Debate contributions by Mika AALTOLA

I think that the current agreement and the negotiations are not as comprehensive as they would have been with Mercosur. They are relatively thin and relatively narrow, with many fields that are left uncovered. It seems that is the trend of the day. That's the thing that we're going to actually, in this relatively dusty House, achieve. So we cannot make India change its nature. What we can do is to think about our self-interest, think about European citizens, think about the communities and families in Europe. We can seek mutually beneficial agreements with India because it is, after all, a democracy that has values when it comes to diversity. Its motto is based on a version of our own. So I would strongly recommend that you stop living in a wishful fantasy world and start actually thinking about the brute realities of the current situation.

Madam President, dear Vice-President Kaja Kallas, on this sad day, we have to look forward and focus on new partnerships. Enhancing ties with India is a strategic necessity. Let's stop pretending. The age of soft globalisation is dead – buried by Russian brutal aggression and Chinese and US unilateralism. We have learned the hard way that our dependency is not just a mistake; it may be a true economic suicide. If we don't diversify now, we are choosing to remain vulnerable to the next supply chain weaponisation. Realism demands we look at the map as it is, not as we wish it to be. India is a sovereign power that has its own interests, but their interests currently align with our necessities. They offer the demographic and industrial scale capable of breaking our addiction to more volatile markets. The foreign trade agreement with India is about geopolitical leverage and about ensuring that while Russia attempts to fracture the West, we are building a fortress of trade with the world's largest democracy. We can either negotiate from a position of strength now or beg for better terms when our current dependencies fail us.

Mr President, Commissioners, geopolitics is not limited to the Ukrainian front. We must therefore also turn our eyes to the northern Arctic region, where strategic competition is already taking place. In particular, it will determine the future of Finland, the Nordic region and also Europe. The Arctic is not a distant periphery. It is a strategic core region where Russia increases its military strength and where China expands its influence through economy, investment and technology, as well as by infiltrating the North Atlantic. As ice melts, new sea routes open up, and as sea routes open up, competition and geopolitical pressure will increase even further. Europe cannot afford to be a spoiler. For once, we can take the initiative. We need a clear, coherent and determined Arctic strategy: a strategy that protects Europe's northern backbone and strengthens our presence in the region. The Commission's previous proposal is unhelpfully outdated, because if we do not pay attention to the Arctic, we will leave our backs unprotected and deceive the key European Arctic countries, and if that region is subjected to harassment or pressure, its consequences will be felt immediately in our future, in our security and in our economy, and our geopolitical situation will be disrupted. The Arctic is the test of Europe. We have to act before anyone else does.

Mr President, Commissioner, we are now at a real turning point. We are not just careful observers, we are at the forefront of the fight in which Russia, China and Iran are trying to destabilise us with sabotage, electoral harassment, damage to critical infrastructure and even assassinations on European soil. The objective is the same: undermine our trust and break the backbone of democracy. We need to ressource and build a real European democracy shield: A shield that protects the freedoms of our citizens, such as freedom of expression, from external attacks. A shield that makes it clear that European infrastructure, such as the electoral system, is no one's pawn. The future of our children must not be written in the Kremlin, Beijing or Tehran. As the great powers rush and divide the world into spheres of influence, we must not be left behind. It is necessary for us to support democratic elements, including in the territory of our enemies. For this we need not only a shield, but also a sword. And this sword is still missing from the Commission's proposal. We must continue to work decisively together, without fear.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, Russia is repeating its old play, its demands for roots, its interests, its attempts to divide Ukraine, the withering Russian empire, which is desperately clinging to its vastness-seeking past. Putin's army is bleeding. It cynically sacrifices young people in minority areas as mere disposable soldiers to keep a coughing war machine standing. The front does not move and is deep in Russia. It's going to explode. Russia's nuclear threat today is one of the last tricks of desperate power. True peace does not come from submission to imperialism, but from strong support for Ukraine. Russia's core is already breaking when Putin is forced to wave his nuclear card. Power is crumbling under Putin's feet. That is why we must ensure that its desperate last actions do not spill over our borders.

Madam President, dear colleagues, the situation in Belarus continues to be a barbaric attack on democracy and freedom. Five years ago, people voted for change and their will was stolen by Lukashenko's fraudulent regime. Today, Belarus has become Moscow's vassal, complicit in Russia's war of aggression and even in the abduction of Ukrainian children to camps on its soil. These are crimes against humanity. Europe must not forget. We must defend democracy through consistent pressure, real accountability and support for those who still believe in free Belarus. Dictators must always know. Justice may be slow, but their doom will come. This is the only real deterrence and defence for democracy.

Mr President, Commissioner, at a time of profound geopolitical change, strengthening EU-India relations is a strategic imperative. If we have any strategic sense left, we will move towards that goal. India has been and should continue to be a counterweight to China. India – the world's fastest growing major economy, the largest democracy – is a natural partner in building resilience, diversifying trade and shaping a more balanced global order. The EU-India free trade agreement lies at the core of this effort. Yet, partnership cannot come at the expense of principles. India's continued engagement with Russia – a regime waging a war of aggression against a European state – must be addressed openly. A true partnership is built on trust, responsibility and a shared vision for global stability.

Mr President, Commissioner, the shield of democracy: democracy – an open one – is the foundation of Europe. It has to breathe, but it has external threats: Actors such as Russia, China, North Korea and Iran, who are actively using immense resources to reduce our democratic space and freedom of expression in Europe. Eighty percent of Russia's intelligence budget goes to destabilisation operations, which are mainly directed to this part of Europe. So we have to be very careful about things. We also have problems within democracy, including in Finland, which is a strong democracy. The media space is shrinking. The possible erosion of the Finnish Information Agency does not help at all. Democracy will live if we prevent its external threats and allow it to regenerate.

Mr President, dear Commissioner, at first glance, the new US-EU trade deal seems to be absurd. But it buys us something urgently needed ‑ predictability. Without it, Europe faced tariffs up to 30 % and loss of millions of jobs. Now, with average rate below 15 %, we bought time. Not comfort, but breathing space and transatlantic economic stability that has also important political ramifications. Yet let us be clear. The deal is a fragile one. President Trump's unpredictability makes it temporary at best. This means acting now. Times are difficult. We must turn today's instability in tomorrow's power. It is about Europe's place in a world where power, not rules, unfortunately, increasingly sets the terms.

Mr President, Commissioners, Thukydides, a Greek historian, once said that the drivers of the escalation of war are the supremacy and fear of the rising, rising superpower. When Putin looks us in the eye, he sees fear in us. He sees a scattered west, and he's intimidating. Yesterday, the vice-president of the Russian Security Council, the former president, threatened Finland with war. These are not things of play and one could say that we are one lost war away from a big European war. We have to mobilize. European history has seen coalitions of those who want coalitions, from the liberation of the Iberian Peninsula to the gates of Vienna and the Great Northern War. It is now important that in this mobilisation, for once, we should be on time and succeed.

Mr President, dear Commissioner, dear colleagues, the EU-US trade ties sustain millions of livelihoods, but today they are under siege by the US Administration. President Trump's tariff blackmail is not a mere madman's negotiating tactic; they are economic disruption, signalling deep distrust and even hostility. The 10 % tariffs persist, and even that wounds our people. Let's be blunt: US trade policy is erratic, and the agreements that we can strike with them might be going away the next day. So can we actually trust or should we diversify? At the same time, we should also remember that the US faces certain geopolitical pressures and China is the key to that. We are also facing the same pressures. So negotiations based on the same strategic positioning might be helpful for both sides.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, Europe is under threat. Our freedom is at stake. Enlargement is not charity. It's cold, hard, strategic thinking. Bringing a strong Ukraine is a direct guarantee of our security. The Russian threat lurks at our gates, waiting for an opportune moment. Finland knows this through its history. We have half the EU-NATO border with Russia. Finland is the barrier that must endure, or the freedom of the peoples is at stake. The same is true of Ukraine. Unity is strength. By integrating Ukraine, we send a clear message to Putin: We don't give up, we're not afraid. Let us remember Winston Churchill, in memory of whom here is a building named. He understood the deep geopolitical core of integration: Threats to the East and the dangers of totalitarianism. We must understand that the EU is not just a peace project, but at the heart of it is a deterrent that must sustain peace. The time for hesitation is over. We must act, even without the United States, if necessary.

Madam President, High Representative Kallas, we in Europe made a fatal mistake. We started treating risk management as a foreign policy strategy. Playing it safe. Avoiding the necessary. Defeating Russia in Ukraine. Now we face the consequences. No real mobilisation, no clear plan. And the threats keep growing. When they strike, we won't manage the risks. The risks will manage us. This is a warning. This is why the EU must stop being a spectator. NATO is the backbone. Yes. But we must become the muscle. Enough of symbolic solidarity. We need deterrence, strength and readiness. We must stop fearing escalation more than defeat. This summit is not about alliance. It's about building deterrence. Europe must face what is coming with clarity, with courage and with steel in its spine.

Mr President, supporting Moldova is a strategic investment in Europe's security and future. We have to understand that it is a battleground. Right now, Moldova is facing quite a lot of problems. When I went there two weeks ago, I saw that it is torn. The pro-European forces are strong, but the dark side is present, and Moldova is a testing ground for different new methods for Russian destabilisation operations. The fight is ongoing, and it is a fight that we will see in our future if we don't solidify Moldova's defences against hybrid and destabilisation operations. I strongly support assisting Moldova on its European way.

Madam President, dear colleagues, next year, American aid to Ukraine will evaporate; let's stop pretending. We face a brutal truth – Europe now must finally deliver on its promises or betray everything we claim to stand for. We are brilliant at slogans, we use soaring rhetoric, brave words, yet Ukraine bleeds. We have poured more cash into Putin's war machine for energy than goes into the fighting for Ukraine. We promised Ukraine EU fast-tracking, but when we look closer, are we keeping those promises? The grand announcement has been nothing but PR so far. Virtue signalling, a weak-kneed avoidance of the actual gut punch needed to defeat Russia. Consider this: Ukraine is Europe's breadbasket, it is the most war-experienced military in Europe, a nation forged in fire. Having them as an ally would be a great promise for the security of this continent. But are we just bluffing? Are we a continent missing in action? It is time to shed illusions and face fire. When the Nuremberg War Tribunals ended, they declared that a war of aggression is the supreme war crime. All the other war crimes follow from that: detention of civilians, stealing of children. And we must now face the aggressor.

Madam President, dear colleagues, next year, American aid to Ukraine will evaporate; let's stop pretending. We face a brutal truth – Europe now must finally deliver on its promises or betray everything we claim to stand for. We are brilliant at slogans, we use soaring rhetoric, brave words, yet Ukraine bleeds. We have poured more cash into Putin's war machine for energy than goes into the fighting for Ukraine. We promised Ukraine EU fast-tracking, but when we look closer, are we keeping those promises? The grand announcement has been nothing but PR so far. Virtue signalling, a weak-kneed avoidance of the actual gut punch needed to defeat Russia. Consider this: Ukraine is Europe's breadbasket, it is the most war-experienced military in Europe, a nation forged in fire. Having them as an ally would be a great promise for the security of this continent. But are we just bluffing? Are we a continent missing in action? It is time to shed illusions and face fire. When the Nuremberg War Tribunals ended, they declared that a war of aggression is the supreme war crime. All the other war crimes follow from that: detention of civilians, stealing of children. And we must now face the aggressor.

Madam President, in the Victory Day, the Russian and Chinese Presidents are sending a clear message to all of us – their strategy is working and the West is divided. The US is wavering, declaring that Russia is not an aggressor in the conflict, and accepting land grabs in Ukraine. For Putin, this war is not over. Victory day is about fear and dominance, and trans-Atlantic unity is weakening. He is preparing to extend the war in the region, ranging from the Black Sea to the Baltic Sea, and all the way to the Arctic Sea. Europe is facing a turning point. If we fall again now and we hesitate, we invite more aggression, more war and the collapse of our security order, the collapse of the European project. We must build real deterrence. We must stand with Ukraine, not just in words, but in action.

Madam President, honourable Members, Greenland has the right to decide its own future freely and without foreign US interference. Denmark, with Europe, firmly rejects the return of neo-imperialist tactics that seek to pressure or exploit autonomous regions for strategic gain. This isn't just about Greenland: it is about international order. Decisions about Greenland's future belong to Nuuk, not to foreign capitals. Europe must stand together in this, and we need to develop a European strategy that takes the Greenlanders' ownership of their island seriously.

Mr President, honourable Members, the recent tariffs imposed by the United States strike at the heart of fair and open transatlantic trade. These measures are already hurting European industries, disrupting supply chains, and shaking investor and consumer confidence. The European Union has responded responsibly, suspending countermeasures for 90 days to allow for negotiations. But let me be clear: we shall not allow unfair treatment of our businesses or our citizens. If talks fail, we are ready to act – firmly and strategically. We have to communicate our resolve clearly: honey talking does not ultimately work with President Trump. This is not just about economics; it's about standing up for European interests and for our collective defence. Europe is open to dialogue, but not open to intimidation.

Madam President, well-functioning free media is democracy's beating heart, exposing corruption and amplifying the voiceless. But it is under siege, censored, silenced by anti-democratic forces and those who fear facts and fully informed citizens. Radio Free Europe has been a relentless beacon defying tyrants, delivering clarity to millions. Now the US Administration is killing it. We must fight and fund to protect its factuality and keep freedom's voice alive for the oppressed. Without the free press, there is no free society. Without honesty, democracy rots into demagogy and freedom of expression into hostile antagonism, fed by Russian actors. We can't let that happen. Let's fund Free Europe.

Mr President, two years ago, Russia's brutal invasion of Ukraine demanded a unified European response. We declared a bold ambition to sever our dependency on Russian natural gas by 2027. Yet a stark reality reveals a troubling fact: we are falling short. Russian LNG imports into EU have increased recently, according to some reports. This is not merely a statistical anomaly; it is a strategic vulnerability. Exemptions for pipeline crude oil and the insidious refining loophole continue to funnel vital revenue into Russia. Let us be clear: we cannot credibly rearm Europe while our energy dependence fuels the very aggression we seek to deter.

Mr President, Commissioner, today we have a historic opportunity to show justice and determination. Russia has invaded Ukraine, violated international law and caused immeasurable suffering. At the same time, hundreds of billions of euros of frozen Russian assets – money that has been stopped in response to this aggression – rest in Europe. The funds must be transferred to Ukraine. Crimes become a responsibility, and the funds raised can help rebuild destroyed cities and strengthen Ukraine’s defence. This, in turn, will provide security for Europe. Some may be afraid of escalation, but indecision is what encourages it.

Mr President, Commissioner Kubilius, the world is experiencing the rise of transactional superpower activity, the diplomacy of coercive power. The policy of equipping Europe for Russia is quite sensible. It's time to grow up. It would have been good to make the decisions already three years ago, but by investing in defence now we can perhaps sigh of relief in three years' time. Ukraine's strength and continued support must be seen as the simultaneous birth of European defence. Over-reliance on America requires the development of European alternatives. A situation where about 70% of all purchases are made from the United States is not a sustainable model. It is much more sustainable to harness Europe's industrial capacity to create a heavy deterrent.

Mr President, rising geopolitical tensions are leading to serious challenges to the European Union's technological security. At the heart of the issue is the infrastructure that supports essential services for our citizens. These systems are critical for the smooth functioning of our daily lives, yet they also create vulnerabilities and expose us to hostile enemy actions. The key to solving this security dilemma and shielding our democracies is, as always, knowing your enemy – those who show political and economic force, who ploy to harm us. For example, the Russian tactics of sabotage, specifically sabotage operations targeting our critical cables and undersea infrastructure, is something that we have to see. The consequence of these hybrid and cyber attacks are not hypothetical. They jeopardise our societal security and I encourage the Commission's actions on securing our critical infrastructure with sensors.