Speeches

Mr President, colleagues, imagine a substance that robs you of your breath, that sets your skin on fire, that causes violent coughing and vomiting, and not just for a few minutes or hours, but for days and weeks. A substance so monstrous that when you try to wash it off, it only burns more fiercely. Colleagues, these are the effects of camite, a World War One-era chemical weapon used for trench warfare. And today we see independent reporting that suggests that it's being used again here in Europe. According to the reports, Georgia's authorities put it into water cannons that they directed, not at an invading army, but against their own people, against women and children, students and nurses, workers and journalists. And why? Because for over a year now, Georgians still dare to protest peacefully for democratic regime, for the rule of law, but most importantly for their European future. Colleagues, we must say it clearly that if these reports are true and this regime uses chemical weapons against its own population, then they have given up all pretence and all ambitions to join this European family. But, colleagues, that does not mean that we should give up on Georgia itself, because we can still see another Georgia, a Georgia that stands tall in the face of repression, that will not sell its European soul to become a puppet of the Kremlin. We see this Georgia in the streets of Tbilisi, and we see this week here in Strasbourg, embodied by Mzia Amaglobeli, the winner of this year's Sakharov Prize, a journalist imprisoned on fabricated charges, but whose courage and quiet defiance exposes every day the weakness of her oppressors. Colleagues, let us be inspired by this courage and bring about an independent international investigation into the use of such chemical weapons by the Georgian Dream Government. Let us finally impose real and targeted sanctions, not just on a few diplomatic passports, but on the de facto ruler Ivanishvili himself, and on every single one of his accomplices involved in such heinous crimes. Colleagues, Georgians are showing real courage every day in fighting for a free and democratic Europe. Let us do the same.

Madam President, I want nothing more than these peace negotiations to succeed. But let's be honest, these 28 points weren't a peace plan, they were Putin's Christmas list to Santa Claus. They asked Ukraine to surrender what Putin has failed to conquer in a decade, and to weaken Ukrainian defences in a way that will only invite future war, future aggression from Russia. And dismantling Ukraine wasn't even the biggest gift under little Vladimir's Christmas tree; the real prize is that this plan would have not just thrown Ukraine, but Europe under the bus. Colleagues, we keep saying, 'Nothing about Ukraine without Ukraine, nothing about Europe without Europe.' But we are not acting like it. Instead, we keep hoping that the Americans might sweep in and save the day. But spoiler alert: they won't. If we want real peace in Europe, we cannot count on Trump any more than we can on Santa Claus. If we want real peace in Europe, we must take responsibility ourselves and force Putin to the negotiating table, but not through appeasement, but through strength. If we want real peace in Europe, we need to take the initiative now as Europe and use Russia's frozen assets as a leverage for peace. Colleagues, the time for wishlists is over. Now is the time to act.

Madam President, colleagues, honestly, I'm a bit sick of it. I'm sick of watching foreign leaders decide about the future of our continent, while our own leaders learn about it only from the newspapers. In international politics, you have a saying: 'if you aren't at the table, you're on the menu'. Unfortunately, right now it looks like Europe is on the menu. But, colleagues, it doesn't need to be that way. We actually have enormous untapped potential in our continent. Our economy is 10 times bigger than that of Russia, for example. But our problem is that when it comes to defence, we have failed to translate this enormous potential into actual strength, into a language that bullies like Putin actually understand. Instead, when it comes to defence, we continue to spend too little, too nationally and too inefficiently – wasting taxpayer money without getting a bang for our buck. EDIP is designed to change exactly that. It provides a concrete plan to make our Member States not just spend more, but better, smarter, and together on defence. It creates the conditions for a real European defence industry to emerge that delivers the capabilities we need and in a way that benefits citizens, and not just shareholders. EDIP can help turn Europe from an economic giant into a political superpower that can determine its own future. Colleagues, I do not want our continent to be carved up over some Christmas dinner between Trump and Putin. So let's give ourselves the means to get our place at the table.

Mr President, colleagues, this whole thing felt like Groundhog Day. Another phone call between Putin and Trump, another summit, and yet again, much ado about nothing. Just more strikes on Ukraine, more dead civilians, no Russian willingness for peace, no compromise. Yet even this depressing cycle had a silver lining, and not just that this time our American friends recognised Putin's bad faith before rolling out the red carpet, but that twice now, the threat of tougher sanctions and weapons for Ukraine actually made Putin move. This shows how terrified the Kremlin is vis-à-vis a strong and united West. This shows that the 'peace through strength' strategy actually works. But we can't just rely on an American knight in shining armour to do that work for us, colleagues. No, this is about European security. So, Europe must act by passing the 19th sanction package, by using Russia's frozen assets as a leverage for peace, and by putting out a plan, together with Ukraine, for a European just and lasting peace, because Ukraine cannot afford another Groundhog Day. And seriously, neither can we.

Madam President, dear colleagues, for too long, Putin has escalated this war because he believed that time is on his side. For too long, he has mistaken our readiness to negotiate as weakness, and responded only with more escalation, more bombs and more drones of our own cities. Colleagues, this vicious cycle has to end now! We must finally change Putin's calculus about this war and show him that time is not on his side. The good news is that we have the tool to do that right at our hand. We have EUR 200 billion of Putin's own money frozen in European bank accounts. And by using these assets to create a reparations loan for Ukraine, we can put Putin's money into a leverage for peace, we can give Ukraine the means to defend itself as long as it needs and we can create a clear incentive for Putin to end the war quickly. Because the longer he drags it out now, he not only pays with the lives of soldiers that he doesn't care about, but with money that he does care about. Colleagues, this is Putin's war: he wanted it; he prolongs it; he escalates it. It's time he starts paying for it!

It is very clear that the Nord Stream project was a mistake. And it is good that we do not have it anymore. But at the same time I believe in the rule of law, and this is the difference between us and Putin. I trust our courts to prosecute and pursue any sort of crime. The difference is that Putin does not, and Radio Moscow over there does not care about the rule of law. And that makes the difference between Europe, Russia and the far right.

Madam President, dear colleagues, Russian fighter jets are violating NATO airspace, Putin's shadow fleet is sabotaging undersea cables, cyberattacks are shutting down our airports, armies of disinformation bots are interfering in our elections, and swarms of drones are spying on our forces and paralysing our infrastructure. Colleagues, especially those on the far left and the far right: what more do you need to call this the reality that it is? That Putin is conducting a large‑scale hybrid war against our citizens, and that it is our and your responsibility to protect our citizens. And we know that Putin will continue to escalate as long as he thinks that we are weak, divided and ready to be scared. So let's prove him wrong. Let's keep our cool and show our resolve. Let's build a drone wall and secure our skies. But let's also invest in the resilience of our economies and of our societies, so that we don't go into panic mode every time Putin tries to provoke us. And let's be smart about our response by striking Putin where it hurts: that is his bank account. So now is exactly the right time to use the frozen Russian assets to support Ukraine and to show the schoolyard bully that while we do not want to escalate, we do have the means to protect freedom and security and our citizens in Europe.

Madam President, colleagues, I want to begin by thanking Donald Trump. Seriously. Because this summer he's disproven once and for all a zombie theory that some in this House have been riding like a dead horse and have been riding again today, that we, if only we accommodated Putin, only reached out to him, we could have an easy peace. That's what Trump tried and he failed. He has given everything to Putin. He rolled out the red carpet. He made concessions. And what did he get? Nothing. Nothing at all. No ceasefire. No compromise. Only more attacks, more escalation, more aggression. And in a despicable mockery of diplomatic solutions, Putin bombed our own embassy in Kyiv, endangering the very men and women who sacrifice their life, and who dedicate their life to diplomatic solutions. So what more do we need to finally understand that the only language that Putin speaks is strength, strength and strength? So let's finally show some strength and strengthen Ukraine's armed forces, strengthen our sanctions regime, and strengthen Western unity by showing European rather than Trumpian leadership. Appeasement has failed. Now it's time to get real about strength in peace.

Madam President, dear colleagues, if you are looking for a definition for democratic backsliding, you can forget the dictionary; you can just look at what Georgian Dream has been doing to its own population over the last few years. Not long ago, Georgia was a beacon of hope on the Caucasus, but what we are seeing today are foreign agent laws, rigged elections, brutal crackdowns on peaceful protesters. Georgian Dream is applying the Russian playbook of intimidation, disinformation, manipulation to the letter. Let's be absolutely clear: this is not a distant or abstract problem, but a direct challenge to Europe itself and a real living nightmare for the people of Georgia, for the journalists thrown into jail, for the opposition leaders beaten in the streets, but especially for those millions of ordinary Georgians – students, nurses, farmers, workers, teachers – for the 80 % of Georgians who still yearn for a European future, who still believe in their freedom, and who still stand up to the authorities and protest over 200 days later. This report is also our opportunity to give these Georgians a voice and to tell them: 'We hear you, we see you, and we stand with you on your path to Georgia's European future'.

Mr President, dear colleagues, media freedom is not a luxury, it is a democratic necessity. It shines light where corruption and autocracy hide. And that is precisely why the Georgian authorities have imprisoned one of the country's most respected journalists, Mzia Amaglobeli, for over 150 days now. And Mzia's is not an isolated case. Over 400 Georgians – journalists, opposition figures, but also ordinary citizens – have been arrested, tortured or jailed. Colleagues, the ruling Georgian Dream party fears the free press like a vampire fears the light, because they know that they can only survive in the shadows. In the shadow of the oligarch Bidzina Ivanishvili, who does not dare to step into the open because he knows the Georgians don't want him, and in the shadow of Putin's regime, which uses disinformation, intimidation and manipulation, because it knows that Georgians would never choose to live like Russians have to if they have the free vote. Colleagues, the light of a free press and a free society is the strongest weapon against tyranny, so we can only appeal to the Georgian authorities to step out of the shadows, drop the politically motivated charges and let Georgian people choose their future freely – in the light.

Madam President, dear colleagues, I grew up in a Lutheran vicarage that was shaped by the peace movement. I understand the longing to live in a different time, one where we can speak about disarmament instead of deterrence. I, too, would sometimes prefer to live in a different time. But colleagues, we don't. The post-war leader of the SPD, Kurt Schumacher, once said that politics begins with the recognition of reality. And reality today is stark. Europe faces the most serious threat to our safety in a generation. Putin is rearming on a massive scale, and his sights are not only set on Ukraine, he wants to test NATO, break apart the EU and erode our democracies from within. He has made that clear time and time again, and he is preparing to act not in the far distant future, but in this decade. And why? Not because he is scared of NATO. Putin actually thinks that NATO is weak, and that's actually part of the problem. But what Putin is afraid of is our way of life. Because successful, free and democratic societies expose the lies that his rule is built upon. That is why we are already subject to his hybrid warfare, disinformation, cyber attacks, sabotage and contract killings on European soil. Colleagues, that is not fiction, but a grim reality. Even if some in this House don't want to acknowledge it. Colleagues, the people of Europe rightly expect us to protect their safety, and that is why it is good that NATO leaders are meeting in The Hague, and it is good that we are mobilising more resources. But let me be clear – drones and tanks are not enough. What ultimately makes our society strong is the social cohesion they are built upon. That is what Putin fears and that is what he targets. So let us embed our defence spending in a broader security strategy. Focus on infrastructure, on resilience, and on the social fabric and solidarity that make our societies worth defending in the first place.

Madam President, dear colleagues, on my last trip to Ukraine, I met a remarkable young man named Vlad. Vlad is not a Rambo‑like soldier, but a skinny teenager from Kherson. But still, Putin fears Vlad so much that, alongside 20 000 other Ukrainian children, he had him abducted from his home, sent him into a re-education camp deep inside Russia and submitted him to violence and solitary confinement. Colleagues, why is Putin so afraid of Ukrainian children? It's because this isn't a normal war against a government or against an army. It's a war conducted against the Ukrainian civilian population. Putin is so afraid of these children because they are the future of Ukraine's European future. They symbolise the freedom that cannot be broken. Vlad himself has shown this will to freedom when one night in the camp, he went up to the flagpole and tore down the Russian flag and pulled up his own underwear instead. In this sign of resistance that could have cost him his life, he has shown real courage and real strength. Colleagues, if Western leaders had shown even half of that courage in their support for Ukraine that Vlad and so many Ukrainian civilians have shown to their tormentors, this war could already be over. So let us finally muster up our own courage, put Ukraine in a position of strength, seize Russia's frozen assets and force Putin to the negotiating table, so that Vlad and every single Ukrainian child can regain not only their freedom, but the future of their country.

Madam President, dear colleagues, as the son of a German Lutheran pastor, I'm not usually one to believe in miracles produced in the Vatican. Yet, at Pope Francis's funeral, something of that sort seems to have happened to Donald Trump because, after weeks of echoing Kremlin propaganda, on his flight back from the Vatican, he suddenly tweeted that maybe Putin doesn't want to end the war and that maybe he has to be dealt with differently. Colleagues, I don't know whether this revelation came to Donald Trump via the Holy Spirit or via Volodomyr Zelenskyy, but I am grateful for it because it is a truth that we must all face now, especially as we are about to mark 80 years since the end of the Second World War, and that is that tyrants are not deterred by appeasement, but by strength alone. And while I pray for peace, I also know that to achieve peace, we cannot simply rely on divine intervention nor, for that matter, on Trumpian diplomacy, but that this responsibility, colleagues, lies with us here in Europe. So let us act accordingly and put Ukraine in a position of strength, and seize Russian frozen assets, and show Putin that he cannot win this war, because only then can we recreate the real miracle that is a lasting and just peace for Europe for the generations to come.

Madam President, store several dozen litres of drinking water. Keep a 72-hour supply of canned food. Have torches ready and know your nearest shelter. Colleagues, to many, these instructions might sound like a bad joke, especially on April Fool's Day, but unfortunately they're not. They reflect a growing need to prepare for the many threats we are facing today, from Russian aggression to natural disasters, from hybrid warfare to future pandemics, Europe must be prepared and so must every European. But let us be clear being prepared does not mean being fearful. On the contrary, preparedness should give us peace of mind and courage. And most importantly. Preparedness is not just the job of a household or a family. It's a whole of society effort. Because real resilience comes from strong communities knowing whom to call, where to turn, and how to help one another in the case of crisis. That is why social cohesion and civil society, sports clubs, unions, churches and associations must be at the heart of our preparedness strategy. True preparedness isn't what we store in our basement. True preparedness is the strength of the connections we build aboveground.

Madam President, dear colleagues, we have to be crystal clear. Europe is facing today the greatest geopolitical challenge in a generation. According to the latest assessment of Germany's security services, Russia will be in a position to attack NATO and EU territory by the end of this decade. I myself received this latest report during a trip to Washington DC last week, and while the tone of the discussions was friendlier, it was no less sobering in terms of content. For the first time in 80 years, we have to confront this threat without the certainty of America doing the heavy lifting for us. And this new reality of Russian aggression and American retreat requires a fundamental reassessment of our strategic priorities. This is the aim of the CSDP, but this report is also the chance to develop a positive and forward looking strategic vision of the Europe we want to live in, in the Europe we want to defend. Because here in Europe, security has never been just about military strength. Our security is built on social cohesion, economic fairness and solidarity between Member States just as much as it is built on military progress. This is the foundation of our resilience and the true source of our soft power. And that's why defence spending must always go hand in hand with investment in infrastructure, competitiveness and the social fabric of our societies. Colleagues, at this geopolitical turning point, Europeans rightly expect their governments and the EU to protect their physical safety, but they also expect us to invest in a future that is worth defending.

Mr President, dear colleagues, Vance, Musk and Trump have achieved in just about one month what Stalin, Khrushchev and Putin have failed to do in 80 years: they have undermined the transatlantic alliance, they have surrendered America's claim to global leadership and dismantled the legacy of US presidents from FDR to Ronald Reagan. I am a committed transatlanticist, and I still refuse to believe that this is the end. I still have faith that America will be back, but I also know that Europe cannot wait for that. This is why it is good that European leaders are finally waking up. It is good to invest EUR 800 billion in defence. It is good that countries like Germany are finally breaking free from self-imposed fiscal straitjackets. But funds alone are not enough: we must anchor this investment in a broader security strategy, one that recognises that, in an era of hybrid warfare, social cohesion and resilience are just as vital for our security as tanks and drones. This white book offers the opportunity for us to do just that, to be a blueprint for a whole-of-society approach to defence. One that defends Europe, regardless of who is sitting in the White House.

Mr President, dear colleagues, as the Trump administration is about to unveil its plans for European security, Vladimir Putin continues to arm Russia for future attacks against NATO territory. And Europeans across all our countries are asking themselves, will Europe rise to the challenge? Or will we once again allow others to determine the future of our continent? Colleagues, for nearly three years, Ukrainians have shown what is possible when courage means unity. For nearly three years, they have been defying the doubters and showing Putin that war only ends in disaster. So let us be courageous and united today. Let us move from the ad hoc decision-making to a long-term strategy of funding Ukraine in a socially sustainable way. Let us build a European defence industry that is capable of defending Ukraine and deterring future attacks from Russia, and let us clear the path for Ukrainian EU membership. Only thus can we prove to Putin, to Trump and to every European that in this moment of truth, Europe stands united ...

Madam President, dear colleagues, a lot of people have called Trump's re-election a wake‑up call, also in this Chamber. But when it comes to defence, Trump's election is not a wake‑up call; it's the alarm sounding again after us hitting the snooze button over years, again and again. So this is not the time for Europe to merely wake up, but to finally get up and to face up to the new geopolitical realities that the United States will increasingly turn its attention towards Asia, and that we must take greater responsibility for our own security right here. And, colleagues, we must not interpret every Trumpian provocation literally. But when it comes to defence, you must finally take him seriously. And that means that we need to get our own house in order. We need to spend more and better on defence while strengthening our social cohesion and resilience. We need to streamline and democratise our decision‑making processes in the defence area, and we need a strong and united Europe that has the capacity, but also the courage to act boldly. Such a Europe is in our own self-interest, but it is also a strong ally that even Mr Trump will not want to lose.

Mr President, dear colleagues, last week we just heard former Georgian Prime Minister Giorgi Gakharia was brutally attacked by a group of government thugs, including a Georgian Dream so-called MP armed with a gun. Gakharia was left bleeding, with broken bones, and had to be hospitalised. Colleagues, sadly, this is not an isolated incident. Over the past weeks and months, more than 400 Georgians – politicians, journalists, but also ordinary citizens – have been arrested, tortured and imprisoned. Their crime: taking to the streets for 55 days now to demand a European future for their country. I have seen these people's courage first-hand during our visit in December. Georgians of all ages and all walks of life – young and old, rich and poor, conservative and progressive – stand together, united in their fight for a future in this European Union and for the right to be represented on this very floor in the European Parliament. And they do so knowing full well that no one is safe in Georgia any more from the repression and threats of Georgian Dream – no former prime minister, not even the President herself, who spoke to us so passionately just one month ago. But Georgians are not allowing themselves to be intimidated by that and neither should we, because this escalation of violence is not a sign of strength, but a sign that Georgian Dream is panicking. They are panicking because they have underestimated the will of the Georgian people and the power of the European idea. They thought that they could rig the elections and play the Russian playbook with disinformation and intimidation to cement their power. But they have slowly realised now that this has been a pact with the devil. Putin is not looking for partners or allies, but for vessels and colonies. And we've seen in Syria that suppressing your own people, relying on Putin, will lead you nowhere but into Russian exile. There is still time for Georgian Dream to end this Georgian nightmare. The gates of Europe, the gates of freedom remain open. But for this, the Georgian Government needs to cease the violence against its own people. It must allow Georgians to express their will in new and fair elections. And they need to do so now!

Mr President, dear colleagues, imagine a country where a strongman was about to enter his fourth decade of absolute rule while grooming his own son to become his successor. To be honest, to me this sounds much more like a medieval monarchy than 21st century Europe. But here we are. Aleksander Lukashenka, widely known as Europe's last dictator – at least until Putin vied for that title – is now preparing for another sham election to secure his seventh term in office. But let's be clear: this is no election worthy of its name. Instead, with unparalleled suppression, with arbitrary imprisonment of political opponents and with an oligarchic regime that makes the Ancien Régime look almost progressive, Lukashenka is dragging his country further back into the dark ages. Yet there is one key weakness. Whereas medieval kings could have invoked the divine to justify their rule, Lukashenka has nothing but Vladimir Putin. Already at the last election in 2021, a majority of Belarusians defied the repressions, defied disinformation and voted for Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya as their President. They took to the streets in their tens of thousands to fight for their European future, and it was only thanks to Putin's tanks that Lukashenko could cling on to power. This is why today both Lukashenko and Putin are terrified of the Belarusian people, and they are right to be so, because no propaganda, no intimidation and no gun barrel can extinguish the Belarusian people's thirst for freedom. And this is why we have this resolution here. This is why we show our solidarity. This is why we call for the immediate and unconditional release of all 1 250 political prisoners, and, finally, for free and fair elections. Because, colleagues, Belarusians are not the Kremlin's serfs; Belarusians are a proud European people and their rightful place is here among us, the free societies of Europe, and in the 21st century.

Mr President, dear colleagues, I wouldn't usually recommend watching Russian television, but in the last couple of days it has offered some revealing insights into Russia's view on the Baltic Sea. Because in talk show after talk show, we can watch Russian commentators discussing which undersea cables and pipelines connect European countries in the Baltic Sea, and also which would cause the greatest harm if destroyed. Sadly, this isn't just television drama, but it's a grim reality. In recent months, we've seen the destruction of critical energy and data infrastructure in the Baltic Sea. One incident involved a Chinese vessel. Another one, a ship from Putin's so-called shadow fleet. So let's call this what it is: sabotage. Putin is testing us. Putin is testing our resolve. So let's show him our resolve through decisive measures to strengthen our resilience, through greater naval presence in the region and through, finally, tougher sanctions on the owners of Putin's shadow fleet. Colleagues, it's time to push Putin's hybrid warfare back to where it belongs: into Russian TV fiction.

Mr President, dear colleagues, I, too, just got back from Tbilisi, and what I saw there was honestly bone-chilling: a government that, after rigging the elections, is cracking down on its own population and trying to turn a European democracy into a Belarusian-style authoritarian regime under the shadow of the Kremlin. It is a Russian playbook, all too familiar by now – a playbook of disinformation, manipulation, intimidation, violence and even torture. But, colleagues, what I saw in Georgia also gave me hope. Hope because tens – perhaps hundreds – of thousands of Georgians are taking to the streets every day and every night right now, across the country, in the cities, in the villages. Georgians are fighting for their country. They are fighting for their democracy. They are fighting for their freedom. These people are fighting in Georgia. But they do so under a blue banner with golden stars. The banner of Europe is for Georgians the banner of freedom, and Georgians are risking their lives for this blue banner. Wherever we went as MEPs, people came up to us waving this European banner, cheering us, but also asking us, 'Where is Europe in this hour of truth?' Colleagues, the eyes of the Georgians are on us right now, and not just of the Georgians – also Ukrainians, Moldovans and so many others who yearn for freedom. They are looking to us here in Strasbourg right now. So let us show to them that in the hour of need, Europe is capable of acting. Let us impose impose real sanctions on those suppressing their own population. Let us welcome here on this floor President Salome Zourabichvili to address the Plenary. And let us support the Georgian people in their wish for new and fair elections on their path to Europe, on their path to freedom. Georgians are acting right now to defend the values that this banner represents. So let us do the same.

Mr President, dear colleagues, dear High Representative Kaja Kallas, the fall of Bashar al-Assad was one of those rare occasions of unexpected good news these days. Good news because nobody will miss this bloody dictator, and good news because his fate sends a clear message to despots all around the world that suppressing your own people while relying on Vladimir Putin will lend you nowhere but in Russian exile. But there is a problem with this unexpected good news, namely, that it was exactly that: unexpected. Once again, like in Afghanistan, we found ourselves fully taken by surprise, fully unprepared to deal with the situation. We are lacking the presence on the ground, we are lacking the local expertise, we are lacking diplomatic contacts. And yet what do we hear from the Commission? Rumours about cutting down funding to the European External Action Service, cutting down on our diplomatic muscle. I am sorry, but that is like a milk farmer selling all his cows to make space for more milk. What we need is more diplomatic muscle, more diplomatic presence on the ground, not less. We need more EEAS also to support you in your task over the next years. I am a big fan of of good news, but I do not want it to come unexpectedly ever again.

Madam President, colleagues, on Tuesday, we marked 1 000 days since Putin's invasion of Ukraine. I still remember very vividly those who, in February 2022, said that Ukraine won't survive for three days, that it is not worth sending weapons, but Ukraine has proven those people wrong. For almost 1 000 days, the Ukrainian David is resisting the Russian Goliath, and why? Because the Ukrainian people were prepared, because they are resilient, because they have recognised the threat and they have not allowed themselves to be divided. And these, colleagues, are the lessons that we must draw from the Niinistö report as well. We are threatened by Russia, by climate change, by pandemics. That is reality. But reality is also that we can overcome these challenges if we recognise them openly, if we believe in our own strength, and if we do not allow ourselves to be divided. Social cohesion and unity in diversity, that is resilience, and that, colleagues, is Europe.

Thank you very much for the blue card. And I think that's the absolutely essential question. I think the first thing is to stop being naive and to be honest to our populations, to tell them that this is happening. I have full trust in our societies. I don't want to fight propaganda with counter propaganda. What I want is to tell people what is happening and they can make up their own minds. The Russians are playing with foul game, but we stand above that. We must be very clear. And this is what we should do as politicians, what the media should do, what civil society should do and it is to show these cases, these blatant cases of Russian interference. And to be honest in the debate about that, and I'm very confident that this will be the best way to challenge that.