Debate contributions by Matthias ECKE

Mr President! Görlitz controls half of the world. This sounds a bit weird, similar to Cremona or Porvoo or Cheb or Ávila, small and medium-sized towns. But that's exactly the size if it were a city, the group that controls half the world. A small group of super-rich people hold half of the world's wealth. This is the youngest World Inequality Report shown again. And it's not just that this is a problem for distributional justice. It is also a challenge to economic stability and now also to our democratic constitution when we see how billionaires and billionaires influence our legislation. This is not a natural law, nor is it a coincidence, but the product of political decisions. We need to act in Europe. We finally need a trillionaire tax, a tax on the super-rich. And this is not one of the old wealth taxes that did not work properly in Europe, but we need an extremely high allowance, 100 million and more, a broad base, no exceptions. And a minimum tax where what has already been taxed can be deducted. Europe must finally act so that a small group of wealthy people do not accumulate half of their wealth.

Madam President, Madam Minister, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen! In Freiberg in Saxony, the company Freiberger Compound Materials Wafer here, and for this it needs gallium. But at Gallium, we are almost entirely dependent on imports from China. If China restricts exports – and this has happened – then scarcity and rising prices follow. And this is just one example from the heart of Europe. China has no scruples about using our dependencies on critical raw materials as a weapon. Those who control raw materials have power over global supply chains. This is a crucial issue of sovereignty. We need to start here and gradually reduce our dependencies. Because these markets for raw materials are extremely concentrated: They combine technology, economic power and strategic interests in a confined space. Ultimately, this is about the basis of sovereignty in our world order, and we cannot afford to miss it. That is why we must now launch our ambitious initiatives: Critical Raw Materials ActFinally, the second call. We need to move faster with the new projects. We need partnerships with resource-rich regions. Commissioner, I also expect the Commission to present you with a really demanding Circular Economy Act so that we can move forward on this matter.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen! I know of no better technology than the electric car. Regardless of climate protection, the electric car is simply the better technology. Instead of emphasizing the advantages of the electric car, there is always the discussion about the preservation of the combustion engine. This is counterproductive and unsettles customers. This is not a quote from me, this is a quote from the head of Audi. Maybe you'll listen to that. Let me tell you what I want: I want European carmakers to be able to compete on the global market, that we have a future, a secure future for our locations and secure jobs in the long term. This requires globally competitive electromobility, and fleet legislation provides a framework for achieving climate neutrality. Now we need to talk about other things: the strengthening of demand through tax incentives, through: Social leasing, cheaper charging current, better equipment with charging stations, etc. But let's be honest: What are the alternatives? Of course, decarbonisation, as some want here, can be done via the ETS that prices are getting higher and higher. But that's cynical. This means that the top ten thousand can still afford to drive and the others can't. Of course, like you, we can simply deny climate protection, perhaps out of love for the petro-autocrats or out of ignorance. But that's crazy. So back to reason. Let's help the industry.

Madam President, Vice-President Séjourné! Why wander into the distance? Look, the good is so close. We are breaking our heads – and rightly so – about Europe’s external trade relations, but we have still not developed our own internal market properly. Let's just try to order a parcel in another Member State, then there are higher shipping costs, longer delivery times, and often there is not even an offer. Not even in online mail order are we really a single market. The single market is our greatest treasure, our key to growth, jobs, innovation and prosperity. Today, around 60 percent of our member states' exports go to other EU countries, in the US states it is over 80. There is a gap where you can see: Okay, we could close them, there's still potential. Let's imagine a Europe in which not only goods and services flow across borders, but also capital and innovation, in which a start-up from Leipzig gets as much capital as one from New York. But I think we need to do a little more. We need political courage to break down these barriers – in resolution, in supervision, in tax differences, when I think of the Capital Markets Union. We also need Member States that are really involved in harmonization, that do not want to put sticks in the wheels of harmonization, but that want a common deep internal market. We in the European Parliament are ready to do so.

Mr President! Our tax system is no longer working. Previously: The more successful a company is, the more taxes it pays. But today, the most successful of them are evading their responsibilities. 2021 was the low point: Amazon, then the second largest company in the world, got back in the EU money instead of paying taxes. Nobody understands that anymore. The effective taxation of digital platforms in Europe today is less than 10 percent, with traditional companies around 20 percent; Thirty years ago, the largest corporations still paid about 30 percent of taxes. This is nothing more than a slap in the face of the people here in Europe. If Amazon, Google, Meta barely pay taxes, then we all lose. And the fact that we have to talk about the EU's digital taxes at all today is because Donald Trump and the US administration are boycotting the OECD agreement. Sure, a global solution would be much better against this kind of profit shift, but we must not depend on Trump in the EU either; We also have to act ourselves. And that's why it's right that we say: Yes, we have to put forward our own proposal if the OECD does not continue. And no, we won't let Donald Trump and the tech oligarchs who work closely together forbid that. Therefore: European taxes are being decided here in Europe, and we want digital platforms to finally contribute their fair share.

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen! Tomorrow we will adopt three own-initiative reports on the future of cohesion policy, and I must say honestly: Maybe we could have saved ourselves all the work, maybe it was in vain. What is the use of a proposal for simplified funding if the Commission plans to virtually abolish regional policy as we know it by 2028? What good is a just transition mechanism if we have the only fund for this structural change that is there to do just that – the JTF – not found in the next EU budget? I had a big conference in my area. JTF With the greeting from you, Mr Fitto, where you presented inspiring projects: SMEs, transfer, research. And what can I tell them: ‘Great what you have done, but it will be deleted!’? EU funding policy has always been the most visible sign in Europe: We will not leave you alone in the path to climate neutrality, in the convergence of regions, in an economic development that is everywhere. And now that promise seems to be broken. We remain in favour of a cohesion policy that puts regions at the centre. We are against centralization with the capitals. We want prosperity in all parts of Europe.

Mr President, Madam Vice-President, ladies and gentlemen! The free internet is under pressure, and in many countries it is subject to control, censorship and surveillance by autocrats. But even here in Europe, for example, we are witnessing Donald Trump's threats against the EU calling into question our sovereign digital legislation. We need to regulate the internet in Europe democratically and in accordance with the rule of law worldwide; only in this way can we also protect it from destruction, on the one hand from control by authoritarian states and governments and, on the other hand, through monopoly, from access by oligopolists. Big techactors. But the risk of censorship is real. The fear of an authoritarian network is justified, and that is why we must also talk very seriously about discussions such as SeeZam; This is where the Internet Governance Forum comes into play. There are different perspectives, different approaches; It is an exchange where these things can be reconciled. Therefore, the mandate should be extended, including by the end of the term of office. The European Parliament should play a vital role in these discussions and we can contribute our European values: Data protection, net neutrality, access for all and a global, freely accessible public good.

Mr President, Commissioner! As a young child, I once experienced how a dragon did not want to take off into the air, and then there was a strong gust of wind and then it went up and stayed up. This is the blow, this wind blow, which we now also have for our Clean techThe industry needs it. We have the minds, we have the vision, we have the technology – but there is also a lot missing. With the Net-Zero Industry Act If we have now simplified the procedures, we have given a push. We have created a new state aid framework that will finally enable these strategic industries to be promoted in a competitively neutral manner. But production is still lost. I see it with me in Saxony, a very strong solar location, which has been smeared in recent years, although the industry is growing substantially overall. We must take stronger action against cheap competition, against oversupply, especially from China. The Commission must make use of all trade policy measures. And we also need an EU budget that really promotes and supports our strategic industries. The new Competitiveness Fund must also provide precise information on these industries. We are not an oil state – the future of Europe lies in renewables. Don't let us lose our production here.

Madam President, Get Maja back! More than 100,000 people are asking for this in a petition. They demand a fair trial for Maja T., a non-binary person imprisoned in Hungary. Maja T. has been held in pre-trial detention for ten months, in isolation and in unworthy conditions. In protest, she is on a hunger strike and the situation is really serious and getting worse. Maja T. was transferred from Germany, although Hungary does not guarantee a fair trial, certainly not for queer people, against whom the Hungarian government continues to incite. This transfer was unlawful, and the Federal Constitutional Court also found that to be the case. The German government and the Hungarian government must correct this mistake. But the EU Commission must also act. She can't just say she's incompetent. It is the guardian of the treaties and if somewhere the rule of law is systematically violated, it must intervene. Maja T. has to go back to Germany. She will face a trial under the rule of law there, and this trial will also clarify the very serious allegations that are being made against her. It's not about impunity, it's about justice, but we're a long way from that right now.

Mr President, colleagues, winning the global tech race is not just about speed; it is about direction. Technology needs a purpose – it is not a purpose in itself. We must be competitive, yes, but we must also define where we are heading. Europe's path should not be a simple replication of the hyperscaler tech giant model, relying on proprietary software and monopolistic structures. Instead, we must embrace open source, federated and decentralised approaches that ensure healthy competition and innovation. Our digital transformation must be built on a solid foundation of human rights, privacy and data protection. This is why I support the vision of a EuroStack, a European technology stack that secures our sovereignty and strengthens our position in the global tech race. I expect the European Commission to take a strong stance, proposing public procurement rules to prioritise those suppliers that align with our European values. We need substantial private and public investments in data centres, networks, chips, cloud services and software, and we also need a capital markets union providing the financial backbone for Europe's digital future. The global tech race is ours to win, but only if we stay true to our values and ambition.

Madam President, Yes, the automotive industry is an extremely important industry in Europe – a backbone for value creation, innovation and employment. And yes, it is currently in crisis – it is right to recognise that. And that is why it is good that the Commission is acting on this action plan. But it's not in crisis because of the Green Deal. It is in crisis because it has slept through key innovation in the industry in many areas, and that is why it is now important to maintain regulatory stability. 2035 must be maintained: the phase-out of the fossil fuel burner. At the same time, the Commission has now taken the right path with its pragmatic approach to penalties. But we need more; We need demand impulses. At the moment, e-mobility is still slightly more expensive than a combustion engine over its entire lifespan – this will change as fossil fuel prices rise with the ETS. But until then, there is still a need for impulses for demand, and that is something that I do not have in the Commission's plan. We need social leasingWe need premiums, we need support for the European car industry.

Mr President, Madam Vice-President, ladies and gentlemen! Investment and competitiveness, competitiveness and investment are closely linked. This report also reminds the Commission that it wants to be an investment commission. And this is also necessary because this Commission must be able to close the investment gap in Europe. Of course, this has to do with defence, and that is why it is right to use the escape clause. It is also about civil investment. It's about hospitals, it's about schools, it's about housing. After all, these completely broken housing markets in Europe are closely linked to the macroeconomic imbalances that we also have. That is why we must now act boldly to close the investment gap so that it no longer rains, Mr Ferber, into the common house of Europe, so that the roof is covered, even when stormy times come.

Mr President! Commissioner! The basis for our digital everyday life is now mainly determined by Chinese and American companies: 5G technology from China, satellites from the USA. This threatens not only our competitiveness, but also our security and, in principle, our way of life. Executive Vice-President Virkkunen said in her hearing that almost half of 5G communications are still through high-risk sellers. Only 12 Member States have forced their sellers to minimise the risk. More needs to happen! The Commission must also fill in the gaps. We need to strengthen European network equipment suppliers. We need to speed up the roll-out. We need to make diversification and risk minimisation a priority, for example by making it EU-wide. High-risk vendorIntroduce restrictions. And we also need a procurement policy that favours European suppliers safely and reliably, because the basic infrastructure in Europe must be reliable, open and accessible to all and must also come from Europe.

Madam President, Executive Vice-President Virkkunen! Dear colleagues! This card is a card of shame. Because what you see here is that you want to share us as an EU. What's that, a new Iron Curtain? It is unacceptable that the US government divides the EU into two different levels of export control. We are a single market and we must work together to tackle it. But it also shows that it was right to launch and start a strategic industrial policy in the field of semiconductors. We have with him Chips Act Achieved partial success. We have settling successes in Dresden with TSMC, with Infineon. We have other projects that have not yet been realized, such as in Magdeburg. This is also a great success for the federal and state governments involved. But it's not enough. We have now seen at DeepSeek that there is a high level of volatility in this market, that these chips are suddenly worth less when you see that they do not have that power for you. AI Models need. That is why, I believe, we need a comprehensive approach, a whole integrated approach from raw materials to chips to software and AI Models. That's why we need something like one. EuroStackI look forward, Mrs Virkkunen, to what we can expect from the Commission. So far we have some drafts in the work programme, but the overall approach, I still miss a bit.

Mr President! Madam President Lagarde! Dear colleagues! Euro area inflation rates have fallen from a record high of 10.6% to now close to 2%. This is an important signal of stability in Europe and good news for millions of people. Especially if you have a small or middle income, you have had to suffer from the cost explosion of recent years. Inflation is not only an economic issue, but also a social one. And that is why it is right not to leave the fight against inflation to the ECB alone. The German government led by Olaf Scholz, for example, has recognised this and has done more to combat rising prices than any other government in the EU – with energy price brakes, relief packages and a cheap German ticket. That was wise and right. As social democrats, we also make it clear: Price stability is important, but it is not enough on its own. The ECB must also contribute to the economic and social development of the EU. I am therefore all the more pleased that our demands in this regard have now been heard and that the report has been adapted accordingly, which has led to theecondary mandate As far as I'm concerned. With Trump's policy of arbitrariness tariffs, however, we are now facing new price increases and crises. We expect the ECB to live up to its responsibility for Europe's economic development.

Mr President! Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen! The name Qubad İbadoğlu is well known in my hometown Dresden. The scientist was supposed to be a visiting professor there, but he was arrested beforehand. Ibadoğlu's case has also made us generally aware of the human rights situation in Azerbaijan. We are also thinking of the cases of Anar Mammadli, Kamran Mammadli, Rüfat Safarov and the TV channel Meydan. We are not talking in this House for the first time about the human rights situation in Azerbaijan and also about the specific case of Mr İbadoğlu. We had high expectations, coupled with the public making the COP29 in Baku. We had expected that the world public, which is focused on this event, would bring an advantage for the people there. That hasn't happened, and that's why I think we should think very carefully about whether the idea that with big events, with media attention, with civil society mobilized, such dictatorships can be changed is not too far-reaching. Let's take a closer look in the future. Let us not expect that an event like COP29 alone will bring improvements there, but we must stick to these issues on a daily basis, in diplomatic exchanges and with pressure from the EU as well. That is why, ladies and gentlemen, in this situation, we should suspend further negotiations on a strategic agreement with Azerbaijan.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen! We look into the mouth of a monster. The Brotherly Kiss of Donald Trump and Elon Musk. The authoritarian axis from Kremlin to TikTok. The Radical Connection of big money and authoritarian state power in the platform economy is a massive threat to our freedom and democracy. With the Digital Markets Act, we wanted to limit market power and regulate platforms so that their dominance could not be used unhindered for commercial interests. But the danger has grown. Today, platforms, political elites and authoritarian governments are closely intertwined. Instruments of power have emerged like weapons in order to gain political power of interpretation. And we have to counteract this concentrated power. Regulations alone are not enough; We need European alternatives. I remember that we federated Open sourceBringing networks out of their niche, that we can create a European platform based on Open sourceDevelop protocols or hybrid models that combine private innovation and public interests. Ladies and gentlemen, social media needs to change – we need European alternatives.

Mr President! Commissioner, it is nice to see you here today and I look forward to working together for an innovative Europe. The EU is a world-class location for innovation. We have excellent researchers, great corporate personalities who are courageous, and well-trained professionals in confident workforces – they all want to innovate together. But, of course, the potential is not yet fully exploited by Europe as a location for innovation, and that is why the European Innovation Act, which you are proposing, is also very urgently needed. Of course, we need to strengthen the transition from research to market readiness. We need more venture capital from the private capital market, but also from smart public sources. And there should also be a better focus on practical answers so that innovations can be tested at an early stage. But, Commissioner, it is not just about making innovation easier and less bureaucratic. Because let's be honest: The people who innovate here in Europe could go anywhere. They choose Europe because it is also about their hearts. They are also concerned with contributing to the human challenges we face. They want to do something meaningful. Therefore: Innovation in Europe always means making people's lives better – that should be our thought that guides us.

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen! With a turnover of 2 billion euros, the payment service provider Klarna is exactly the kind of unicorn that we actually need here in the EU. But Klarna actually shows us our weaknesses quite mercilessly. In 2020, the company will sell a minority stake in Chinese tech giant Alibaba. Now Klarna goes public, but not in Stockholm, Paris or Frankfurt, but in the USA. Europe has a problem: While other regions of the world promote innovation with targeted investments, we often lag behind, not because of a lack of ideas – there are enough here – but because of a lack of funding. We are strong when it comes to research, but too weak when it comes to bringing the results of research to market. We often lack risk capital. We need an ecosystem that better links science, business and capital. Foreign direct investment can play a role here, but we must not be naive either. Where capital from abroad is still welcome now, it may create new dependencies tomorrow. That is why Europe itself needs more venture capital through a strong internal market, through the Capital Markets Union and also through targeted state instruments, so that the unicorns of the future may find the EU at the end of the rainbow.

Mr President! The super-rich are rich and powerful like never before. The top one percent of the world today control more than half of the wealth and they are getting richer, despite the crises we have. An economy in the control of a few is inefficient. When a few super-rich dominate entire industries, innovation disappears and competition is suffocated. But it is of course also unfair for the richest to steal out of tax liability and thus turn their backs on our society. The ridiculous effective tax rates of multimillionaires therefore outrage people, and quite rightly so. That's why the world needs a tax on the wealth of the super-rich. The Brazilian proposal for such a tax is a good basis and the EU – the next Commission in particular – should play its part in making it a reality. A global solution also prevents tax evasion and generates revenue everywhere. The global minimum tax for companies shows that such multilateral tax cooperation also creates winners everywhere. Because the states must finally stop being played off against each other. That is why this proposal for a global tax on the super-rich is more than just a step towards justice. It is also a step towards the state's capacity to act.