Speeches

Mr President, the Industrial Emissions Directive is desperately needed. Not only to protect nature, but also for our health. It is clear to everyone that pollution has major negative consequences for the environment, but also for our health. The disadvantages are great. The toxins released into our air, our water, our soil are a direct threat to nature and the health of us and our loved ones. They contribute to respiratory diseases and cardiovascular diseases. Residents of these types of companies are often more likely to have cancer and other diseases. And too often, it is the most vulnerable communities that live near polluting factories and suffer from those adverse health effects, and that is unacceptable. In addition, the revision of the Directive is also important for a level playing field in Europe. It cannot be the case that in one country there are very low and strict emission standards and that in other countries much higher limits are allowed. This creates an uneven playing field for our industry within Europe. We need to put an end to that. It is good that we are revising this directive, that the right to compensation is improved and that higher fines can be imposed for infringements, and that we are imposing stricter requirements on emissions from heavy industrial installations throughout Europe. It is important that our children can look forward to a healthy future and swim in open water without worry. We must not put profits above our health, our lives. One more comment on agriculture, Mr President, because it is being done here as if a certain party is the only one standing up for agriculture. The biggest threat to small and medium-sized family businesses is the industrialisation of agriculture. We are talking about less than 3% of the livestock farms that we want to be covered by this directive. It is precisely companies that compete unfairly with those small and medium-sized family businesses because of their economies of scale. And those farms, they certainly have a future in the Netherlands, and in Europe.

Mr President, let me start by saying to Commissioner Vestager, you can count on our support. We will support what I think is a very important commemoration of all the victims of climate change. So you can count on the S&D Group for that. I’m going to switch to Dutch. Wanneer we het over klimaatverandering hebben, gaat het vaak over de hoeveelheid CO2 in de lucht, het aantal hectare afgebrand bos, het aantal meters stijging van de zeespiegel of het aantal graden opwarming van de aarde. Laten we echter niet vergeten dat klimaatverandering ook steeds meer menselijke slachtoffers maakt. Wetenschappers schatten dat er jaarlijks zeven miljoen mensen sterven als rechtstreeks gevolg van de opwarming van de aarde. Dat zijn zeven miljoen levens die vroegtijdig eindigen omdat een echte klimaataanpak te lang vooruit is geschoven. Als Europese Unie dragen we niet alleen een verantwoordelijkheid ten aanzien van ons werelddeel, maar ook ten aanzien van de rest van de wereld, waar eilanden in de oceaan verdwijnen en hitte en droogten het leven op steeds meer plekken onmogelijk maken. Een herdenkingsdag is een goede zaak. Laten we echter elke dag denken aan de klimaatslachtoffers in de wereld en met hen in onze gedachten de moed verzamelen om sneller en ambitieuzer te werk te gaan bij het aanpakken van de wereldwijde klimaatcrisis.

Mr President, the role of farmers in the green transition: Then what are we talking about? Those who ask for support for greening, or the farmers of the mega stables, the peak loaders? Farmers have a future in Europe. Farmers play a huge role in greening, but organic farmers do. Farmers who get a fair price from intermediaries and supermarkets, because it has to pay. While in Austria it is possible to give organic farmers a prominent place in our supermarket shelves without measures, so that those farmers get a good price and can compete with non-organic farmers, we in the Netherlands get our noses up for it and see organic as expensive. A myth that is hard to break. Address those who only benefit from the work of the farmers, those who make huge economic gains at the expense of the farmers. Take the gravitational inflation. We have to do something about that. By changing the system and developing new revenue models, a sustainable agricultural sector is possible. And farmers who contribute to it must be rewarded. Choosing between farmers and nature is a false contradiction. Farmers should also be rewarded for nature management. Dedicate yourself to this, because with a njet you don't help either the farmers or nature.

Sometimes there are things you just don't understand. For example, if someone dumps a liter of frying fat, he is rightly fined. But for companies, the opposite is true. They are allowed to dump tons of poison into our nature and environment every year. This includes PFAS, a collection of substances that we don't even know how harmful they are. Only if it is shown that a certain PFAS is harmful will it be banned. Way too late. When do we intervene and ban these substances as a group? Only when it affects us personally? If it is found in our bodies or in our children's bodies? I have news for you. It's probably been in there a long time. It is sad that in some regions it is better not to give your child breast milk because of the high concentrations of PFAS, sometimes more than ten times the norm. And in the meantime, we dare not take a general ban. I was also surprised by an interview of two top women from a chemical company, last week in the Algemeen Dagblad. They said, referring to PFAS, that anything you take too much of will eventually become toxic. How cynical can you be? What are we waiting for? Apply the precautionary principle and prohibit PFAS.

Mr President, I think I should like to address two points very briefly here. The first: There seems to be a large majority for all three packages, but I'm surprised. A number of people here are very critical. They're standing here. They mostly tell me what they're against. I have to say that I'm also surprised, because on the one hand, if you're against something, you do everything you can to change it. You're not just going to stand up at a time and say you're against it, then you're going to walk away, and then you're just going to blame Europe and Brussels. Europe and Brussels, that's us. Europe is not an invisible hand that makes decisions that happen to the Member States. We, the democratically elected parliamentarians, have come to this result in a very careful process, together with the Member States. Very democratic, very transparent. Europe is like getting up in the morning and looking in the mirror, and then there are days when you like it and days when you don't like it. But it's really you. That's what I wanted to say. There are simply a number of people who are champions ‘throwing ass against the crib’. I don't know if this is translated correctly by the interpreters, but I think most people in the Netherlands will understand what I mean. What have we done now? We have set very carefully frameworks within which companies can excel. You have companies that are good at it and companies that are less good at it. But that's the market. That's how it goes. I very much believe that with the conditions we have set today, we can really work towards a green, competitive EU industry. That is why we must vote in favour of this legislation. Those who vote against this and then hope that the energy market, with the energy prices, will be okay someday... Yes, I also believe in fairy tales, but I much prefer to work to ensure that the situation for households and for business is improved. Because simply relying on fossil fuels will only cause prices to rise. We then roll from crisis to crisis, to crisis. Another important element that we will hopefully vote for tomorrow is that level playing field at the border. We have had emissions trading in Europe for 15 years, and yet we continue to allow unfair competition from outside Europe. Well, we'll stop there. That alone should be enough reason to vote in favour of this package here – for the people in the Chamber. I will, and I call you to do the same tomorrow. Hopefully we can work together very quickly on the greening of our industry.

Mr President, as the CBAM rapporteur, I am proud to be standing here and I can say that it has not been an easy ride, but we’ve made it. At least let’s hope tomorrow we will vote in favour and that the Council sticks to the agreement. The Green Deal is at the heart of social democracy because it is not only about reaching our goal – it is also about the path towards this goal, leaving no one behind. During the European election electoral campaign, we promised to deliver on a social and ecological transition, and today we take a major step in fulfilling our promise. I am proud of S&D. We have never walked away from the negotiations. We always took responsibility and did not hide behind any other political group. Dear President, I would like to thank my colleagues for the good cooperation, all of them, and the Secretariat of the Parliament, advisors and assistants for the outstanding work, and I thank the Czech Presidency for rising above themselves. And let me not forget the Commission for providing us with the necessary information and being an honest broker. The agreement reached between Parliament and Member States on ETS CBAM and the Social Climate Fund are historic. Historic because for the first time… Sorry, because they will bring us to our 2030 climate target, as set in the climate law. Historic because, for the first time, the highly polluting maritime sector is included. Historic because we will create a level playing field between EU producers and non-EU producers and finally respecting the ‘polluter pays’ principle. And historic because we will fund the energy transition for households and help them decrease their energy bill. ETS has been and will be the most efficient and cost effective way to incentivise decarbonisation. The system creates a clear framework under which our producers can distinguish themselves from bad- or underperformers. For the first time in history, the free allowances – basically a right to pollute for free – will be conditioned and eventually phased out. Those companies that do not show progress, and thus do not have the intention to decarbonise, will have no future in the EU. It sounds hard, but we have to be very clear about it: they should not abuse our subsidies and allowances because these limited funds should be used for others that do have the will to invest in clean technologies and help us keep the EU competitive. It is time to separate between the unwilling and the willing, between those with good intentions and those with bad intentions. With the introduction of CBAM, this will also become applicable for producers outside the EU. You are still welcome to sell your products on the EU market, but we will stop the unfair competition compared to our producers. You will pay for your pollution at the border. And let me be very clear: we are not in it for the money. I don’t care about the money. I really hope that the revenues of CBAM go to zero as quick as possible because this means that producers outside the EU either already pay an equivalent CO2 price in their own region or they became fully decarbonised. Let us start shaping the future of a clean, competitive EU industry today. Let us vote in favour of these legislative files.

Mr President, I must be very surprised at times when I hear a debate on this subject here, as if we have not had an energy crisis or are really still in it, as if we do not want to reduce our dependence on fossil fuels. But what does this file do now? Door wat we hier met elkaar hebben afgesproken, en dat doen heel veel politieke partijen met elkaar – goed nadenken over wat nu het beste is als het gaat om het verminderen van die olieafhankelijkheid en het verbeteren van de energie—efficiëntie in de gebouwde omgeving –, zijn we gekomen tot een plan dat ervoor zorgt dat we a) gaan vergroenen, b) de rekening doen verlagen, en c) ook nog eens heel veel werkgelegenheid gaan creëren – ongeveer 160 000 banen worden er geprojecteerd. So I think everyone benefits from it. And I really don't understand the resistance to this. And when it comes to compliance, it is mainly the Member States and not so much the citizens. But I get it somewhere. The parties that are calling today to vote against this want you to remain in the cold during the next crisis, to be confronted with a huge energy bill, so that they can point the finger and blame Europe.

Mr President, lithium, cobalt and nickel are crucial for battery production and for achieving the energy transition and our climate goals. A strategy is therefore needed in which access to these raw materials is properly regulated. This is important because there will be more demand than supply. Companies want to become greener, but often have limited access to critical raw materials. We must therefore dare to set priorities. We cannot expect help from the invisible hand, as there is no functioning market yet. It is up to us to decide who gets access to what and when. In addition, we need to use the materials we already have longer and more efficiently. Furthermore, the consent of local communities to exploitation is a prerequisite and must be based on the highest standards. So let's get this right. Removal of fossil fuels should not lead to any other dependency. The debate on this will be a crucial step towards achieving our digital and climate ambitions.

Mr President, there are two thoughts I would like to share today in the context of the Green Deal Industrial Plan. The first one: panic is a bad adviser. It is true that the United States presented a huge package – the Inflation Reduction Act – which will be very good for their green industry. But some could say that the Inflation Reduction Act is a reaction to our European Green Deal or to our carbon border adjustment mechanism. So we should not panic. We have many instruments in place to support our industry. Instead of panic, we should use our existing instruments effectively and targeted. And make no mistake here: industrial policy is green deal policy. Secondly, we cannot build competitiveness on subsidies: giving state aid or EU subsidies to a company that is not competitive might be a quick fix, but is no long-term solution. To make sure the EU industry is resilient and competitive, it must decarbonise as soon as possible. The race to decarbonisation will determine the competitiveness of our industry. So, Madam Commissioner, no panic. We are on the right track. But let us seize the moment and accelerate – for our industry, for our competitiveness.

Madam President, there are two thoughts I would like to share today in the context of the Green Deal Industrial Plan. The first one: panic is a bad adviser. It is true that the United States presented a huge package – the Inflation Reduction Act – which will be very good for their green industry. But some say that the Inflation Reduction Act could be seen as a reaction to our European Green Deal or to our carbon border adjustment mechanism. We should not panic. We have many instruments in place to support our industry. Instead of panic, we should use our existing instruments effectively and targeted. And make no mistake here: industrial policy is green deal policy. Secondly, we cannot build competitiveness on subsidies: giving state aid or EU subsidies to a company that is not competitive might be a quick fix, but is no long-term solution. To make sure the EU industry is resilient and competitive, it must decarbonise as soon as possible. The race to decarbonise ... (The speaker was interrupted)

Look, I'm trying to find arguments here. The climate argument is more than clear because it has sufficient urgency to address this problem. For other aspects, I try to come up with arguments from an economic point of view. If we see what is happening in America now with the support of the electric car, if I see how many Asian brands bring a technology to Europe that is miles ahead of many of our own European brands, then I am worried whether we are fast enough with an answer and whether we still have a chance to keep this sector in Europe. This can be done by creating very clear frameworks. These are the frameworks we need to create today.

Who remembers Stanley? You might know it from the popular children's movie "Cars" as Stanley Steamer. If not, I would say: Ask your children. Stanley made a very successful car with a steam engine at the end of the nineteenth century. That was a very reliable technique at the time, especially compared to the emerging combustion engine. At one point, Stanley made more cars than any other American car company. The parallels with today are truly amazing. To counter the rise of the combustion engine, Stanley was one of the first to start a campaign to sow fear, uncertainty and doubt. The internal combustion engine was supposedly unreliable and could explode. How do we recognize that? Of the smear campaign against this regulation and against electric cars, including in this Parliament. In 1924 they finally closed their doors at Stanley because they were not able to compete with the internal combustion engine. Even now, we know that it will be very difficult for the internal combustion engine to remain competitive. The electric car is already cheaper to use and the purchase price continues to fall. Competition and development outside Europe are on the rise. If we want to help the automotive sector in Europe to be future-proof and remain competitive, we need to adopt this regulation today. This will bring us closer to our climate goals, improve air quality and prevent European Stanleys in particular. (The speaker accepted a "blue card" response)

Madam President, let me first start by congratulating the rapporteurs, because I know it wasn’t that easy and there were very tough negotiations. So from this place, Ms Gardiazabal Rubial, congratulations, Mr Mureşan and Mr Pîslaru. It’s very important to see people coming from political groups and really working hard to make a piece of legislation that really could get us to the next step. Because REpowerEU is not only our response to the energy crisis, but also creates a clear framework to enable clean tech, build our needed infrastructure and improve interconnectivity. It is built on strong financing and the direction is clear towards climate neutrality and improved autonomy – a shift away from Russian gas towards renewables. It is important that we continue on our path, because we are on the right path. Deviation will only cause delays and will not help us decrease prices. We need to make energy clean and affordable. REpowerEU is an essential milestone for our green transition. It will help us shape the future of our energy system and create opportunities for greening our industry, making it more competitive.

Mr President, in Glasgow we completed the Paris rulebook. In Egypt we have to deliver on the Paris Agreement on our climate goals. When it comes to decarbonising the world, we have a momentum to engage with developing countries to share the benefits and advantages of the global energy transition. Let this African COP be more than just a symbolic gathering, let’s pave the way for a real European-African partnership with a strong pillar for sustainable energy. A lot of sustainable energy potential in Africa is still untapped. This represents a unique opportunity to provide affordable, reliable and sustainable energy for Africa and Europe. Solar panels have a very high yield in Africa. If we cooperate more, both Africa and the rest of the world can benefit tremendously from their capacity for renewable energy. As the Green Deal is on its way to deliver on climate neutrality in Europe while leaving no one behind, the Paris Agreement reminds us that we have to do the same for the rest of the world.

Mr President, while I am standing before you, millions of households are in danger of a dark scenario this winter. Not only the energy bill rises, but also the expenses for daily groceries and transport. And this energy crisis is exacerbating existing social inequalities. During the COVID crisis, a new billionaire was added on average every 30 hours. What would that be like? Who benefits the most from this crisis? The rich get richer and the poor get poorer, but we go on to the order of the day. The belief in the free market is so great that few politicians dare to intervene. But now people are also being hit who so far can just keep their heads above water, who do not directly depend on the government to survive. And what are we going to do about this? How do we ensure that energy bills become affordable? The price cap in combination with excess profit tax is the key here, but it is not the only step. Hopefully, the Heads of Government will come to an agreement next Friday to tame the unleashed energy market. What are you waiting for? Buying together now and working on reforming the market now! Then we can look forward to the coming winters with a calmer heart.

Mr President, when we talk about the energy crisis, the most important thing for my group is to answer one question: how can we ensure that energy bills remain affordable for households and small and medium-sized enterprises? Combating energy poverty has always been a priority for the Social Democrats. Today, the number of people at risk of energy poverty is enormous. Almost no one has EUR 1 000 to spend on energy alone. We must take measures that now or even retroactively have a positive effect on people's energy bills. People crave clarity. They want to know if they can still pay an energy bill. We need to remove that uncertainty and stress. The strange thing is that at the moment the crypto market is more stable than the European gas market. The gas market is no longer functioning. Intervention is needed to combat panic prices. We must put an end to speculation that leads to these excessive and unreasonable prices. As a PvdA we have been asking for months for a price cap for energy and a tax on the ridiculous coincidence profits. We cannot ask people to live even more economically, to lower the thermostat even more, to take a shorter shower, without paying the companies that benefit from this crisis. Mr President, we are pleased that there are finally some measures on the table that we have asked for over the past twelve months. However, I am a little surprised that no strong market interventions in the gas market are planned to reduce uncertainty and tackle speculation. There is also a lack of the idea of a price cap for imports, which says a lot about the difficult discussions in the Council. Furthermore, we need to be prepared for a recession and keep people in work with a permanent SURE instrument to mitigate unemployment risks in emergencies. Mr President, I am more procedurally sorry that we as an EP are not involved in the decision-making process. We are discussing tough measures that demand full democratic support and accountability. The EP has demonstrated its ability to work quickly under the urgency procedures. Take gas storage, for example.

Mr President, using our energy more efficiently is one of the most important ways of saving energy. After all, we don't have to generate every kWh that we don't have to use. The Energy Efficiency Directive is good, but implementation is lagging behind. I talk a lot with people who want to make their homes more sustainable, but often this hangs because of a lack of money or knowledge and because of complicated subsidy measures. Everything falls or is in the process of being implemented by the Member States. Remove barriers and make it easy. Sometimes it's easier than you think. Take this LED light. It looks like a light bulb, but it's an LED bulb. If we replace all lamps in Europe with LEDs, we will save 65 billion euros on our energy bills. This saves us as much energy as we now generate with 500 coal-fired power plants. 500 coal-fired power stations! And yet this does not get the attention it deserves. There is still a lot to be gained, especially at a time when the energy bill is having a huge impact on the spending of European citizens.

Mr President, so if the colleagues would wait, you know, I have to refer back something. And we know what happened two weeks ago! So first of all, thanks everyone for the hard work in the last year, and especially also the last two weeks. I think the result is well-balanced and you’ve seen the support in this House. It gives us a very good starting point in the negotiations with the Council. But Mr President, I need to ask for referral back to committee for interinstitutional negotiations under Rule 59(4).

Madam President, for the CBAM Chahim Report, I would like to ask on, based on Rule 200, the referral back to the Committee, and that we will not vote today.

Mr President, Commissioner, Council. We have been discussing the whole day that we need to make sure that the climate law targets will be achieved by the position of Parliament. I think that every sector needs to contribute its fair share to the EU climate effort if we want to reach the Paris Climate Agreement and climate law targets, and it’s the same I think for land—use change and the forestry sector. I am very happy that I can pronounce it now. I do believe that natural—based solutions are a key part of the Fit for 55 package. I think the compromise we have on the table is well—balanced. I think it’s good not to include too much flexibility when it comes to agriculture, because there’s a lot of insecurity when measuring and capturing the CO2 in these natural—based solutions. Then there is CO2 and cars. The key word here is ‘lobby’, and the lobby machine was working really hard in this House. I never thought that the 2035 phasing—out of the combustion engine would be at risk, because I thought that’s like the minimum we should get. I mean, that’s the position of the Council, and we should always push for more ambition. I talked to industry and industry told me ‘well, Mohammed, it is possible, but then we need more alternative fuel infrastructure. That’s what’s lacking now’. Then I’m thinking that’s the exact same lobby that years ago, when the Commission proposed an ambitious alternative fuel infrastructure directive – now we’re talking about a regulation – well they lobbied it so it was decreased ambition. Now they say we cannot go forward due to the lack of infrastructure. There you have it. There’s always an excuse not to go forward. If you work and if you talk about real jobs, the future of the electric car is the future of the car industry in the EU, including the batteries. That’s what’s at stake tomorrow. I hope we conscientiously decide to vote in favour of the changes, to vote in favour of the climate law.

Mr President, I will be a bit shorter than I was this morning to compensate for the time, of course, that I took this morning. I think all the arguments are on the table. We know where we stand. The real topic of debate is, are we going to deliver on the climate law? We need a Parliament that pushes for ambition because we know it will not come from the Council. It is unacceptable that we are risking having a package coming from Parliament that is less ambitious than the European Commission proposal and does not fulfil our obligations defined in the climate law – because that’s what’s at stake today. So don’t ask whether we take into account what some industry can accept, but whether the efforts of industry to decarbonise are acceptable for society. That’s the question of today, and that’s the question we need to answer.

Madam President, Commissioner, Madam Minister, dear colleagues, this week the Parliament can make history by supporting the CBAM proposal. We will extend our carbon pricing system to producers outside the EU because that’s what we are discussing today. After months of hard work we found compromises that were not easy to find, but I think will be supported by different majorities in this House. Let me first start by thanking my team, our advisors and the Secretariat of the Parliament. For our European climate ambitions CBAM is a crucial part of Fit for 55. It is the only tool we have to incentivise global climate action. And it’s historic because we are in fact extending our own emission trading system, our own CO2 legislation, to the rest of the world. And the positive effects will be twofold. First, we incentivise our trading partners to take climate action seriously. And second, we are levelling the playing field and apply the same CO2 price for imported products as we do for our own European producers. And thanks to this level playing field, we can finally phase out our current carbon leakage measures – the so-called free allowances. Because they are preventing us from truly applying the polluter—pays principle. And the compromise we have is a very reasonable compromise. It balances between the starting date of CBAM and the phasing—out date of the free allowances. It covers the right sectors and emissions. Some want us to have a CBAM and keep the free allowances. And I can tell you, my friends, you cannot have your cake, eat it too, and get the cherry on top. It frustrates me that at the same time, these people pretend to fight for the cause of the Climate Law. I take the Climate Law very seriously, so let’s not make laws knowing we will break them. So how do I see the future of Europe, or how do you see the future of European industry? Because that’s the most fundamental question we should ask ourselves. What do we envision the industry will look like in one or two decades? CBAM creates a level playing field and helps us preserve jobs. We need to stop our fossil fuel addiction. If the current Ukraine crisis did not make us aware of this, then what will? And ‘business as usual’ will become more and more costly. The price of doing nothing will be unbearable. We need to start producing in a clean and sustainable way. Let’s not lose our global advantage. And it’s very tempting to listen to lobbyists, and it’s hard to counter their arguments because the Fit for 55 package is very complicated. And while their CEOs tell you that they are in favour of all the climate action, their representatives, their lobby machine demands the exact opposite. And only taking current interests into consideration makes you blind for the future. Because I see many front runners in the EU that are willing to scale up to make sure that we find the crucial elements to decarbonise and keep our leading position, our competitiveness compared to the rest of the world. And these voices are not always heard, not always heard in this Parliament, because they do not have the capacity to lobby as many other big companies have. And our task as Parliament is to listen to these voices of the future, because in a couple of decades, we can decarbonise our industry, be state—of—the—art and leading clean production worldwide. That’s what I envision if we make the right choices this week. Not only supporting industry that needs heavy subsidy to survive. And the front runners are popping up all over the world. We are not leading in every sector. There are sectors outside the EU that produce with a lower footprint. And one of my key motivations as a Social Democrat in supporting the Green Deal is that I see we can create new jobs and that we can decarbonise. We can lead the world in fulfilling the Paris Agreement with more than just words. Companies will determine at one point if they stay in the EU or not – not on the basis of the CO2 price, but whether we have enough green molecules, whether our electricity grid is strong and green enough for them to decarbonise. We see this already happening. You only have to zoom in to see it. And if it comes to free allowances, we are using hundreds of billions of public money to continue investing in fossils. Unconditioned free allowances are not working the way they should. They are not helping us decarbonise. We need to redirect investment to the right companies that help us thrive and win the global race of decarbonisation. The train of decarbonisation is running and the question is, are we going to catch the train, or are you going to leave that bus? The vote is tomorrow. So we have one day left. Maybe instead of reading emails of lobbyists, it is time to listen to our children and grandchildren and the voices of young generations. It is time for the European Parliament to deliver what is needed for the Climate Law and for future generations.

Madam President, I promise you I’ll stay on time. Yesterday, the EU launched a fifth package of sanctions against Putin and his allies. We strongly welcome this and the establishment of the EU and Ukraine joint investigation team. We have to collect evidence and investigate war crimes and crimes against humanity in Ukraine, as we have witnessed in Bucha and other places. But the question is: is this enough? And the short answer is no. We cannot continue doing business because that is what we’re doing by importing Russian gas, knowing about the atrocities that have happened in Ukraine. We, as the European Parliament, need to send a clear signal and support a total ban on fossil fuels from Russia and hit Putin where it hurts. We need this total ban on oil and gas imports to be effective immediately. The sooner the better. As President Michel said, we need this probably sooner rather than later. Well, are we going to wait until Putin decides to cut us off? He already asks us to pay in roubles and we see that he is dividing us. Some Member States have cancelled all imports and others are really considering paying in roubles. We need to stop this. Better to be one step ahead than in panic mode. And the good thing is that we have a plan to get off fossil fuels. We have REPowerEU and our European Green Deal. We can accelerate the process by delivering on the Fit for 55 package and accelerating energy efficiency and deployment of renewables. We in the S&D Group are ready for this. Who would have thought that the European Green Deal would become an act of resistance against Putin’s hostilities?