orbán introduced new visa rules also for Russian and Belarusian citizens. It was called – quite rightly – in a public sphere as an 'open door for spies'. As a Member State of the European Union and NATO, during the war in Ukraine, we have a duty to protect each other, also in terms of counterintelligence security. Meanwhile, the Hungarian Government is acting as if it is the enemy of the European Union. We can ask ourselves how many enemy spies got through and operated within the EU thanks to this open visa door. And finally, we have the issue of extending the sanctions against Russia, where a decision must be made by the end of January. It is also a question of the frozen EUR 190 billion of Russian assets. Here too, Orbán is blocking. It all really comes together logically. We are dealing with the enemy of the European Union and the Western world, an ally of Putin, and let's treat him as such in a serious way.

Mr President, thank you very much. Mr McGrath, I'm sorry. First a small correction. A dozen minutes ago, an ECR MP from Law and Justice said that before the parliamentary elections in 2023, we had a hacking attack, as reported by Gazeta Wyborcza, against his party. It was just the opposite. This hacking attack, 187,000 text messages and the takeover of election screens in shopping malls, was an agitation for this party. Those texts said "vote for shit." And there were images of PiS politicians: Kaczyński, Morawiecki, Błaszczak. This is also the case, among other things, with disinformation. It is time for us to take care of our democratic security. Let's do it effectively, let's do it wisely. Systemic, deliberate, organized disinformation on social media is the scourge of our democracy.

Madam President, thank you very much. Madam Ombudsman, first, I would like to thank you for all of your commitment during the whole term of office. But now I want to address two chapters of this annual report: first, fundamental rights, and second, cooperation and communication with EU institutions. Looking at the experience of my country, Poland, between 2015 and 2023, with the massive devastation of the rule of law, independence of the judiciary – which is definitely one of the fundamental rights of our Union – I would like to stress the role of the European Ombudsman in terms of putting pressure on the European Union institutions to respond quickly and firmly, using all the instruments these institutions have at their disposal. I believe that the key to success in the struggling for the rule of law is effectiveness of European Union institutions, and here I can see also the role of the European Ombudsman.

Madam President, Madam Commissioner, I would like to refer to one legal issue because the representative of Orbán's regime pointed out today in this House that here in this House we are telling lies and manipulating about Hungary. He pointed at Article 14 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights and I will answer this nonsense as a lawyer. This is not about freedom of education of our kids. This is about disgusting discrimination in the middle of Europe in the twenty‑first century. We and the Commission fortunately reacted and we have infringement procedure in the Court of Justice. It is not Article 14 that is violated, it is about Article 2 of the Treaty on European Union and violation of fundamental rights of the European Union, like tolerance and dignity, and you will soon find out this from the verdict of the European Court of Justice.

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, Listening to this debate, there is no doubt that energy poverty is an urgent challenge. This is not only fair, affordable prices, but also sustainable development and human dignity. It is crucial to understand the causes of energy poverty and implement appropriate measures. And in this respect, one should look at studies, specialist studies, such as the Energy Poverty Advisory Hub, which I looked at. I also looked at many other studies. None of them indicate that the energy transition is responsible for energy poverty. Three main reasons are identified: rising energy prices for various reasons, volatile energy markets, such as policy gaps or insufficient public investment, and climate and regional differentiation. How to counteract it? By closing policy and market gaps, by improving energy efficiency, by raising public awareness and by promoting renewable energy and a wise energy transition.

Mr President, Madam Commissioner McGuinness, thank you very much for your excellent work. Of course, I fully support the necessity and the need to include Russia, ruled by Putin's regime, on the list of high-risk third countries in the European Union. We must not hesitate. We must do that. Russia is an intensive military and financial ally of other high-risk third countries like Iran or North Korea. They organise private military groups like Wagner. Through platforms like Telegram or through cryptocurrency, Russian entities facilitate terrorist financing and laundering of assets stolen from Ukraine. According to Transparency International, over GBP 1.5 billion in UK properties is tied to Russians involved in financial crimes. The risk of Russian influences to global financial markets has been also flagged by the Financial Action Task Force. We must do that. We have to do that. This is our duty. This is not only justified, this is necessary.

Mr President, Vice-President Jourová, the rule of law has been a cornerstone of the European Union since the very beginning. Our Community was formed by those who showed exceptional respect for the rule of law. There is no democracy without it, no human rights without it, no border security, no free media, no freedom of economic activity, no equality and all the policies that the Union has implemented. This is simply the pillar of our Community. For many decades, this was not questioned – until the times of those who demonstrated contempt for the rule of law. Today, in this House was the one who first decided to openly disregard these principles. I'm, of course, talking about Viktor Orbán. After him, Kaczyński appeared. In my country, Poland, he decided to copy Orbán's model of autocracy. After eight years of hard battle for the independence of the judiciary and other devastated foundations of democracy, a huge commitment of civil society, the Polish legal community, especially judges full of courage and strength, as well as the very consistent attitude of the democratic opposition – we all managed to overcome this evil and proceed to restore democracy. This is a successful story. A huge role in this struggle was played by the European Union. Without our membership, it wouldn't happen. Thank you very much, Madam President, for your commitment. This report reminds us that neither today, nor in the future, we cannot forget, even for one moment, that the rule of law must be defended by all means. This is our shield of democracy.

Madam President, Madam Vice-President, dear colleagues, as the Georgian nation strives to become a part of the European Union, the democratic backsliding that we are facing there should concern us. What is happening in Georgia mirrors the patterns we have seen in authoritarian countries like Russia or Belarus, or in Member States that have embarked on the autocratic path, namely Hungary under Fidesz or Poland under Law and Justice. We know that leaders of liberal regimes learn from each other, implementing similar autocratic methods and narratives. Therefore the Georgian Dream Party is using similar tactics like autocrats all over Europe to dismantle the system of checks and balances that safeguards democracy and the rule of law in Georgia. Hence we must draw lessons from what we have already painfully learned. We need to clearly and promptly condemn the dismantling of checks and balances, and show our support and solidarity with the civil society that protests and the civil society that defends the rule of law and democracy. As a Pole, I see many similarities between the Georgian situation right now and Poland's situation a few years ago. And I believe that with our support, Georgia can get back on the democratic path, just like Poland did one year ago.