Speeches

Mr President! We are talking today about the horrific incidents that occurred last Christmas in Nigeria, where armed gangs brutally invaded several villages in the state of Plateau and killed numerous people there. And yes, the victims are Christians, and the attackers were Muslim. But to derive a primarily religious conflict from this now would really be more than one-dimensional. We are dealing with a dangerous mix of strong population growth and climate change with increasing desertification and a progressive scarcity of resources. Many nomads were and are forced to move from the north of the country to the south to the settled farmers, where there is fertile land – and this is the root cause of this conflict. Terrorists are abusing this fundamental conflict and heating it up religiously and ideologically. Therefore: We need to address the root causes of the conflict, especially in the Global South, fight climate change and improve people’s lives. This is what this resolution is addressing today, and work on it is urgent.

– Madam President, Let's basically do it today. Free media is the salt in a society's soup if it wants to develop and prosper. It is a misconception of state power to think that if one forbids other opinions, divergent ideas or critical debate, closes away or harasses with violence, one can achieve social peace and development. No, quite the opposite! Society develops through critical discourse and the friction of opinion. This may be uncomfortable for those who hold the power. You have to explain and convince, you have to justify your own policy. It is a continuous process. And that means a lot of work, but it's worth it in the end. The Tajik government should heed these principles for the benefit of its own people and Tajik citizens. If the Tajik media landscape is now in its worst state since the civil war, since the 1990s, then this is definitely an urgent reason for reversal. Commit to free press, allow critical reporting and create a democratic and safe space for journalists, bloggers and human rights activists. In the end, it is an investment in your own country and in your own citizens.

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen! Expelling people from ancestral habitats is never a good idea. If we also talk about indigenous peoples, then this is certainly even more virulent, because the vulnerability is greater and the possibility of defending oneself is not there and limited. That is why the European Parliament is rightly addressing today the possible injustice that threatens the Maasai in northern Tanzania. If the underlying reason is also the creation of more capacities of safari tourism, then this actually makes the situation even more unbearable. A traditional Maasai leader said, I quote: We can't go anywhere else. Losing the land would go hand in hand with the extinction of our community. These are warnings that we should take more than seriously. Our zeitgeist is characterized by ever faster, further, more beautiful, better and higher. But we realize that perhaps we should leave this mindset and that this is not the smartest way to organize life on our planet in this way. The Maasai live in specific and very traditional forms of life, which must be preserved and protected. Even though tourism brings important money to Tanzania: Paying this price is disproportionate, to say it very kindly. Therefore, the Tanzanian government should make it its top priority to protect the Maasai in their way of life and way of life and to support them wherever possible. We Europeans should also make our contribution and, in cooperation with our local partners, see how and in what form European support can serve this purpose. Because we always talk about eye level, about partnership at eye level. Even if this can only be a very small piece of the puzzle: As an EU, we should also help proactively here. Because just standing here today and admonishing to lift your finger, that's a little too little. If we are serious, then we must also go into this process with support and support the Maasai from Europe with European help.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen! We are currently looking at Central Asia from a geostrategic perspective in the Foreign Affairs Committee. My report on the EU-Central Asia Strategy is currently in the parliamentary process. Therefore, this very good, comprehensive and balanced report on Uzbekistan today is an ideal moment for vigorously and sustainably advancing European-Central Asian relations. I am convinced and strongly promote that we significantly expand our cooperation with Uzbekistan. We have also made it clear in this report where the many opportunities and potentials lie: Security, connectivity, energy diversification, conflict resolution, the multilateral rules-based order, and these are just the major pillars of cooperation to be mentioned here. At the same time, we have made it clear that, from our perspective, Uzbekistan still has homework to do domestically when it comes to protecting and upholding human rights, expanding democracy, freedom of expression and media, and the rule of law. We can state that we have various areas of cooperation and diverse cooperations. The new Partnership and Cooperation Agreement is an ideal tool that we should use, because the expansion of the Uzbek-European partnership is a win-win situation and we now need the political will and also the momentum to really go down this path.

Mr President, Commissioner! Yes, it is true, Kyrgyzstan has been the country that has taken important and good steps towards democracy in Central Asia since independence in the early 1990s. It is all the more tragic that we now have to experience regression: the dismantling of press freedom, the closure of radio stations, the sanctioning and arrest of journalists, the undermining of human and minority rights. We know that good democracies need a vibrant civil society and that pluralism of opinion is infinitely important. You have to fight for the best way. You have to be able to be critical. Contradictions must be tolerated. Substantive friction is the lubricant of democracy. Otherwise there is no progress, otherwise you end up in paralysis and rigidity. That is why, in this resolution, we are taking up precisely these indications, not to teach Kyrgyzstan or to prescribe something, but to do exactly what we miss in Kyrgyzstan. We criticize partners, we express different ideas without making the head teacher. Good partnerships have to endure. In critical dialogue, we continue to develop together. Kyrgyzstan should quickly rediscover the treasure of media and press freedom and the invaluable value of plural democracy, for the benefit of its own people and the country’s future.

Mr President! Leave no one behind – leave no one behind! With this we have passed through the streets, and with this we give people hope. And with this COVI report, we are laying out details, we are putting very concrete recommendations on the table, how we can make the future of citizens safer and how we can really move forward. This must now be implemented and translated into practical policy. Millions of citizens have hope and are really looking to Strasbourg tomorrow to see this report come through. I can only warn all of us to perform a spectacle here tomorrow, to use individual political aspects to make this report fail at the end of the day. We must not do that, we must prevent it. If we do this, then it is the case that we step between the legs of these affected persons from all social strata with full force, with absolute force. Ladies and gentlemen, we are not playing with pandemics and citizens' health. We have a damn duty to deliver tomorrow. Remember that when you vote tomorrow.

Madam President, What can be the motivation of a regime to deny girls and women of their own country access to education? What is it that drives those in power in Afghanistan to behave so inhumanely? Completely out of time gender understanding, fear of losing one’s position of power, lack of self-confidence – something needs to be compensated, I don’t know, I can guess. Ultimately, the motives are irrelevant. It is important that girls and women ultimately have the right to develop freely. Through education we grow. And we thrive, we develop, and we make possible things that lie dormant within us and that are fostered and brought to fruition through education. No education is not a physical pain, but no education is also a violation of the overall development of every human being. That girls and women are denied this makes them angry and sad at the same time. I also hope in the short term that we will really find ways and strengthen alternatives, which we can now also use to support informal education, and that the pressure on the Afghan government will be held up. Because the bearers of hope are the courageous women and men and the representatives like Matiullah Wesa, who must now be released from prison.

Mr President, today we are talking about one of the toughest anti-LGBTIQ laws that hopefully will not see the light of day. This must be rejected in the strongest way possible, but before I do this, colleagues, let me first make one thing clear: I think it’s essential that we as the EU have a real partnership on equal footing with our partners in the Global South, and we have to implement this on eye level. And it doesn’t help that we present each other as teachers trying to tell the others, according to accusations that they very often hear, how to live and how to organise your country and your society. But if we today talk about the law criminalising homosexuality in Uganda, then we speak on the basis of our partnership. The EU is not coming around the corner as a teacher here because we have agreed as partners in international treaties, in conventions, in agreements that human rights are essential elements of our partnership and a key aspect of development of the people in our countries. And this law doesn’t take one step, doesn’t take 10 steps, but countless steps back into what feels really like Middle Ages. The proposed criminalisation of homosexual people tramples human rights in such a way that it’s really unbearable. And a climate of fear and denunciation is created. And anyone who wants in the country to grow and prosper is doing exactly the opposite what this law is doing. And don’t tell me that this is coming somehow from an African culture or these human rights contemplating positions have grown out of society. We have very good other examples in Africa that show that things can be done differently and that is not undermining human dignity. In essence, President Museveni should not sign this law. It really sends the wrong signal in all directions and massively harms Ugandan society with regard to peaceful, secure and sustainable development.

Madam President, Commissioner! Health is fundamental to peace and security, and health is a human right. We have already defined the international dimension of health. Global health is an essential part of EU foreign policy, and the global health strategy is the external pillar of the European Health Union, an important building block in the Global Gateway, in Team Europe, and - extremely importantly, we must not forget - of course also with regard to the goals, the achievement of the SDGs towards 2030. Last year, in the Committee on Development, we highlighted the importance of global health in strategic dialogue and called for and called for action, and that is why we are here today to talk about the global health strategy. Geopolitical rivalry, political competition and, of course, new partners in the Global South – all paired with climate change, pollution, land use change, biodiversity loss, antimicrobial resistance and many, many other stories. These are the strategic, global health challenges. The EU can become a leading partner here, and we should do so. Multilateralism, professionals, new standards, medicines, technologies, many, many aspects that are extremely important. The age of pandemics is no longer a sequence from any science fiction film, but we must truly understand health globally and align our policies accordingly. Let me say that, Commissioner, please take this with you: What I lack is a strategy for post-acute infection syndromes. That's already a problem today. It will be an even bigger one. We now need to fill out the 20 guidelines of the global health strategy, go through them and fill them with life.

Mr President, Commissioner! An opposition politician from Cambodia gives a speech in Australia in 2013 and advocates for political plurality and democratic competition, and for this he is now getting 27 years of house arrest. With the condemnation of Kem Sokha, another part of a desirable democracy in Cambodia is dying. An independent judiciary – misreporting. The government can steer the political playing field at its own discretion. At its core, democracy no longer exists. All we need to do is listen to Prime Minister Hun Sen, who said in January of this year, I quote: “Be careful! If I can't control my temperament, you will be destroyed." Now you might think that a politician may have beaten the strings. No, far from it. In Cambodia, the opposition must take such a threat more than seriously. This is proven by the case of Kem Sokha. Kem Sokha must be released immediately. The elections in July this year should urgently open the door to a Cambodian democracy that leads into the future and that makes an emerging society and democracy possible.

Mr President, Commissioner! I have negotiated this report for the S&D Group, and I would like to underline once again here that policy coherence for development – what we call PCD – is one of the central processes for our relations with the Global South. If we decide anything in Europe, it very often has an impact on all parts of the world, on all our partners. That's why we have to review our own policies much better so that there are no negative effects in the Global South. The report has put forward proposals for all European institutions on how we can actually systematically implement this policy coherence in the interests of development. Commissioner Timmermans, if I may borrow the picture of you right now, you said in the debate on the Fit for 55 package: We cannot afford the luxury of slowing down. I borrow that, and I don't think we have the luxury if we don't actually implement this policy coherence honestly and seriously, if we really want to have a partnership on an equal footing with the Global South.

Dear Mr President, Commissioner! When we talk about the situation in eastern Congo, we are talking about an extremely complex Gordian knot. And the conflict situation has many dynamics. And as a result, we have what? An unspeakable mess of rebel groups and actors, virtually no infrastructure, the social and economic situation is desolate, there are massive human rights violations, etc. That is, this conflict is bubbling, and it is also flaring up again and again, as we have seen in recent weeks and months. We have no confidence in the region at all. There is no willingness to cooperate at all. And this vicious circle of these particular interests leads to the fact that it goes beyond the well-being of people. That is why I believe that it must be clear to us Europeans that, of course, we must put the provision of humanitarian aid first in order to put out the fires that are really the most painful. But – and this is just as important – far from this acute alleviation of human suffering, we must also Nexus approach to enter not only into humanitarian aid, but also into good development cooperation and also into conflict reduction and the creation of a sustainable peace. The affected states on the ground are, of course, important actors and also have an independent responsibility. There is the Luanda Process, we have the East African Community and other institutional frameworks. But in the end, if we want to successfully implement and implement the nexus, we as Europeans should also ask ourselves: Do we want to make a real offer for help and support, and do we want to do this above all at eye level, which really means eye level? I am convinced that Europe must do much more in the global South. soft power in the long term, if we want to talk about a common democratic, free and human future on this planet, especially in the context of the geostrategic challenges that come with it in the context of Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine.

Dear Mr President, Commissioner! We all know Nelson Mandela's famous quote: "Education is the most powerful weapon you can use to change the world." And with all the justifications alleged by the Taliban for excluding girls and women from education in Afghanistan, perhaps the real reason for the Taliban's repression is that they are afraid of change, that the loss of their own power status is at stake, and the fear of the power of girls and young women for a positive change towards a free and prosperous Afghanistan. I am convinced that in the end the desire for freedom will prevail, and the desire for human rights will be greater and more powerful than the criminal regime of the Taliban. But that doesn't mean we can wait and watch. As the European Union, we must actively support and help the girls and women in Afghanistan on their way to free self-development. Education is a – if not perhaps even the central – building block. I close with the words of 17-year-old Afghan Mursal Fasihi, who says: ‘I hope that young girls will not give up. It’s OK to be scared, it’s OK to cry, but giving up is not an option. Our bright morning will come.’

Mr President! We have heard many things about hunger in the world today. But I believe that we really need an even stronger change of mind and, above all, a real and real action in which we must come. Over 800 million people worldwide are starving, but we have record food production on this planet, dizzying food waste, wars, conflicts fueling poverty and instability, climate change, rural population living with poor working conditions and no social security, and, and, and. The list around hunger in the world is unfortunately still long and extensive and shameful. So: change of mindset and proactive action. Food is for people and not a speculative object. We need recognition and support from local food producers. And other keywords: towards more agroecology, development of land rights, recognition of the role of women in local production and development of their rights, a return to traditional seeds. And finally: In the Global South, agriculture must once again become attractive to young people. The problem of hunger is and remains huge. We have a lot of solutions in our toolbox. What we need is much more consistent action.

Mr President, Commissioner! It is true that you have said many right and important things, but of course the Commission has not done everything here by far, and even in your communication one thought remains far too vague: We also need to protect those who have not come through this pandemic unscathed. ‘Leave no one behind’ must not be lip service! We urgently need more concrete plans for the future, for the people who suffer from an infectious disease and have chronic consequential damage. What does that mean in concrete terms? The WHO has calculated this for us: We have over 17 million people in Europe suffering from long-COVID, post-COVID and ME/CFS, and they urgently and quickly need access to treatment and medicines. It is not enough to point to a lack of data. People want to get their normal lives back, and every day is a new ordeal for them. We simply cannot accept that! I urge the Commission, as well as the Member States, to use this money now for clinical trials and drug approvals. We are talking here about very concrete, sometimes very dramatic patient fates, and we need to act urgently.

Mr President! The Washington Post has given itself the sub-line: “”. And that's what it is at its core. Where opinion can no longer be expressed, and where journalists can no longer work openly because they must be afraid of being arrested, people can no longer develop freely, pluralism and thus democracy and liberal society die. This is also our core European concern today with this resolution to Myanmar, where there are unsustainable conditions for freedom of the press and freedom of expression. But we also go a little further. You have to let it melt on your tongue: Reporters can simply be arrested and put in jail because those in power don't like a story. That's incomprehensible. With this resolution, Europe is clearly positioning itself in favour of freedom of the press and freedom of expression. But we also call for the immediate release of all journalists concerned, including the head of government, Aung San Suu Kyi, and others affected. At the same time, we call for concerted international cooperation with Myanmar, including further sanctions. If democracy actually dies in the dark, then we cannot and will not accept and tolerate it.

Madam President, Probably, right now is the time to redefine or strengthen Russia's long-term strategic ties because of the war of aggression in violation of international law, and the Horn of Africa is certainly a region of particular importance. We must not leave the situation on the Horn to Russia and China and others. This is ultimately in Europe's strategic and long-term interest. Those who do not understand this have not understood the situation in 2022. As Europeans, we cannot sleep now. We must proactively go out into the world and really stand up and argue for our conviction of human coexistence. Democracy, human rights, freedom, equality, freedom of the press and freedom of expression, that is all that benefits people and ultimately makes them flourish. And dictatorship, autocracy and terrorism, all this ultimately leads only to suffering, despair and hopelessness. What is crucial, however, is that we need a genuine partnership on an equal footing with our African partners across all policy areas that this report also represents. We can help and support. In the end, however, an African solution to African problems is needed. We must not know better, we must do it together.

Mr President, Commissioner! A good three-quarters ago, I stood right at this point and, in the resolution on urgency at the time, called for power to be restored to a democratic basis if we want to be successful at all. That didn't happen. Lieutenant Colonel Damiba then putsch in January and promised to restore security by September. Instead, if today we crosscheck make: far-reaching human rights violations, the extremists have even more influx, refugees up to 10% – we have heard it – a strong food insecurity in their own country and a lack of state structures. Apart from the fact that the time factor was, of course, completely unrealistic to actually break through this node of conflicts, the reaction we have now is, of course, absolutely counterproductive. Because we have the coup in the coup, and Captain Traoré has couped himself to the head of state to achieve exactly what his predecessor wanted to achieve. But even worse, this is, so to speak, the very lazy cherry on the very bad cream: Traoré is looking for new partners in the fight against Islamist terror and may find them in Russia. Prigochin, the founder of the bloodsucking group Wagner, has already applauded this weekend. We know in which direction the whole thing will go. Military governments are not for the good of the country at the end of the day, and certainly not with the support of Russia. Therefore, it is now important that we achieve a de-escalation of the overall situation in the short term. And for all people, citizens and soldiers, we must achieve physical integrity and respect for fundamental human rights. The most important goal, however, remains that we come back to a constitutional order in which people in free elections determine which fates in their country should be taken over by them. I'll stick with it: We do not have to do this for Burkina Faso, but the EU should actively accompany and support Burkina Faso along this path. And that's what I'm advocating.

Madam President, In the very east of Tajikistan lies the Autonomous Province of Gorno-Badakhshan, which probably does not know 99.x% of the population of Europe. That is no reason why this Parliament does not keep a close eye on human rights there as well. We are not only upset when some blood-soaking dictator of a large country invades his neighbouring country in violation of international law, but also when in an unknown region the local citizens suffer from the human rights-infringing repressions of their own government. In the east of Tajikistan, this is exactly what happens: Freedom of the press and freedom of expression are trampled underfoot there, and violence, torture and even death occur. That is why this Parliament puts its finger in the wound and names these grievances. And that is why today, with this urgent resolution, we call on the Tajik government to restore peace and quiet and to fully respect and protect human rights. So that there are no misunderstandings: We don't say this because we want to pretend to others how to live, or we want to interfere in internal affairs or something else. No, this is about something universal, namely the observance of human rights. For this we will always raise our voices, at any place and at any time.

Mr President! It is certainly a truism that politics is not black and white. There are many different shades of gray, from me also shades. But we have to take everything into account. That is why, of course, it is also important that we take a closer look in Mali and the Sahel and do not jump to conclusions, even if the commitment has been going on for a long time and – as the Commissioner has indicated – there is a very high level of complexity in this region. But a task of European engagement is certainly not a solution. And I'm saying this right now, as the global security architecture is redefining itself. The European absence would certainly be a very, very wrong signal. The Sahel is on our doorstep, and the stability of the Sahel has a direct impact on Europe. We must be aware of this, and therefore we must also keep in mind the very specific conditions in the Sahel. This is certainly not a concert of desire, but in the end we need an attractive offer of an attractive policy with a mix of local responsibility, but also of the responsibilities of the states on the ground. And this commitment is definitely worth continuing.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, The coup in Burkina Faso is of course another setback for the positive development in the Sahel. We certainly wished for it differently. And of course, question marks arise about one's own commitment, about one's own investments, whether this is worthwhile. And I say very briefly and clearly: Yeah, we gotta stay on the ball. We must not put our heads in the sand and possibly leave a country or region here and perhaps leave them in the lurch. Of course, important elements that we have here – the development of democracy, human rights and, above all, positive socio-economic development – are needed in order for us to once again create a fertile breeding ground in order to bring citizens back into harmony with their state. I haven't even talked about the fight against terrorism. Of course, at the end of the day, it all gets a bit more tedious, it gets more complicated, but we're not getting paid for simple things here either. That is why we should tackle this task. Yesterday, the junta chief said at his specially staged introduction, and I quote: ‘I swear in front of the people of Burkina Faso and on my honour, to preserve and respect, to uphold and defend the constitution, fundamental acts and the law, to do everything to guarantee justice for all the inhabitants of Burkina Faso” I can only say: Congratulations, well said. And I'll tell you the secret of how best to do it: by giving power back to the democratically legitimized government in Burkina Faso.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, We still have a complex situation, and in this situation I stand absolutely behind European solidarity for Ukraine. It must continue to be our top priority to ban the threat of war in Europe in the short and medium term. This can only be done through diplomatic channels. But what do the citizens of this continent actually want in the long term? They want peace, a lasting and comprehensive peace on this continent, and above all a peace order that fits into the 21st century. I've heard a lot about red lines and maximum demands over the past few days and weeks, but ultimately Olaf Scholz said yesterday that we all have to give ourselves a jolt as well. I think everyone has to move. And this is perhaps also the good thing about crises, that crises are an opportunity, that we have to focus and that now perhaps a so-called "crisis" is actually happening. window of opportunity It opens up to really take a decisive, courageous step in this direction. And if we may have gone downhill in our relationship for 30 years, maybe now is the time to go uphill in those relationships for the next 30 years.