Speeches

Mr. President, please. One of the most important common achievements of recent years is the rule of law mechanism, which is an important tool for dealing with governments such as the Orbán regime in Hungary. Even if the cause itself is not remedied. The reason is that in recent decades - EU integration or not - the countries of the periphery have not been able to catch up economically. Low wages, deteriorating living standards and emigration persist in these countries. In Hungary, for Chinese investments, we already transport cheap labour from Asia, while our compatriots migrate to the West. In such a situation, the framework of the rule of law is built almost automatically, and feudal dependencies and corruption are built up. Orban's power rests on this. Prime Minister József Antall, who launched Hungary on the path of EU integration and whose name is borne by an entire wing of the EP in Brussels, said more than 30 years ago that if we are unable to ensure economic and financial stability in Central and Eastern Europe, social problems in this region could spread the tires of democracy. It is time to think about this, especially when launching another wave of enlargement.

Mr President, colleagues, in Putin’s Russia, the scale of political murders against opponents, critics or rivals is starting to resemble Stalin’s Great Purge in the 1930s. Navalny’s death is a hero’s death and an enormous loss for all those yearning for a free and democratic Russia. It also shows, however, the enormous challenge Putin’s opposition faces. Everyone knows why Putin’s critics fall out of windows. Everyone knows who orders the assassinations, poisonings and abductions of Russian dissidents on the territory of the EU. But nobody understands why the EU does nothing to defend itself. Nobody knows why Putin’s puppets within the EU have not been sanctioned so far. We don’t know why the EU doesn’t stop Russian secret service activity on its own territory, and we haven’t heard of measures the EU will take against Putin’s accomplices who shake his hand, model his regime, echo his narrative and say cynically to those remembering Alexei Navalny that he ‘doesn’t deserve respect’. The quote is from Viktor Orbán, for the sake of all those who do not know it and could not guess.

Mr President, dear colleagues, the EU is facing the greatest security challenge since World War Two. While NATO remains the guarantee of its security, Europe has to demonstrate it can defend its own people, culture and values on its own, if necessary. A precondition for that is the creation of the legal framework for a European army, both at the level of the EU and the individual Member States, followed by a harmonised and integrated defence industry, common military programmes and projects. I would suggest that in its next term the Commission sets common European defence as a top priority and creates two major portfolios headed by a commissioner each. I am very glad that Ursula von der Leyen mentioned the first one in her statement: one responsible for the establishment of a common army, air force and navy, and another, which is equally important, for harmonising intelligence the activity of the national secret services. This is critical in European defence given the recent level of Russian interference, targeted killings, hacking and cyberattacks on European territory.

Madam President, Europe is at war with Russia. It’s a hybrid warfare which primarily takes the form of disinformation. For almost a century, Russia has been seeking to interfere in the affairs of Europe, seeking ways to disrupt the world order. More recently, it has invested heavily into various parties on the extreme left and extreme right of the political spectrum in order to destabilise Europe. The Brexit campaign and Trump’s victory overseas demonstrates the success of Russian interference and the disruption and chaos it can cause. A new and frightening development today is the extent and efficiency with which Russia relies on proxies, like Mr Orbán’s regime in Hungary. The Orbán government not only disseminates Putin’s propaganda and blocks common European initiatives, but also interferes in various European elections to promote the illiberal cause – as has happened in France, Slovakia, Poland and Slovenia, as well as in Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina and North Macedonia. It’s time we take the threat seriously.

Thank you very much for your question. My guess is only as good as yours. I’m not an investigative authority, but we are also aware of all the funds that Viktor Orbán and his oligarchs have at their disposal. We can also see that not only in Hungary, but in the whole region, they are expanding and they are building out their illiberal system in the neighbouring state very, very effectively. A good guess is that a significant amount of those monies comes from the EU itself; other sources perhaps come from elsewhere. However, one thing is for sure – the EU is providing funds for the expansion of the illiberal systems.

Dear Mr President, First of all, let us state that it is extremely harmful for Hungary that, as a consequence of Orbán's policy, initiatives such as the suspension of voting rights in the Council, the withdrawal of the rotating presidency or even the withdrawal of EU funds due to the country can be taken. However, you cannot seriously think, ladies and gentlemen, honourable Commission, that while you are advocating for the defence of democracy, you are overruling the rights enshrined in the Treaties with a political initiative. Orban and his system are fattened by this helpless struggle and pathetic comedy, which has been done here in tandem for years. If they really want to do something against Orbán's system, they should not shame Hungary and come up with proposals that affect the whole of the Hungarian people, but one that affects the head of the system itself and its oligarchs. We know who they are. So withdraw the money from them, freeze their Western bank accounts, ban their companies from the European markets. This language would be understood by Orban. And the EU would send a message not only to him, but also to any other system that serves Russian interests. Less charades, more courage! (The speaker is willing to answer a blue card question)

Dear Madam President, I would just like to present three concrete examples of the rule of law situation in Hungary, which has been governed by decree for years. For political reasons, the director of the National Museum was fired, who, although he was an old Fidesz fan, gave place to an exhibition that the governing party did not like. A lecturer at a university in Budapest was dismissed because he complained that a student could take an exam in an easier way for political reasons. A few days ago, the head of department and the team of the statistical office were fired because the government did not like the inflation and GDP figures it calculated. Orban and his comrades were expecting better numbers. From now on, official statistical data can be used to mislead Eurostat, in addition to popular humiliation, thereby harming the EU's financial interests. All three cases show that the Hungarian government does not respect the laws or even the constitution that it has created. EU funds are due to the Hungarian people, but until the above cases are investigated, they should not entrust their distribution to the Orbán government.

Mr President, I was hoping to see Ursula von der Leyen in this debate today as, when she became Commission President, she promised to build a geopolitical Commission. Now there is, after Ukraine and Nagorno-Karabakh, yet another geopolitical escalating conflict at our borders, this time in Israel and our position, as we could see from the previous debate, is very clear: there is no justification, no excuse for the despicable terrorism of Hamas against Israel. Nothing, no perceived historical injustices justified the killing, abduction, execution of civilians. Israel has the right to self-defence but in pursuit of this, it has to respect international law. So the position of this House is very clear. Nonetheless, the EU is seen as a bystander in this conflict, watching events from the sidelines and, if it communicates, it is, in the best-case scenario, sketchy, messy and confusing. Resolutions, statements, international conferences, selfies just won’t make the Commission become geopolitical. The real question is: how do we boost the legitimacy, authority and clout for the Commission to become geopolitical?

Madam President, I'm sorry. The greatest threat to Europe's future is the loss of its economic sovereignty and the acquisition of influence by foreign powers. Over the past decade, many manufacturing technologies have come under the exclusive dominance of Asia, especially China, without which our economies would not exist. Examples include chip production and battery production, which is fashionable nowadays. The US has already recognised that its economy is too exposed to China in these technologies and is taking necessary countermeasures. China's acquisition of influence has also started in Europe, but the EU has no response to this and has not even come to the realisation of the problem. The fact that it only came to the conclusion that an anti-subsidy investigation was necessary in the case of Chinese electric cars (i.e. the Commission) shows this. The situation is even worse! Indeed, there are some EU Member States whose governments, as Trojan horses against European interests, are helping economically hostile powers to gain influence, thereby undermining Europe's common future. It's time for Europe to finally... (The Chair withdrew the floor from the speaker)

Madam President, I'm sorry. For everyone who thinks responsibly, it is clear that the protection of nature is our common task. That is why I am delighted that in recent years this issue has been brought to the table of policymakers. At the same time, fundamentalist thinking has arisen around the issue of nature conservation. Every day, the actions of extremist groups who use the cause of nature protection to corrupt and harass people are taking place. And there are politicians who, with common sense, demand unenforceable action. Mr Sinkevičius, we both come from former socialist countries, we understand what it's like to be squeezed into a five-year plan. However, is it certain that at a time when war is raging in Ukraine, when, for example, food price inflation is at 40% in Hungary and food shortages are developing, the economic situation is uncertain, is it a good idea to push for regulation that will have the side effect of increasing food prices and the burden on farmers? I don't think so, and I can't support it.

Mr. President, please. When we talk about rebuilding a country, we tend to see houses, roads, bridges, maybe economic indicators in front of us. But I believe in a policy that focuses on people, on human dignity. I am sure that after defeating Russia, Europe will support Ukraine with the same exemplary cooperation in reconstruction as it did in self-defence against the occupiers. But are we prepared to rebuild not only destroyed infrastructure in Ukraine, but also destroyed lives and souls? We will have to help the men who have lived through the horrors of the battlefields, the women who have been raped, the children who have been orphaned, that is, millions of people who have been traumatised, to process what they have gone through and then to build a democratic European society, as this is an important condition for Euro-Atlantic accession. Don't leave Ukraine financially, but don't leave Ukraine spiritually.

Mr. President, please. I understand the outrage of European taxpayers when they see that subsidies sent to Hungary are being stolen by the Orbán system. I also understand that they do not want to fund Orbán's oligarchs, but my fellow Members, let us not pretend that this system was formed yesterday. The same thing has been going on in Hungary for 13 years and has been financed by the EU for many years. Now, when they have had enough of Orbán, they are punishing the Hungarian people in whose country an anti-democratic regime has been built with EU money. Orban wants us to believe that he is equal to Hungary. If they take the money, they'll believe him again. But I must say that there is also a normal Hungary. It is represented by local governments, NGOs and working people. Distribute the funds due to them directly, do not involve the Orbán government and do not give it support. Support the Hungarian people, because the support is for them!

Madam President, I'm sorry. Dear Chancellor, Half a century ago, your party took a big step forward with the proclamation of Ostpolitik. As a Hungarian, I remember well the results that Germany achieved in Central and Eastern Europe. But times have changed, and now the once successful policy has led to Germany's complete surrender to Putin's Russia. And in Central Europe, they were friends with politicians like Viktor Orbán and his servants, who attack European values and even openly insult your people here in this House. I don't think it was worth it. Just as the time for change against Russia, the Zeitenwende, is here in Central Europe. I believe, Chancellor, that you care about the interests of large German companies, but today's history teaches us precisely: Freedom, democracy and solidarity among the peoples of Europe are just as important. Let us act together against Putin, but also against his European disciples! Let us work together for the recovery of Central Europe. That's what I'm asking you to do.

Mr. President, please. The mass deportation of children is a form of genocide. That is why I welcome the decision of the International Criminal Court and I believe that all civilised people should agree with it. However, the representatives of the Orbán regime, Fidesz-KDNP politicians, have no problem with Vladimir Putin's genocidal policies. They are the ones who, while calling themselves family-friendly and lying to themselves as the custodians of conservative politics abroad, are pulling all the strings to save Vladimir Putin and his friends from sanctions, and their foreign minister goes to Moscow almost every week. There may still be work to be done in the Western world to protect children's rights, but in the Russian world children are now being bombed homes, raped mothers, fathers shot in mass graves and deportations. Orban and his supporters say that's okay. However, there is another, a normal Hungary, which stands by the victim and condemns Russian aggression.

Mr President, most of us are rightly appalled by the official position of Hungary on this conflict. The pro-Russian propaganda, the undisguised rooting for the aggressor by Prime Minister Orbán, and the recent visit of Foreign Minister Szijjártó to Minsk, while cynically talking about peace with the aggressor and its allied regime. However, don't let that mislead you vis-à-vis the Hungarian people. A majority of Hungarians know that Ukraine's fate today and our legacy of 1956 are analogous. The story of both nations fighting for their freedom against Russian aggression is the same. And just like in 1956, when official Hungary, the regime, rooted for the Russians, it was the voice of the people that mattered and what the world remembers today. And finally, while Europe was numb and silent to the Hungarian cause, delaying by decades the potential reunification of our continent. Today, it understands the call of history. And it is also brave enough to act.

Madam President, dear colleagues, the people of Ukraine expressed unequivocally their desire to join the community of Western democracies instead of Moscow’s tyranny. Europe was right to hear that desire and grant candidate status to Ukraine. However, full membership has conditions that need to be fulfilled. Sustainable peace and stability need to be attained prior to integration in order to avoid taking on a divided country with internal division. We have had that negative experience before and suffered the consequences. Thus, sustainable peace and stability in Ukraine have two prerequisites. Restoring the territorial integrity of Ukraine in full: the EU needs to help Ukraine to win this war with all it has. Second, Ukraine needs to reach out to ethnic minorities living in its territory – all of them – and guarantee their rights as Ukrainian citizens and ethnic minorities. The EU should support that endeavour by providing best practices to Ukraine and helping the transition.

Madam President, I wish you a happy birthday. Dear colleagues, the autonomy of universities was perhaps the first freedom to appear in the European civilisation, and it made Europe one of the world’s most developed regions over the centuries. It paved the path to the Renaissance, Enlightenment, the great discoveries, universal rights, democracy and indeed the nation—state. Today, the freedom of universities is trampled upon by the Orbán regime in Hungary when he puts pro-government politicians into the governing seats of universities. You all know our Fidesz-delegated fellow MEP, László Trócsányi. Did you know that he heads a university in Hungary despite being a party politician? It comes hence as no surprise that the Council, on the Commission’s proposal, banned most Hungarian universities from the Erasmus and Horizon programmes. But what I am asking you is not to punish Hungarian students and researchers, instead punish Orbán and his government, punish his cronies and impose the same kind of economic sanctions on them as you impose on the operators of Putin’s system. It is time to take action and protect our values.

Mr President, looking back at and evaluating the year 2022, it is fair to say that it will enter our history books as the year when, after eight decades of peace, Europe once again is engaged in an all-out war against autocratic regimes. This is the great challenge of our generation. We have to defend it at our borders in Ukraine against an authoritarian aggressor. But we also have to defend it within our ranks vis-à-vis, par excellence, hybrid regimes like Orbán’s in Hungary. The Commission and the European Parliament have acted with exemplary speed and determination in sanctioning Russia. Now, just the same way as corrupt bureaucrats or MEPs undermine the reputation of our institutions, so do authoritarian and corrupt governments of certain Member States. Why the double standards then? Why do we sanction one and not the other? If you will ever have the courage to sanction the representatives of the Orbán regime directly and have problems identifying the friends, relatives or cronies of Viktor Orbán, then please let me know. I’ll be happy to help. Thank you and Merry Christmas.

Mr President, dear colleagues, Hungary is a neighbour of Ukraine, and while the battle front is far, we see thousands of refugees fleeing their country every day. Throughout its history, Hungarians experienced what it’s like to be exposed to the aggression of mighty empires. For 150 years our ancestors defended Europe from the Ottoman Empire, determined to conquer Europe. Now it’s Ukraine defending our civilisation from yet another aggressor. Ukraine needs our support and solidarity. Hungarians understand this and stand by Ukraine. The Orbán regime, the representatives of which do not hold Russia to be a state sponsor of terrorism, as we found out from their voting attitude earlier today, like to speak on behalf of our nation. But they are not representative of our entire people. Our nation stands on the side of democracy and freedom, as in 1956, and as we ultimately won against the aggressor, so will Ukraine.

Mr President, dear colleagues, dear Commissioner, migration is the EU’s greatest challenge and the gravest social crisis of all times. It is shocking to see thousands of people dying on the sea and outrageous to see smuggler networks benefiting and profiting from migration. The Commission’s proposal is far from ground—breaking, but it does help us to focus our conversations – guidelines for NGO boats, coordination with African and Asian countries to return migrants, and the push to implement voluntary relocation within the bloc are the right priorities. However, the EU should also make it very clear that it will sanction and not provide any aid or funds to any government that openly or tacitly cooperates with smugglers or is unwilling to interrupt their activities. Smugglers conduct slave trade. They are terrorists and they should be treated as such. Also, Frontex should be developed into a classic border policing and border protection organ under a united command, financed from a common budget. Without a common border protection mechanism, the EU will not be able to tackle migration.

Madam President, colleagues, Ms von der Leyen was right to stress the importance of unity and solidarity. But, as she probably realises, there are some saboteurs amongst our ranks that support sanctions in Brussels, but rail against them in their home country, undermining the credibility of our alliance. While sanctions work and we are right to adopt each package so far, until this war ends EU leaders should explore new ways to limit Russia’s ability to wage war, build its weapons arsenal, especially its high-tech military capabilities. This is the only way this war will end. Those proposals that target ordinary Russian citizens like a visa ban, are misguided and counterproductive. But sanctions that limit Russia’s access to military technology will bring us closer to ending this war. In this respect, the EU should consider sanctioning each and every country that acquires Russian military technology or cooperates on military technology with Russian companies. It’s time to make it clear for Iran, China and India that their involvement in helping Russia circumvent Western sanctions is a red line.

Mr President, dear colleagues, the war in the Ukraine has triggered exemplary European unity but it has also shown that Europe is powerless, which is quite remarkable if we consider the aggregate size of our national armies, the aggregate volume of our national defence budgets and the abundance of weapons systems and capacities within the EU. But now it should be clear to all of us that sanctions are essential to limit Russian aggression, but they are certainly not sufficient to win a war. The past weeks have shown how dangerous external dependence on energy can become. It is high time to realise the risks inherent in the eternal dependence on the US to guarantee European security. With Trump’s four years in office and the dreadful prospect of his return for a second term should be alarming for all of us. So my question to you, Mr Šefčovič, as the last representative of the Commission in this room today: what are the Commission’s plans and proposals for the protection of European citizens from an escalating conflict?

Madam President, colleagues, the fact that Viktor Orbán is not here today is a confession. If he was here, he could perhaps answer the question. What are the unique circumstances faced by Hungary and no other country in Europe that justify rule by decree? In his absence, let me tell you there are no such circumstances. It serves the sole purpose of eliminating the last bulwarks of democracy. Furthermore, he is doing it from European taxpayers’ money by building a regime based on systemic corruption. As you can see, there are some advocates of this regime present here today who will try to demonstrate to you that stipulations of this report are fake and it’s an attack against Hungary. At home they will also spread lies in their media that you want to force Hungarian schoolchildren to undergo sex reassignment surgeries. Unfortunately, your diagnosis is accurate, and Hungarians know it’s not an attack against them, but against their authoritarian regime. But they also expect that the EU finds a way to pay funds directly to the people, not via its compromised government.

Mr President, colleagues, we are discussing a draft report that attempts to rectify a long—standing anachronism, a taboo and an absurdity: the only European institution directly elected by the people, hence attaining the highest legitimacy by democratic standards and yet stripped of its right to initiate legislation. If there ever was a justification for this farce, recent historical and geopolitical developments have certainly showed the need for change. I hear the critics of this proposal who are trying to convince us that European sovereignty is a fiction, that a stronger Parliament is a threat to national sovereignty and a cul—de—sac. Such critics have a vested interest in upholding the status quo: a weak parliament without a right to initiative; a weak and appointed Commission prone to blackmail; and a weak Council subjected to internal deadlocks due to national vetoes. Colleagues, it’s time to get the priorities and balance amongst our institutions right. Adopting this report is a step in that direction.

Mr President, colleagues, the past weeks have demonstrated that Russia is not only an expansionist aggressor, but also an unreliable partner when it comes to energy supplies. It is a tragedy that it took a war of this scale for us to realise the dangers of extreme energy dependence on Russia and it is now under these circumstances that we have to find a solution. There is a solution, however. Finding alternative sources and suppliers of fossil fuels is only a short-term solution. If the EU wants to create energy security for all 27 Member States and attain full energy independence from external suppliers, it must invest in technologies that so far have been blocked by a powerful gas and oil lobby and sabotaged by short-sighted politicians. Renewables, hydrogen and most importantly energy power based on fusion technology must become a top priority for the EU in the next year and in the decade to come.