Speeches

Madam President, Commissioner, yesterday I spoke in this gallery about the separation of powers that is consolidated in the Treaties and about the necessary control between them. Yesterday, we all together called on the executive branch to enable our right to make commissions of inquiry, because control between powers is the very essence of democracy. And today, at the last minute of the last day of the last part-session of this legislature, you come to ask us to vote on this invention. They come to tell us that it does not help that we control each other, even internally, but that we need a fourth power - yes, they do not say how or with whom - that controls us all as regards, nothing more and nothing less, than our ethical dimension. Well, not everyone, since the Council, which is the part of the Executive that accumulates the most power - where Pedro Sánchez sits and those who resist that control - we cannot control it with this invented body either. Well, ladies and gentlemen, I think we all agree that an interinstitutional body for ethical standards should not harm the democratic rights of this Parliament or its future members and, much less, should repeal the rule of law. If you intend to trample on our Treaties, know that you will have us in front of you to defend them, because this goes much further. Ladies and gentlemen, this is about defending democracy with transparency, but also with the logic that sometimes ethics must be treated with more respect than you have shown today to speak here, lacking the essence of democracy.

Mr President, Mr Michel, Commissioner McGuinness, ladies and gentlemen, when I arrived here a few months ago, I explained to my children that this Parliament was the guardian of European democracy. I explained to them that in democracy the power is held by the citizens, that they organise themselves through their representatives, which is all of us, and that there are basic rules for resolving conflicts and also for managing what is common for all. I can't tell them about John Locke or Montesquieu because they are still very small. But we must speak to citizens for what they are, as adults, and explain to them that these basic rules are laid down in the European Treaties, which enshrine the separation of powers. That is why Article 14 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union lays down the prerogative of this Parliament to scrutinise the executive in the various forms it adopts in the Union: the Commission, the Council, the European Central Bank or other agencies. And for that we have different tools, among others committees of inquiry, which are a key tool of political control that is used with total naturalness and normality in the national parliaments of virtually all Member States. But especially in this Parliament, since 2014 the Council has ignored all attempts to achieve a rule that is directly applicable and fully binding. I must confess to you that my expectations during the Spanish Presidency regarding anything that had to do with separation of powers or control were not very high. But what I certainly do not explain to myself is how we can be in this situation after two whole terms of office, two whole terms of office and more than 14 years since the Treaty of Lisbon came into force. How do you want us to explain this to the citizens?

Mr President, Commissioner, I began by saying that mechanisms of this kind are for exceptional and urgent situations or occurrences. I believe that in this debate both exceptionality and urgency have been demonstrated. Of course, we cannot say that it will happen because, as has also been mentioned, we have already been promising to join this region for 20 years, since the Thessaloniki Summit in 2003. But it is also clear that it is in the common interest of the Union and the Western Balkan countries to advance efforts to reform their political, legal and economic systems with a view to their future, hopefully soon, accession to the Union. It is a common goal that we must reach hand in hand. The prospect of accession to the Union undoubtedly has a powerful transformative effect and represents a positive change in the democratic, political, economic and social spheres. Believe me, as a Spaniard I am, I am a sincere witness to the great progress that accession to the European Union meant for my country and any Member State can share that historical experience, as Serbia's colleague has also shared. Now, no doubt, it is time to pass the witness on to them, to pass the witness on to these new additions and we must all work together. Rule of law, fundamental rights, economic governance, strengthening democratic institutions and public administration reform: These are conditions for membership, but they will also be monitored once they have joined this club, this European Union. This isn't just about turning one day. We have to work for democracy every day. These are and will be the keys to this accession process, which, in the words of President Roberta Metsola herself, is our best geopolitical tool. Accession is our best geopolitical tool. That's why, because it's a win-win: We all won.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, first of all, I would like to congratulate the rapporteurs of this report: my colleague Karlo Ressler, who cannot accompany us today, and Mr Picula. I would also like to highlight the work of the shadow rapporteurs and the secretariat. Mechanisms are instruments that respond to exceptional situations and therefore their financing and governance should be fully accountable to the budgetary authority. Recently, we have had to resort to this tool as a result of exceptional situations that we all have in mind: the war in Ukraine or the COVID-19 pandemic. We have learned many lessons about how the design of these types of tools should be and how their execution and control should be. So, with this Reform and Growth Facility for the Western Balkans, we will enhance the things that have worked well and try to minimise the mistakes learned from these experiences. The policy of enlargement to the Western Balkans is of geostrategic importance for the security, peace and stability of the continent. In light of the changing dynamics in the international environment, this is indisputable. Precisely, Russia's aggression against Ukraine has given a new meaning and impetus to this European Union. However, the path of the Western Balkan countries towards EU membership must be firmly anchored in tangible and concrete progress in their reforms. This is a priority region for the Union and the Union is necessary for this region. We cannot spare resources or diplomatic efforts aimed at achieving their full integration. We cannot forget that its geographical position in the very heart of Europe makes this region the object of desire for foreign powers that want to parasitize their institutions. In this regard, the Commission adopted a communication on a growth plan for the Western Balkans based on four pillars: promoting integration into the Union single market, boosting economic and regional integration, deepening reforms aimed at accelerating inclusive and sustainable development in the region, and establishing a new financing instrument: the Reform and Growth Facility for the Western Balkans. This Facility aims to support these internal reforms with strategic investments so that benefits are soon felt in key areas of the European single market, including the free movement of goods, services and workers, the euro single payment area or transport, energy or the digital single market. This Facility will complement the thematic allocation approach of the Instrument for Pre-accession Assistance, focusing on specific drivers for economic and social growth. But while the other instrument follows a results-based programming process, the procedure of this Facility is based on conditions. ex ante It will combine grants with loans. This conditionality ex ante implies that financial resources can be entered into national budgets only after reforms have been implemented. The growth plan is truly an incentive to achieve progress in this regard, which is fundamental to the society and economy of these countries. That is, in this case, the control will be real and exhaustive. There will be no investment without prior and correct forecasting. And, as this Parliament called for and here it has been said, payments will always be subject to strict conditions relating to the implementation of the reforms set out in the programme agreed with each of the partners. This fund undoubtedly has enormous potential: could double the economy of the candidate countries in the next ten years. Moreover, the key objectives include alignment with European foreign and security policy, including sanctions against the Russian regime. With this we send a clear message: It is imperative to harmonise our attitude towards the aggression against Ukraine and our joint action in the framework of the sanctions against Russia. There is no other way than the European Union.

Mr President, if I were to explain to the public what the EIB is, I would tell them that it is the Bank of the European Union. It is the only bank whose shareholders are the Member States, whose interests it represents. I would also tell them that it provides its funding and expertise for investment projects that contribute to achieving the Union's policy objectives (they have said so): industrialization, digitalization, SMEs, climate change, etc. I would also tell you that a Spaniard, Nadia Calviño, has recently presided over it, and that must be a source of pride for all of us. But there are other questions for which I do not have the answers and surely the citizens are also interested in knowing them. For example, the Ministry of Economy, which until recently was chaired by Mrs Calviño, has been far from being an example of transparency and management of European funds for more than two years. Should we rely more on its capacity now at the head of the EIB than it had managing these funds in the Ministry? Another question: Did Mr Sánchez agree to his appointment in exchange for his vote for Frankfurt in the recent election of the seat of the Anti-Money Laundering and Countering the Financing of Terrorism Authority? And finally, will you, Mrs Calviño, be more careful to monitor the use of European funds, thus avoiding cases of corruption such as the masks that have just broken out in Spain?

Mr. President, today we are evaluating our recent past, but to talk about the future. And this assessment of the multiannual financial framework implies recognising that it has lacked the necessary flexibility and sufficient autonomy vis-à-vis the Member States. It also involves putting on the table three elements that are key already today, but that will remain so tomorrow. Three questions for the future: industrial competitiveness, energy sovereignty and the fight against climate change. This review serves to address these challenges from common sense and budgetary responsibility and also serves to strengthen our geostrategic role by moving towards a common defence and supporting Ukraine in its reconstruction. Ladies and gentlemen, there have been several revisions, but this is not one more. Among other things, because it is assumed that the levels of absorption and implementation by Member States of the Multiannual Financial Framework – including the Recovery and Resilience Facility – directly influence the reallocation of resources; That is to say, with a positive view, those States that reach the committed milestones and implement the available funds in a timely manner will not risk losing part of their financial envelope. It will be easier for citizens to know how effectively our taxes are spent.

Mr President, Commissioner, our Union was born last century as a better tool for peace and with long lights on for a horizon of prosperity. In recent decades, as you mentioned, we have faced many challenges. The first of these was the construction of European citizenship, which is present from the very germ of what is now the Union and which has been consolidated over the decades thanks to the work of all. Thirty years after the Maastricht Treaty, I think we can say that, thanks to iconic programmes such as Erasmus, there is no doubt that we Europeans feel that we are citizens of this Union: Nine out of ten Spaniards do so and three out of four would like to see more decisions taken at European level. Another key challenge in this horizon of prosperity was to cross the bridge from one century to the next, and that means making the digital transition. If European citizenship is characterised by the link between the citizen and the Union embodied in rights, obligations and the political participation of citizens, none of these issues can be done outside of technology, but neither can technology leave anyone behind. This reality of today makes our life run at the same time in the virtual world and in the physical world, and thus we must be able to incorporate it into the framework of everything we have built during these decades: all rights, obligations and also political participation. We must take all this into account, ladies and gentlemen, because Europe, either it is with young people, or it will not be; either it's with the families, or it won't be; Europe, either it is with the citizens or it will not be.

Mr. President, Mr. Secretary of State, a year after Qatargate, this corruption scandal has taught us two things: that there is corruption and that corruption also comes to light. And something else: whereas, where problems exist in the European institutions, they have mechanisms to solve them and to prevent similar things from happening again. These are two essential parts of this process. When there is a crime, there is a punishment. In this case, the crime is bribery of MEPs. What a shame! I wasn't here yet. The punishment is prison and the measures that we said to prevent this from happening again in the future, that is, the rules of integrity and transparency in the Code of Conduct for Members, in line with President Metsola's 14-step plan. And we will all agree that this is something to applaud. An applause that, by the way, cannot make us lose sight of the irony that it is precisely the socialists who demand more transparency measures, when it is precisely on that side of the bench that these corruption scandals arise and it is also usually in the governments of that color in which they occur. I would recommend from here that, in addition to the crystals of transparency, you put, from time to time, some other mirror. But I insist that it is worthy of praise for the great work so far done. We must continue to work, especially at a particularly sensitive time, so that, before the next elections, there will not be a populist breeding ground. Gentlemen, fellow MEPs, it is not only worth looking at corruption depending on the bench in which it occurs and depending on the government where it is consumed. In the face of corruption in all countries, let us stand firm. (She refused to have Cyrus Engerer ask her a question under the "blue card" procedure)