Debate contributions by Virginijus SINKEVIČIUS

Mr President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, the European Council will be a real test of our credibility on Ukraine, on solidarity, and most importantly, on whether Europe can take responsibility when it matters. The Russian frozen assets are held across Europe. They are mainly in Belgium, but also in countries like France or Luxembourg. And this is not Belgium's or those countries' problem; it is a European responsibility. If Europe decides to use these assets to support Ukraine, which is absolutely critical at this moment, Europe must also stand behind that decision, and that means clear EU-level guarantees. No Member State should ever be left alone to carry the risk of a decision that we are taking together, and that means a real European solidarity that can be understood across Europe. Ukraine cannot wait and Europe cannot hide behind legal doubts while asking one country to assume all the burden. So strategic autonomy, first of all, for us, means acting together. So, this Council must deliver a clear message: European solidarity is real, concrete, and it comes with responsibility.

Thank you very much for your question. So there is enough for you to find publicly in the media which parties accepted bribes from Russia, which parties' campaigns were fuelled by Russian money. There are plenty – and unfortunately it's not targeted just at one Member State. If you want me to share this media news with you, I am happy to do that.

Mr President, dear colleagues, Commissioner, clearly it's a sad day when you have radical parties that were fuelled by Russian money, have taken bribes from Russia, today quoting the United States' national security strategy. But that's the reality we have to accept, and send a clear message that without military mobility, without deterrence, we will be functioning as 27 separate systems. We cannot accept it. Forty-five days for tanks to move from Paris to Bucharest is not acceptable. The worst is that this journey is prolonged by bureaucracy. On top of that, of course, we need sufficient funding for our infrastructure, because otherwise military mobility should not be seen as a sort of defence niche. It's what allows Europe's security to operate as one. This is the fundament on which we can truly build our defence readiness by 2030. Otherwise, it's just a slogan and we will be watching radicals smiling and showing us security strategies that we are not part of.

Madam President, dear colleagues, let me start by, first of all, thanking the Commission for putting this brave proposal on the table. Let me thank our rapporteurs for their great work and also the advisers, I know that they worked tirelessly and very hard to finalise this file. Today, Europe makes a choice about who we are and what we will no longer accept, because for decades, our energy system was built on a dangerous illusion that dependence on Russian gas was somehow cheap, stable and harmless. And we see the truth. We see what's happening in Ukraine, that energy was used as leverage, as a pressure, as a weapon. And finally, we end it. By phasing out Russian natural gas, Europe is reclaiming its freedom. We are saying clearly that our homes, our industries and our future will never again be held hostage. Europe, choose courage over comfort, and history will forever remember this vote.

Madam President, dear Commissioner, dear colleagues, let us be very clear: the so‑called peace plan is not a peace plan at all. It forces Ukraine to concede territory, forgives war crimes such as rape, killings of civilians, 20 000 abducted children, and just rewards the aggressor. It can be called a business plan. But here in Europe, we do not sell our dignity and freedom. It also can be seen as a licence to continue, and if you look at the Russian position, when is the best time to test us? When is the best time to attack Europe? Right now, when we are still not ready, when we are still discussing our military capabilities, frozen assets, continuous support to Ukraine. Right now is the best time to test us with such a business deal that the US is offering.

Madam President, dear Commissioner, colleagues, while society and cities in Ukraine still bear the scars of Russian aggression, the world debates peace plans in which Europe has no seat, no say and no signature. When decisions about our continent are made without us, one truth becomes painfully clear: we are at a time where, unfortunately, you are either at the table or on the menu. This is why Europe's defence industry programme is not about just steel, ammunition, supply chains, common procurement; it's about sovereignty. It's about our capacity to defend freedom on our European soil and to ensure that never again will others decide our fate while we are watching from the sidelines. This framework of measures boosting industrial cooperation, securing access to critical materials and ensuring rapid production is Europe's insurance policy against uncertainty. We must guarantee the timely availability and supply of defence products because deterrence delayed is security denied, and Europe cannot rely on goodwill or distant guarantees. We must rely on ourselves – united, capable and ready to defend what defines us: peace, democracy and dignity.

Mr President, dear colleagues, dear Commissioner, three years into Russia's war against Ukraine, Europe is still paying billions to Moscow. Every euro for Russian gas or oil fuels aggression against Ukraine and supports hybrid attacks against democracies here in the EU, and this must stop now. We in Parliament choose action over delay and we insist that oil from Russia must stop in 2026. Gas and LNG must cease by 1 January 2027, a full year ahead of the original Commission timetable. Our position is clear: no new or amended contracts, no temporary storage, and no more loopholes that allow Russian energy to reach our market through third countries. We also refuse any exemptions from certain Member States, and this ban must apply equally to all. We ensure robust verification and full transparency and strict penalties. Now, the Council must match our ambitions because Europe's security cannot wait until 2028. Let's turn off the tap of the Kremlin's energy money permanently and prove that Europe stands united and independent.

Madam President, Commissioner, colleagues, when we speak about Ukraine, we are not only speaking about a nation under attack. We are speaking about the very foundation of international law and human dignity. Every destroyed home, every child displaced, every mother grieving – they remind us that justice delayed can become justice denied. The aggressor must pay. Russian-state and oligarch‑linked assets frozen in Europe are the lawful way to do it. These assets are not ours to appropriate; they are instruments of accountability under the rule of law. International law, including the principles of counter‑measures, under the law of state responsibility, that gives us a very clear path: those who destroy must pay for what they have destroyed. We need one solid mechanism, clear legal basis, due process and independent oversight. We are not seizing property in vengeance. We are ensuring that aggression does not yield impunity. Using frozen Russian assets within a legal framework for reconstruction for hospitals, for schools in Ukraine transforms financial punishment into moral restoration. It strengthens the credibility of our sanctions regime and shows that Europe's justice has both heart and a spine. Let us remember, the rebuilding of Ukraine is not a charity. It is a restitution necessary and righteous. The aggressor must bear the cost of its aggression. If we truly believe in a rule‑based order, then it is time for the rules to serve the victims, not the violator.

Mr President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, nobody disputes the importance of the automotive industry, which directly and indirectly employs more than 13 million people – not only in Germany, France, Spain or Italy, but all across Europe. However, the worst would be if our automotive industry has a Nokia moment, where at some point it has almost 50 % of the market share and then it just diminishes. The competition is not coming in the combustion engine; nobody cares and nobody competes with European industry on combustion engine. Nobody wants to do a better turbodiesel or whatever. The future of automotive – like it or not – lays in battery and software. As simple as that. What we must do to truly protect our industry is to ensure that we secure supply chains, first of all, and we are waiting for an important battery booster proposal from the Commission. Secondly, we need cheap energy; we cannot compete with expensive energy, but it was a mistake basing our energy mix in Russian hands. Thirdly, we need to ensure that we have a workforce, a workforce that is future-oriented and able to compete. And finally, if we want an uptake from the market, we cannot fail our people. There must be, first of all, infrastructure – which is not there, we are far behind the goals – and lastly, cheap energy. That will help our industry.

Dear Commissioner, Minister, dear colleagues. Every minute of our silence, every doubt is an open invitation to Russia, Putin to test our defence capabilities, to test our unity. And what's happening, those violations in the airspace, the drones invading, the fighter jets over Estonia - it's not a gust of wind, it's our systematic testing. Let's stop being naive. You can talk to anyone. You can also talk to criminals. But the question is, how do we want to talk? Do we want Europe to talk on its knees? This is exactly what this half of Parliament is looking for. Do we want to talk to a criminal in The Hague? And this is a fundamental question. And today we have to act. Europe must close its sky. Europe must restore its defence architecture. Not paper, but real. Don't wait for tomorrow, do it today.

You spoke about diplomacy. So first it was the occupation of Crimea, then it was Luhansk and Donetsk. then Putin invaded the whole of Ukraine. Now he is flying drones over Copenhagen, Brussels, Poland. When is the end of that diplomacy? Trump rolled out the red carpet for him in Alaska. US troops on their knees were rolling out that carpet. Diplomacy doesn't work with Putin. When will you and your colleagues realise that?

Madam President, High Representative, dear Commissioner, dear colleagues, Ukrainian cities are under the heaviest bombardment in months, and this just after the red carpet was rolled out to Putin in Alaska. Power stations, hospitals and homes are being hit night after night, and yet Ukraine still finds the strength to push forward with reforms from justice to decentralisation, because the Ukrainian people know their future is European. Last week in Paris, 26 nations pledged to form a reassurance force to protect Ukraine once there is a peace agreement. This is not a theory anymore: it is Europe showing it can act even when Washington hesitates. Dear colleagues, let us be honest: Moscow has zero interest in peace. It wants time to rearm, not to reconcile. And that is why the EU must lead. Our responsibility is to deliver weapons fast, close all the loopholes in sanctions, and keep Ukraine's accession path alive while giving it real security guarantees. That will deter the next possible attacks. If we get this right, we will not be protecting just Ukraine. We will be protecting...

Mr President, dear Commissioner, dear colleagues, it is clear it's not just about the tariffs – it's about what kind of Europe we want to be. Right now, President Trump is simply trying to bully Europe. He says, 'Take this deal or pay the price'. And if we don't agree, of course, our exports could face huge tariffs. Up to now, it sounds like 200 % on pharmaceuticals, and that of course means jobs at risk, economic slowdown. But this is much bigger than just trade. When one leader uses threats and deadlines, it's not about partnership – it's pressure. Trump's approach is clear: tariffs first, negotiations second. And that's not how we build a future for Europe. We cannot give in. We cannot trade away our values for a quick fix where we don't know if there is even a standstill clause on that. We need a deal that helps people and protects Europe's future. And that means clean industry and not dirty shortcuts, fair supply chains with strong rights for workers everywhere, and digital rules that protect freedom and privacy. The message to Washington is simple: we seek cooperation and not capitulation. And Europe must show that it can be strong and fair at the same time. So let us show the world what we stand for, that we stand united as one Europe.

Mr President, dear colleagues, let me first express my deepest condolences to the families of the victims, and remember those who lost their lives. This disaster is a clear reminder that safety on our railways must always come first. And we need to be transparent about what really went wrong and open about what is being done to fix it, to prevent it from happening in future. People deserve to know how EU funds for transport are used and how safety is being improved. The EU has given significant funds for transport and infrastructure. And when public money does not lead to public safety, then political responsibility must follow. So let us make sure that strong, clear rules are in place and followed across every Member State. Because the goal is simple: safer journeys and renewed trust. We call on the European Commission to be fully transparent, showing what was done before the disaster and what is being done now to protect lives, improve railway safety and ensure EU funds truly benefit the public.

Mr President, dear colleagues, Moldova has clearly shown what determination looks like. In the shadow of war, under constant pressure from Russian disinformation, constant hybrid threats, it made a bold choice for democracy, for reforms, and most importantly, for European future. And today, Moldova launches accession talks with the EU; it's a move forward on justice reform, climate ambition – not because it was easy, but because it was the right thing to do. The road ahead will certainly present new challenges: with elections this September, Moldova will be tested again. Moldova has successfully passed through the two previous elections, but it's a bit like a boxing match: you win two rounds, but if you are knocked out in the third one, you lose. Therefore, it's our duty to help Moldova, because Moldova's future is with us in a free, democratic European home. And this is the voice of the Moldovan people.

Madam President, dear colleagues, every day Russia's war against Ukraine brings new pain. Civilians are killed in their homes, children lose their parents. Russian bombs hit schools, hospitals and energy plants. Cities are left in darkness and people continue to live in fear. And the suffering does not end at the frontline. Thousands of civilians and prisoners of war are held illegally by Russian forces. Many of them face torture, abuse, rape and even execution, including children. At least 75 of those cases are documented, and this is not a single event. This is a systemic terror against Ukrainian people. And these are not just numbers. These are lives. So every attack, every act of cruelty is a crime against humanity. But words are not enough. We must act. We must deliver aid, secure the immediate release of all detainees, support Ukraine's defence and demand accountability. The Council must tighten sanctions and close every loophole that fuels Russia's war machine. The world cannot be silent. The human cost is too high. And it's time to bring justice to Ukraine.

Mr President, dear colleagues, let me speak plainly: every single day that we delay the phase‑out of Russian energy we are wiring billions straight into the war chest of Putin's aggression against Ukraine. Now the Commission's plan is definitely a significant step in the right direction. But let's be clear: a step is not enough – not when the challenge demands a significant leap. The Nord Stream chapter must be closed and closed for good. Because Nord Stream was never just about gas; it was a geopolitical weapon. It bypassed Ukraine and Poland. It handed the Kremlin a tool to divide Europe, to distort competition, to threaten over 100 million people from the Baltics to the Balkans. Let's be honest, it weakened our solidarity when we needed it most. So, no, we cannot afford another strategic blunder, and we cannot afford to trade one dependency for another. So swapping Russian gas for fossil fuels or nuclear from other authoritarian regimes, that's not a plan; that's another trap. True energy sovereignty means renewables, modern grids. The time for half‑measures is over.

Mr President, Minister, Commissioner, dear colleagues, three years ago the world watched as Ukraine stood alone against a storm of aggression, and today Ukraine stands not alone, but with the full force of European solidarity. The EU's support for a just, sustainable and comprehensive peace in Ukraine is not a slogan: it's a lifeline and a promise. The European Parliament has welcomed a proposed possible 30‑day ceasefire, but nobody is fooled by Putin's empty promises. He talks peace while at the same time his troops keep shelling Ukrainian cities and killing civilians. Using ceasefire offers as a smokescreen to regroup and push his agenda. Let us be clear: peace without justice is surrender, and surrender is not peace. The EU must reject any so-called peace that rewards aggression or forces Ukraine to trade its freedom for silence. We demand a full withdrawal of Russian forces, the return of abducted children and accountability for war crimes, because only justice can build the foundation for lasting peace. Our vision is bold: we support Ukraine's peace formula, which calls for the restoration of territorial integrity and robust security guarantees. We are mobilising unprecedented financial, humanitarian and military assistance, and we will use every tool – from sanctions to reconstruction funds – to ensure Ukraine emerges not as a survivor, but as a future member of the European family. And this is not just Ukraine's fight: it's a battle for the security of Europe and the rules‑based world. Recent shifts in US policy underscore the EU's increased responsibility. Our message is simple: there is no lasting peace without Ukraine and no lasting peace without the EU at the table.

Mr President, dear Minister, dear Commissioner, dear colleagues, the recent US tariffs don't just hit our exports, they strike at the heart of what should be a fair and trusted partnership. Over EUR 500 billion-worth of EU goods could be affected. Behind that figure, there are real people – our workers, our businesses and the values that we stand for – and the only correct response is with unity, with calm and with purpose. Yes, we have introduced proportionate countermeasures, but we are also keeping the door wide open for a dialogue, for an honest dialogue, offering to boost imports of US goods by EUR 50 billion to help restore balance. Still, this is much more than just a dispute. It's about Europe shaping its own path – building stronger, more diverse partnerships and standing up for a global trade system based on rules and mutual respect. Across Europe, people also reacted. People are frustrated. Boycotts and anti-American sentiment are rising. But our message is clear. We want solutions, not a trade war. If the US is ready to negotiate, so are we. If not, Europe will stand tall, united, and turn this challenge into an opportunity.

Mr President, dear Commissioner, dear colleagues, in times of rising disinformation and geopolitical tensions, independent media is not just important, it is essential. Free and fearless journalism is one of the strongest foundations of a healthy democracy. It gives voice to the voiceless, holds power to account, and ensures that citizens have access to truth. That is why the recent situation faced by Radio Free Europe (RFE) is so alarming. Earlier this month, the Trump Administration abruptly moved to cut RFE's funding and dismantle the agency that oversees its operations. And while this happened outside the EU, its message echoes loudly here. When a respected outlet, like RFE, can be threatened so easily, we must ask ourselves, who is next? And what are we doing to protect the space for independent journalism within and beyond our borders? We must ensure that RFE and other essential outlets have access to long-term, stable funding, including from the European Union. This is not just about filling a gap, but about preparing for a future where transatlantic support for independent media can no longer be taken for granted. Let's support those who risk everything to report the truth, not only with words, but with action, funding and solidarity. Because defending the media is, first of all, defending democracy.

Madam President, dear President of the Council, dear Commissioner, let me begin by welcoming the fact that 26 Member States have firmly reiterated their commitment to providing Ukraine with regular and predictable support. Our backing for Ukraine's independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally recognised borders remains steadfast. Let's not make a mistake. We do want peace, but in these circumstances, peace needs to be protected. Ukraine must be equipped to defend itself militarily, economically, politically. We will continue working with our allies to provide the comprehensive support it needs. The recent talks that were held in Saudi Arabia showed that Ukraine is ready to negotiate. Ukraine is ready to take steps to de-escalate. But peace requires much more than just proposals – it demands political will, and so far, Russia has shown zero of that. The return of unlawfully deported Ukrainian children, the release of civilians and the exchange of prisoners of war. They are not optional. They are humanitarian imperatives. They could be the first steps to show willingness to come closer. We must be prepared to further increase pressure on Russia – with stronger sanctions, with tighter enforcement – until it ends its aggression. Peace can be achieved not with the surrender of Ukraine; peace can be achieved when Russia withdraws its troops.

Mr President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, it's unacceptable that despite some efforts since 2022, the EU continues to finance Russia's war of aggression in Ukraine through the purchases of Russian fossil fuels. And the stark reality is that some EU countries remain complicit in funding the very conflict we claim to oppose. Just today, this House adopted two important resolutions, supporting Ukraine and regarding the defence white paper. So our continued reliance on Russian energy severely undermines our security. It is unbelievable that EU spending on Russian fossil fuels exceeded its financial aid to Ukraine in 2024. On 1 January, Ukraine took a courageous step by cutting off Russian gas transit. Yet some countries still treat Russian gas as just another commodity. It's not; it's a weapon that is used to divide and weaken us. In 2025, the EU is still importing a significant amount of Russian pipeline gas and LNG, and this must end immediately, not by 2027. Commissioner, you outlined it correctly. The phase-out of Russian gas is essential for our autonomy and defence, and that can be achieved by prioritising clean energy, by rapidly scaling up renewables and energy efficiency: this can reduce Russian gas imports quickly. Let us seize this moment to transform our energy landscape and stand firmly against Russian aggression.

Mr President, dear Commissioner, dear colleagues, the upcoming white paper on the future of European defence is a crucial step. But the expectation is that it's going to be finally more than just a paper. It must be a real catalyst for action. We cannot afford to continue business as usual. The security of our citizens and the integrity of our borders depend on our ability to act swiftly and decisively. We must accelerate our efforts to enhance interoperability among Member States' armed forces. This is not just about spending more on defence; it's about ensuring that our forces can work seamlessly together. We need also to integrate our defence industries and streamline our procurement processes to avoid duplication and inefficiencies. We also should move beyond intergovernmental agreements and build a genuine European Defence Union. Our support for Ukraine is not just a moral imperative. It's a strategic necessity. We must provide more arms and ammunition, expand training operations and integrate Ukraine's defence industry into our own. In doing this, we must remember that our ultimate goal is peace. We are strengthening our defence to avoid war, protect our values and ensure that the EU remains a beacon of stability in the world.