Debate contributions by Ville NIINISTÖ

Mr President, the vast majority of this Parliament has been very impressive in its support for this trilogue outcome. And I think we have a clear vision. We want to go towards European energy independence, which is good for our competitiveness, good for our economy, good for our geopolitical security and good for climate. And I would like to address a few concerns raised by some, which I think are futile. It is not patriotic to rely on Russian fossil fuel imports, and it is not cheap to rely on Russian fossil fuel imports. If we look at what Russia has done in the last 25 years, when Putin has been in power, there has been continuous manipulation of prices in the European markets. It is divide and rule. And we see what happened in the autumn of 2021. We were not prepared in that, and in many Member States, the consequences felt after the gas prices went up was due to being too dependent on Russian fossil fuels. But in 2021, in autumn, Russian Gazprom actually they had been allowed to own a lot of these storages in Europe, like in Germany. They emptied those storages and prices went up already half a year before the war, the full-scale onslaught on Ukraine. So we knew that Putin is actually planning something huge, and he manipulated us in order to make Europe weak, that we would not support Ukraine. But on this, Putin was wrong. He couldn't manipulate us. We were in support of Ukraine, and we realised that we can never again allow them to have that power over us. Secondly, the prices of energy and electricity in Europe are lowest where there's the highest share of clean energy, renewable energy and domestic energy sources. Look at the Nordic energy market. I would very much like the German far right to also learn about how market economics works. Being reliant on single imports from an unreliable source that manipulates the prices is not good for the economy. Now we are exiting that dependence and we have to create energy independence, where we are also producing the vast majority of the energy production chain ourselves, bringing added value to our economy, and it is good for our competitiveness. So that is the future of Europe. It is free. It is free of Russian extortion and it is good for European citizens.

Madam President, for Russia, the export of fossil fuels has never been about trade. It has been about manipulation, extortion and control. Today, we are discussing a historic achievement and outcome in the trilogues. The EU is taking giant steps towards a new era free of Russian gas and oil. Never again dependency on Russia for fossil fuels. And Russia can never again use fossil fuel exports as a weapon against Europe. The path to this day has been has been long and it has been difficult, but we have to remember it's a historic outcome that we are here. The EU has never banned trade in such commodities with any country before, so this is of course beyond what is happening currently in Ukraine. We are helping Ukraine in the sense that we are stopping funding the Russian war machine, but we are also looking beyond that – we are making sure that Russia cannot use the export of fossil fuels to Europe to divide us. It has also been about control and trying to make Europe weaker – trying to divide and rule us. Therefore, it is important that we take a broader step with this trilogue outcome towards energy independence. I think it is important that Parliament's position on this file is very well reflected in the outcome. Parliament wanted not just an export ban or import ban on Russian fossil gas to be put in place, but we are also getting a statement from the Commission that they will propose a similar ban on Russian oil imports. Beyond that, Member States need to make a diversification plan, which needs to be in line with our energy commitments and targets as well. This means that we should look also beyond gas. We have to import LNG from other countries in the short term, and we have partners that we can do that with, but we should not bind ourselves to long-term LNG imports from any country. We should find ourselves long-term independence in energy by investing heavily in renewable energy, energy efficiency and other clean sources. This is the big chance for Europe here: we can look strategically beyond dependency on any external country, and we can look at building European competitiveness, address climate change and improve our security at the same time. I think it is important that the Commission continues with this spirit in mind when they go into the implementation of this plan. A few more words on the actual concrete outcome of the trilogues. I have to say, I think the outcome is something that Parliament has been pushing for for a number of years. Since the start of the Russian full-scale aggression and war in Ukraine in spring 2022, the European Parliament has been pushing for such a ban. Now we have achieved it very clearly and also with a faster timeline than the Commission's original proposal. So even the long-term contracts for LNG gas will be banned by the end of 2026 and there is a ban for pipeline gas by 30 September 2027. Also, Parliament achieved a very strong maximum penalty to be enforced by Member States against operators for infringement of the regulation. I think this is vital because this regulation is actually stronger than the sanctions regime, which means that there is no circumvention and no efforts by Russian actors that can circumvent the regulation and bring income from Russia through third countries. It is vital that this is implemented well. Furthermore, I think one of the reasons why this achievement is so strong is that this is a timely moment to make this change. We need this change happening now when there is a political frame from the Member States and from Parliament to achieve this. I do not think we would be here today without the broad agreement between the different parties and the shadow rapporteurs in both the INTA committee and the ITRE committee in the negotiations. This is an achievement by a vast majority of Parliament. I congratulate you all for that.

Madam President, in the current geopolitical climate, it is obvious that we have to strengthen our relationship with the UK. It is a relationship that must be built on trust. We have much in common and we should build on that. Our partnership with the UK only works if every word of the Withdrawal Agreement, the TCA and the Windsor Framework is fully and faithfully implemented, especially to protect the Good Friday Agreement and citizens' rights. It is important to work on playing on a level playing field, not a race to the bottom. The TCA is built on strong level-playing-field rules, whether on climate, environment, workers' rights, State aid and tax transparency. Any new UK trade deals or regulatory divergence must not undercut those standards or leak pressure into the single market. At the same time, there are areas where we can increase cooperation and the Parliament is pushing for that. More linkages between our ETS and CBAM with the UK, our cooperation in the energy market, and a common SPS are possibilities where we can work together. Workers and young people must be at the centre. Cooperation must be used to make sure that fair conditions for cross-border workers are being enshrined and we are building on youth mobility. Finally, it is also important that security and defence cooperation is the area where we can actually build a new strategic structural cooperation and that opportunity must be used for the future of Europe and for the future of democracy.

Mr President, Ukraine needs Europe now more than ever. We must deliver. Last week, one thing became obviously clear: a US Government that is not ready to protect democratic values within its own country cannot be trusted to protect these values abroad. It is a task we must bear in Europe. Ukraine needs a Europe that is united in its support, and Russian authoritarian imperialism and its war policy cannot be allowed to succeed. A capitulation or a forced peace on their terms would only increase the risk to democracy and the risk of future wars in Europe – not just for Ukraine, but for all of us. Europe must increase its military and diplomatic support to Ukraine. The decision on the EUR 140 billion reparations loan to Ukraine, with the backing of Russia's frozen assets, must be made in the coming weeks. Permanently banning also the imports of Russian gas and other fossil fuels must be finalised in the trilogues for the REPowerEU proposal next week. Sanctions must also be strengthened. Russia and its economy is reeling, so we must continue to push for support for Ukraine in order to achieve a just and lasting peace. That means justice also for the kidnapped children, it means sovereignty for Ukraine, it means respect for international law, and it means also that you must pay for war crimes that you have done. Never reward aggression. We can still achieve this peace, but only if we in Europe are all united in support of Ukraine.

Mr President, the Arctic is one of the most naturally sensitive areas of our magnificent planet. It is also the engine room of our climate system – and now it is in danger. The Arctic is warming up to three times faster than our climate in general. Glaciers melt, species flee north until their suitable habitat disappears, the Arctic Ocean acidifies and ecosystems become impoverished. Changes in the Arctic affect our entire climate and species spectrum, increasing the likelihood of bouncing points, disrupting polar vortex and ocean currents, and melting permafrost. At the same time, however, the Arctic region is attracting increasing geopolitical attention from major powers. The aim is to extract minerals and fossil fuels and manage the opening sea routes with power-policy motives. It tells a lot about humanity if, in the midst of an environmental crisis, only new fossil resources are competed for. At the same time, the voice of the indigenous peoples of the region threatens to drown in the midst of this neo-colonialism. The European Union must therefore be the voice of reason, civilisation, security and sustainable development in the midst of this irresponsibility. The Arctic, its inhabitants and its nature must be nurtured.

Madam President, China's export restrictions on critical raw materials and cleantech inputs are part of a broader pattern of state-driven market distortion and strategic dependency creation. We also need to address China's state-subsidised overcapacity in green technologies and steel production, which creates unfair competition for European industry. So the EU must respond through a very diverse policy, principled de-risking focused on recycling, substitution, eco design, circular economy and reducing reliance on Chinese chokepoints such as magnets, semiconductors, batteries and cleantech supply chains. We also need to strengthen the EU's green industrial capacity with a sustainable and rules-based framework. We are not just talking about tariffs, but also promoting competition by investing in green steel and increasing green mandates in public investment to increase the demand for green and recycled steel. We also need to strengthen the EU's economic security and establish a robust outbound investment screening mechanism. It is clear that European industry can win if we do it properly, but we also have to make sure that we are investing in the future, not just protectionism.

Mr President, for Russia and for Putin, export of fossil fuels has never been about trade. For Russia, it is about power, control, extortion and coercion. In short, about geopolitics. We are now finally ready in Europe to forever untie ourselves from this dependency. That is why this legislation to ban Russian gas imports and also the Parliament's inclusion to ban also oil imports is historic. In 2024, we were still importing fossil fuels from Russia to the value of EUR 22 billion – income that Russia uses to feed its war economy and its atrocious war on Ukraine. This is unacceptable. We must use sanctions to stop Russia's war, but we also must go beyond sanctions. The European Parliament has adopted a position that not only bans forever Russian gas and oil imports, but it also does it with strict timetables, strict enforcement and closing of all loopholes and without exemptions, targeting also the shadow fleet and other efforts of circumvention by Russia. This is timely and this is super important. At the same time, we need to build the future as we quit the past. We need to build a sustainable European energy system based on renewables, energy efficiency, electrification and other clean European solutions. This is also about competitiveness, it is about climate action and it is about protecting democracy against the fossil dictators. We need to convince the Council in the trilogues to have the same ambition to quit Russian fossil fuels once and for all.

Madam President, Russia's war didn't just attack Ukraine, it attacked the future of European democracy and the rules‑based international order. Russia has committed atrocious war crimes one after another – stealing children, using all kinds of violence against Ukrainian civilians, including systematic torture, rape and bombing of civilian targets. Justice demands that the aggressor pays for its crimes. The European Commission's reparations loan up to EUR 140 billion, backed by the Russian frozen assets in Europe, is a concrete change Ukraine needs now. We must ensure legal clarity but not hide truth and justice behind excuses. The reparation loan is a down payment of reparations that Russia must pay based on an international tribunal. The frozen assets themselves are still waiting there for that process; the ownership of the money has not changed. Now let us deliver for Ukraine: step up defence support, accelerate reconstruction and hold Russia accountable, and ensure Europe's values and security. Stand firm.

Mr President, Russia's accelerated hybrid operations are a sign of change. Russia is increasingly desperate. It is increasingly desperate to dismantle us and our ability to act for our values. Our retaliation must be determined. While we combat drone operations and airspace violations in an orderly manner, we must ensure that they do not distract us from what Russia is really afraid of. The frozen Russian assets must be mobilised as a war reparations loan for Ukraine. The shadow fleet must be stopped by requiring adequate insurance for each vessel in the Danish straits. Our support for Ukraine must be increased, both in the economy and in the supply of weapons. Russia's fossil energy imports must be stopped once and for all. This represents a loss of more than EUR 20 billion per year for Russia. At the same time, sanctions against Russia in the world must be tightened through extensive cooperation. The Russian threat will therefore be tackled with decisive action, and what is essential is that the initiative is kept at our disposal.

Madam President, let's not sugar-coat it. China isn't just restricting exports. It is testing Europe's weakness. Seven rare earth elements and one loud message: 'we control your clean tech'. This is not about trade. This is geopolitical blackmail with magnets. The EU imports 98 % of its rare-earth magnets from China. That's not a supply chain; that's a stranglehold. We cannot walk into the EU–China Summit begging for exemptions. That's not strength; that's surrender. We cannot be quiet about China's support to the Russian economy, and we cannot be quiet about the deterioration of human rights in China. Therefore, our response to blackmail must be bold: resilience, secularity, autonomy. We need to stop chasing virgin materials and start valuing what we already have. Recycle more, waste less, design better. Permanent magnets must be built to last and to be reused. Let's stop being naive. China has done this before, weaponising rare earths in 2010. Now they're doing it again. So that means that we in Europe must de-risk seriously. Secure strategic stocks and force risk assessments. Plan like it's already a crisis because it already is. We have the tools and we have the laws. Now we need the political courage. When we source materials from the Global South, we must build on true partnerships. No extraction without consent. No transition built on exploitation. Let's not trade our climate future for cheap magnets. Let's build a circular, just and sovereign Europe.

Mr President, today we welcome a step forward for Justice Beyond Borders. The UK's accession to the Hague Convention is not just good news, it's a win for legal certainty for businesses, families and individuals on both sides of the Channel. But let's be clear: this debate is not about the UK today. It is about us, about our role as Parliament in shaping how the EU builds binding legal ties with the rest of the world. We believe in the rule of law. We believe that judgments recognised across borders must be rooted in fairness, due process and human rights. And we also believe that the European Parliament must have a say when those decisions impact millions of Europeans. The Commission should take the legal role of the co-legislators properly into account in this ratification process. That's why we are here today, to make sure our democratic role isn't sidelined, to ensure that Parliament's voice is heard, respected and empowered. Let's build bridges, yes, but let's build them strong, transparent and with full democratic oversight, because Europe works best when it works together.

Mr President, all people are born free and equal in dignity and rights. The UN Declaration of Human Rights guarantees the same rights to children in Gaza, Tel Aviv and Brussels. This is not the reality in Gaza today: starving children, family members killed, forced displacement of the population into concentration camp-like conditions and homes and hospitals bombed to the ground. More than 50,000 children have been killed or wounded as a result of the Israeli invasion and occupation. As long as this genocide and ethnic cleansing of citizens takes place before our eyes, we have a duty to intervene. The double standards and silence of European leaders in the face of this genocide are intolerable. If we don't, we are complicit. Humanitarian aid must reach Gaza fully and through established international actors. Arms trade with Israel must be stopped, the EU must impose significant sanctions on Israel and genocide-promoting decision-makers, and the EU-Israel Association Agreement must be chilled. The children of Gaza have a right to live.

Mr President, looking at the NATO summit from Finland that has over 1300 km of border with Russia, it is a no brainer to support the 3.5 % target on actual core military spending. NATO stands at a turning point and we Greens support credible deterrence, but it must be strategic and accountable. And the EU has a vital role in this. The EU can make sure that the added spending is mainly focussed on joint capabilities that EU‑NATO countries have the capability also to act alone without the support of the US. This is necessary to negate the threat of Russia. The EU can also make sure that much more is spent on European defence industry and on joint procurement. We need to mainly support Ukraine and stockpile our own reserves, and that means priority orders and not to give grants to an already lucrative industry in sales to dubious third countries, and not to spend at the cost of spending cuts on the welfare of our citizens. We need to base the spending on defence, on our European values. For those are the values that we want to protect.

Madam President, an essential part of Russian warfare in Ukraine is war of terror against civilians. Use of rape, torture, detentions illegally and illegal deportations of children are a big part of Russian warfare. This is systematic. Russian propaganda tries to dehumanise Ukrainians. They try to strip their nationhood and they try to strip their identity. This is part of Putin's imperialism that must be held accountable. Total civilian casualties since February 2022 stand at 13 134 deaths and nearly 32 000 injured, as per the UN. Over 19 500 children have been deported and 16 000 Ukrainian civilians remain illegally detained by Russia, subject to torture and mock trials. We must demand immediate, unconditional release of all civilians and POWs, including the children. We must demand full humanitarian access to Red Cross, we must increase sanctions, and we must hold Putin accountable also to the war crimes in the special tribunal, in the Council of Europe and in the ICC.

Madam President, an essential part of Russian warfare in Ukraine is war of terror against civilians. Use of rape, torture, detentions illegally and illegal deportations of children are a big part of Russian warfare. This is systematic. Russian propaganda tries to dehumanise Ukrainians. They try to strip their nationhood and they try to strip their identity. This is part of Putin's imperialism that must be held accountable. Total civilian casualties since February 2022 stand at 13 134 deaths and nearly 32 000 injured, as per the UN. Over 19 500 children have been deported and 16 000 Ukrainian civilians remain illegally detained by Russia, subject to torture and mock trials. We must demand immediate, unconditional release of all civilians and POWs, including the children. We must demand full humanitarian access to Red Cross, we must increase sanctions, and we must hold Putin accountable also to the war crimes in the special tribunal, in the Council of Europe and in the ICC.

Dear Mr/Ms President, Commissioner, Putin's power rests on fossil energy exports and revenues. Gas and oil are greasing the wheels of Russia's military economy, and it is intolerable that in recent years, even after Russia's invasion, Europe has continued to finance Russia's military economy by purchasing fossil energy from Russia. Thank you the Commission that now, at last, there will be clarity that legislative means will ensure that we give up Russian fossil energy imports altogether. I am also grateful that the import of uranium has also been taken into account here in the case of nuclear fuel. It is very important to recognise that all the energy of the 21st century has been a geopolitical tool for Russia to blackmail, exploit and trick its partner countries into committing to it so that Russia's military policy has gained more and more ground. With this decision and these proposals, the Commission, the EU and Parliament will ensure that we no longer give Putin this power. It is also a step forward for Ukraine to defend its country and for Europe to make the transition to sustainable energy solutions. We fully support the Commission here.

Madam President, China's crackdown on religious minorities is intensifying. Under Xi Jinping, Tibetan Buddhists and Uyghurs face forced assimilation, surveillance and brutal repression. This is state–sponsored cultural erasure. Religious freedom in China is among the worst globally, and Tibet is, in this sense, under siege. Children are forced into boarding schools to erase their identity. Religious leaders are imprisoned and some, like Humkar Dorje Rinpoche, die in custody under murky circumstances. This isn't just a domestic issue – it's an EU concern. China's human rights abuses have strained EU‑China relations, and the EU must act. We must suspend extradition treaties with the PRC to protect exiles and dissidents from persecution. We also must have sanctions – effective sanctions – against those officials and entities that are responsible for Tibet's repression. And we must demand an independent international inquiry on the circumstances of Humkar Dorje Rinpoche. We cannot forget Tibet, and we must make sure that human rights are at the core of our relationship towards China.

Mr President, a country where people are well educated, where nature is taken care of and where people also have choices in life, where people see hope, where they are equal and where no one is discriminated against. Such a country is a country that we also want to defend, if necessary armedly. That is, the preparedness strategy is about seeing the importance of a well-being society and equality and inclusion for our societies to be resilient. This is exactly what Russian dictator Vladimir Putin is attacking. He sees democracy as a threat because we have a voice. That is why I would like to thank the Commission, in the preparation of the preparedness strategy, for having a comprehensive approach here, just like the Niinistö report on which it is based. But we still have those voices, like NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte and many on the political right, who see that we now need to invest in defence and at the same time cut social security or pensions. We must clearly say no to this. The welfare state and equal opportunities to train and succeed in working life also create the foundation on which people have media literacy and faith in the future. And then our society will also be resilient and ready for various crises. Therefore, readiness is about equality of people.

Mr President, Russia's invasion of Ukraine was a gross violation of international law. In addition, Russia is violating the Budapest Treaty, in which it commits itself, in exchange for Ukraine's abandonment of nuclear weapons, to safeguarding its independence and freedom. Russia repeatedly violates international law by committing war crimes against civilians. The European Union, and also the Council of Europe, have recorded the repeated war crimes committed by Russia, and it is obvious that, also on the basis of UN decisions and legislation, Russia has an obligation to make good this damage. Now we are in a situation where we need to assess how to stop the chain of illegalities. We have an ethical and moral obligation now to confiscate Russian assets that are frozen so that we can prevent further illegal activities in Ukraine. We can later submit this decision to the consideration of a special international court, which will assess the scale of Russia's war crimes. But it is obvious that the scale of the crimes and the liability of Russia exceeds the sum of up to EUR 210 billion held by Europe, the assets of the Central Bank of Russia. So these must now be confiscated and ensure that Ukraine can defend justice.

Mr President, coming from a country that shares 1 300 kilometres of border with Russia and a country that has had over 50 wars or border skirmishes with Russia in its history, I must say to you that we must show respect to Ukraine that is protecting democracy today, every day, with their lives. This is not a theoretical discussion about where Europe shall head. This is a very serious discussion about how we can protect the international rules-based order, the national sovereignty of countries, and the right of countries to determine their own fate. Russia and Putin do not believe in that. They want their empire, they want their sphere of influence, and they are building a war economy that is threatening Europe, but also countries outside of the EU. By this paper – and I urge you, Commissioner, to be very strong and ambitious – we show that Europe is united, that we can invest in defence, we can create military capabilities where Europe is united and can also act alone without the support of the United States. And that is something that negates the threat of Russia and protects democracy and peace in Europe – that is what we must achieve.

Mr President, where does industrial competitiveness come from? It comes from productivity. And where does productivity come from? Well, it comes from increasing the added value of our production chains and from technological leaderships. I think it is important that the Commission stops this kind of paradoxical view that at the same time the Commission says that the 90 % climate target is important, we are decarbonising our economy, we are going forward in combining the green and competitive angles of our future. They need to be seen together, but there is still also this other underlying discussion whether we actually should have less focus on greening our economies. We should really be clear that that means that we have less competitive future. Investing in green technologies, in lead markets, in R&I is what Europe needs to do more. When we do more investments in renewable and energy efficiency, we get industrial production that's more competitive in the global market that has an increasing demand. So we have to make sure that we support the taxonomy, for example, to get more investment into Europe and not create confusion by the omnibus discussion.

Mr President, it is absolutely ridiculous to claim that cable breakages in the Baltic Sea are damage. Suddenly, several tankers in the Baltic Sea would have started to drag their anchors tens of kilometres on the seabed without sabotage, and at the same time revolve around well-known cable routes - well, certainly not. Russia's shadow fleet must be stopped because of the major environmental and safety risks posed by ships in poor condition. The EU Commission and Member States must ensure that all vessels belonging to the shadow fleet are sanctioned. At the same time, with the help of our partners, as we make the impact global, stopping the shadow fleet will, if successful, deprive Russia of billions of euros in export revenues and intensify energy sanctions and Russia's isolation. In addition, there is a need to ensure systematic monitoring of the insurance of all suspicious vessels in each Member State in the Baltic Sea. At the same time, all the ways in which the Law of the Sea intervenes in the Baltic Sea without proper insurance papers or if the vessel is under sanctions must be ensured. In my view, the Law of the Sea also allows interference in the Danish straits if there is reason to suspect a serious risk to the environment and safety, and such a risk is indeed posed by the shadow fleet. We need to take the initiative into our own hands and not just react to Russian sabotage.

Mr President, the latest case is just one in a series of disruptions to critical links in the Baltic Sea for the EU. Last time this happened with the Balticconnector gas pipeline and the data cable connected to it, the main suspect was a Chinese vessel. And so it is this time as well. We suspect it's damage caused by a Chinese ship. We know that Russia is engaged in hybrid warfare and that Russia is trying to cause various evils to the ability of the Member States of the European Union to act in this situation. But the fact that Chinese vessels are suspected in this situation makes this particularly detrimental to the future of Europe, for we must also recognise that the strategic link between China and Russia is one that Europe cannot allow to continue as it is. So it is absolutely essential now, on behalf of the Commission and on behalf of the leadership of the Member States, to make close contact with the Chinese government and show that their merchant fleet cannot be involved in such activities and must be fully involved in the investigation so that the allegations can be properly investigated. This cannot continue.

Mr President, the oil spills in the Baltic Sea and the money for Putin's fund of war. No, thank you! The Russian shadow fleet is transporting sanctioned Russian oil to the market at the expense of all of us. Many of these ships are old, unfit and underinsured. Their ownership is unclear and ships are registered under the flag of third countries to hide where the oil comes from and who really gets the revenue from the trades. In the worst case, we will still have an oil disaster in the Baltic Sea, and then we cannot just spread our hands that nobody could do anything. We can do something, and the Russian war economy will only be exhausted by effective sanctions, and we have a number of ways to stop the shadow fleet. Requiring comprehensive liability insurance for all ships operating in the EU EEZ would be the most efficient way to do this, with strict audits and controls in EU ports. We must also insist on the implementation of the vessels and sanctions under the flags of convenience. Panama, for example, has already agreed to close its own national register of sanctioned ships. The more we add these ships to the sanctions list, the more we get them out of the world's waters, too, from exporting Russian oil and threatening the environment. Commission, take action now!

Mr President, Commissioner, I would also like to thank the Commissioner for committed work for a green energy transition in the last five years. But we are still in a position where a lot more needs to be done. And if we look at energy, it has always been a tool of geopolitics. Putin's war of aggression to Ukraine puts the EU in a serious spot. We have managed to cut our dependency on Putin's fossil fuels. Sanctions on Russian energy commodities have been vocally called for, and the time to act for remaining loopholes is now. Many Member States are still importing quite a lot of Russian gas. And this is something that is not acceptable. Importing Russian gas equals to funding Putin's war. And we must stop that. At the same time, the energy sector is the key for reaching our climate targets and keeping the energy system resilient and sustainable. Devastating floods and other extreme weather phenomena show that there is no time to lose for climate action. Overall, the report notes that, to stay on track with the EU 2030 reduction target and climate neutrality target by 2050, the EU needs to pick up the pace of change and increase the focus on areas where the required emission reductions are still significant, like buildings and transport, and to reverse the declining trend of the LULUCF net sink. In land use, the climate and biodiversity calls must align and this applies to energy policy as well. Scaling up renewables is obviously something that has taken big steps forward, but progress on the renewables target is still modest. Too many Member States are lagging behind the EU level binding target of 42.5 %, let alone the aspirational target of 45 %. To this extent, the report supports our continued call from the Greens for stronger Commission enforcement within the Energy Union governance and market action to boost renewables. And when it comes to prices, I would like to say look at the European electricity market. The prices are lowest in the countries like the Nordics, with those most renewables in the system, most functioning electricity market and less dependency on gas and fossil fuels. So if you are worried about the prices, invest in renewables, invest in your grids and support the green transition.