Speeches

Mr President, Commissioner, the cause of freedom for political prisoners in Venezuela has ceased to be an exclusive cause for Venezuelans and has also become a European cause of its own. Many of those who survive today under the yoke of dictatorship have our nationality: the Spanish, the Portuguese, the Italian ... María Auxiliadora Delgado, Juan Carlos Marrufo, Ángela Expósito, and now we are forced to add a new name to the list, that of Rocío San Miguel. We Spaniards know his courageous and determined voice very well. It's time for maximum pressure against the regime. Weakness in the military, as evidenced by the infamous and inhumane situation of General Hernández Da Costa, is the real window of opportunity to end this farce. This House cannot and should not be silent in the face of a new demonstration of Maduro's fear. This House today speaks for Rocío, for Hector and for the hundreds of kidnapped and tortured in Venezuela. And this farce must end with the determined action of our Member States. To end that Maria Corina can run for election and Venezuelans can vote in freedom. Because, ladies and gentlemen, there won't be another chance. It's now or never and it's up to us.

Madam President, two years after the infamous Russian invasion of Ukraine, we must also focus on the Kremlin's allies, in this case Cuba. Diaz-Canel follows in Castro's footsteps and calls young and innocent Cubans to the ranks to fight in the Russian army, to fight on European soil. So those he can't starve inside, he kills in the war outside. But the similarity between Russia and Cuba is solid. A week ago it was Navalny, but twelve years ago, the Castros murdered Oswaldo Payá and Harold Cepero. How many freedom advocates have to be killed to realize it? Who will be the next of the 1066 political prisoners of the Cuban regime? My good friend José Daniel Ferrer? It is a pity that Mr Borrell is not here, because he is the only one who can enter the island and carry the message of this Parliament, to which the regime has banned entry. There can be no agreement with criminals. There can be no agreement with dictators. Let us put an end to the political agreement. The European Parliament stands with the Cubans, with whom they proudly defend the cause of freedom and democracy. It is with these Cubans that he is with and, above all, with whom this Parliament really must always be.

Madam President, we Europeans benefit from an internal market and a Schengen area that allows the free movement of people. Undoubtedly, an unprecedented milestone in our continent. Even so, Europeans today do not have uniform and standard driving license regulations throughout the European Union. That is why the proposal we are presenting here today from the Committee on Transport and Tourism is moving towards greater integration, moving towards a cross-border driving licence that can be digital and valid in any region of Europe, moving towards common rules to reduce accidents on European roads – by strengthening sanctions, medical checks or cross-border information – and also moving towards a new European regime for novice drivers to obtain a driving licence from the age of 17. It therefore makes no sense for a European to be able to work, study or live in a Member State other than the Member State of origin, but he does not have common and homogeneous rules on something as basic as driving licences. That is why, ladies and gentlemen, let us vote in favour of this initiative and, above all, let us move forward to put an end to this European anomaly.

Madam President, Mr Vice-President, does calling Jews genocide violate your university's rules of intimidation and harassment? It depends on the context. Those were the words of the director of Harvard to a very simple question in the United States Congress. On October 9, a day after the largest massacre of civilians since the Holocaust, current ministers of the Government of Spain demonstrated justifying Hamas attacks in defense of the Palestinian cause. And this same week, among the faults of Valencia in my country – Spain – a Christmas tree has been presented on a swastika, crowned with a star of David, and from its branches hang figures of heads of babies shot representing babies allegedly killed by Israel. And this one truly wants to call freedom of speech. Europe must act against those who mask their hatred and ignorance with misnamed expressions of freedom of expression. Without respect, there will be no coexistence. Without a strategy of action against this scourge, from a Europe that has experienced hatred from within its own borders, there will be no future. It's just respect and dignity.

Mr President, I am addressing the Council because it is time to act. The time for good deeds and good words in favor of a criminal regime is over. For years they were criticizing being firm against Maduro. And time has put them back in their place. They gave in to Sanchez's socialist government and decided to extend the sanctions only for six months instead of a year. But, tell me, are you going to withdraw in May the sanctions against criminals, torturers, murderers, when the motives for the actions remain the same and are standing? Listen to another president, socialist too, but who is neither Sanchez nor Zapatero. Listen to Felipe González: not a millimeter of cession against the Chavista revolutionaries. María Corina Machado is the opposition presidential candidate. Without it there will never be free elections. Demand compliance with the agreements. Seamlessly support the free and democratic opposition. Maduro has teased some. Don't fall into the trap again. This is the crucial moment. There's a lot at stake. Freedom and democracy are at stake in Venezuela. The freedom and democracy of the Venezuelan people are at stake, Mr. President.

Mr President, Commissioner, I would like to address my first words to our brotherly people of Ecuador, to whom I express my greatest solidarity, and I regret the human losses caused by the gang attacks of recent days. I would also like to express my full support for President Noboa, who is facing a political and social security crisis in the country as soon as he begins his term of office. President Noboa's challenge is not simple: must carry out sweeping reforms that attack the foundations produced and rotten, implanted during ten years of correista regime, which have resulted only in the loss of control of institutions by the State. The former president boasts of having controlled crime during his tenure, but at what cost? At the cost of having members of your governments linked to FARC guerrillas, at the cost of legalizing criminal gangs you call Boy Scouts Or at the cost of hosting the criminal drug-trafficking and mafia businesses they've done and undone at will for years? The situation in Ecuador can become critical if we do not act firmly on the government and, above all, if we do not support it directly. That is why I ask the Ecuadorian political forces to show their unity in the face of street terrorism and above all I ask the Member States to heed Ecuador's call because the State must always prevail.

Mr President, the ceasefire that this Parliament is asking for, to whom is it asking? Hamas, which continues to call on Arab countries to join in coalition and continues to receive arms, in this case from Iran? Or Israel, which is defending itself from a terrorist organization that murdered and raped civilians? No one can ignore the humanitarian crisis in Gaza and we must work to alleviate it. But the ceasefire, which Hamas continues to deny, will not come until all the abductees are released. If Europe really wants to have a say in this crisis, we must have a much broader picture of the conflict. It is no coincidence that Hamas attacks Israel, that Hezbollah launches rockets from Lebanon, or that the Houthis attack merchant ships in the Red Sea. And if you want to call it chance, call it Iran. Iran – I have defended it on numerous occasions in this House – is the key player in this matter. It has only two objectives: the disappearance of the Jewish people and the avoidance of peace and stability in the region. We had the opportunity to support the process of normalization of relations between Israel and the Jews, but we lacked determination and now there is the doubt whether or not to join the United States and the United Kingdom, precisely to give them stability in the Red Sea. It is time to act and the speeches are empty if we do not take effective action.

Mr President, the coming year is going to be defining in relations between the United States and the European Union, but in no case will it be new. There may be continuity or there may be a return to 2016, but we will play on known ground. As such, there is no room for error in planning the next few years of relationship with our partner, with our most important ally. To defend a liberal rules-based world order is to align our foreign policies. It is asking Washington to engage with us in defending Europe’s borders – which are those of democracy – and to continue to help Ukraine. At the same time, we must support American efforts for stability in regions such as the Middle East. We must also look at China from a common and global perspective. Collaboration on investment and technological development will be the cornerstone of a competition between China and the West over which we cannot and must not lose control. Finally, our security depends on seamless coordination with Washington. Strengthening our capabilities – while giving NATO the necessary importance and capabilities – is vital for European stability. If we let Russia and China free-range, the cost of dealing with two such emboldened powers will be exponentially higher for our citizens in the future, and we cannot afford that.

Mr. President, Mr. High Representative, two months ago, on October 7, Hamas terrorists, paid by Iran and with the collaboration of Hezbollah, perpetrated the largest massacre in decades against innocent civilians in Israel. We have seen – and I personally have seen – the images of barbarism, brutality and pure evil recorded by the same terrorists who murdered entire families in the kibbutz and raped women and girls and walked them through the streets as shields and as human trophies. Hamas executed a plan it has been planning for decades: Annihilate the State of Israel. And precisely because it is a democracy, that is why we can and must ask and demand that Israel comply with humanitarian law. However, some are trying to turn a victim into a culprit, and the European Union cannot today demand negotiating tables when in recent years it has not even wanted to support or facilitate talks for the normalization of relations between Israel and the Arab States, such as the Abraham Accords. Humanitarian aid is vital to alleviating the situation in Gaza and political action is key. However, we have had the current rotating Presidency of the Council (the Spanish one) and the next one (the Belgian one) trying to gain political income by giving a press conference in full truce. If we truly want to contribute to the solution of the Israel-Palestine conflict, it can never be... (the Chair took the floor from the speaker).

Mr President, there is something fundamental that we must bear in mind when dealing with this debate. A five-ton truck or a sixty-passenger bus aren't big cars no matter how hard some pawn. For this reason, the electrification of heavy-duty vehicles is a part of the solution, without any doubts, but it is not at all the only solution for this type of vehicle. The great variety of trucks or buses that exist today in the market also requires variety in the available propulsion technologies and, therefore, alternative fuels are and should be a valid option. The more industries and transport modes that are part of the future alternative fuels market, the better. The more interested in biofuels, whether for air, sea or land transport, the more and better investments will be made in their production. And, for that reason, a strong demand is what is needed precisely right now to develop a market that replaces oil and its derivatives. Ladies and gentlemen, fuel producers are prepared if the land sector needs it. Let's not be the ones who, from here, put sticks on their wheels (and never better used this expression).

Madam President, Mr Borrell, unfortunately, on your trip to China you seem to have gone unnoticed, and it was not your fault, because you had to be monitoring the messages coming out of the geopolitical Commission. The EU aims to become a global player, and it certainly has the economic wealth to be one and to force – and forge – a strategy and exert its international influence. But, at this moment, the most decisive of the legislature, the seams have been seen. The difference between effective international policy and European policy is that, in one, what is in one role is executed and, in the other, we settle for compasses and conclusions. We looked and were really effective in defending Ukraine, but today we started to falter. And it is not precisely because you are not on top of this situation, Mr Borrell. Today we stand in Israel to defend it from Hamas' terrorist barbarism. But no one realizes that the only two authorities that have gone are the only two people without executive capacity in European Union foreign policy. And I wonder: Where is the Council? And I was even going to ask: Where is the Spanish Presidency of the Council? But it is better, sincerely, that he stay at home with the speech of some of his ministers, with a justifying speech of terrorism and anti-Semitism. The difference between an effective international and European policy is that two weeks ago an agreement was to be signed between Israel and Saudi Arabia. The difference between an effective international policy and the European Union is that the release of the abductees is being negotiated and time is being gained for the evacuation of civilians. That is the real difference, and unfortunately in Europe we still have a long way to go.

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, in democracy the independence and powers of the constitutional and democratic institutions of our countries must be sacred, whether in Guatemala, or in Spain, or in any of our Member States. Guatemalans voted freely in an election whose levels of scrutiny have not been reproached in any way. The Organization of American States, the European Union, the United States, we all know that the elections were absolutely clean and that, ideologically or not, Bernardo Arévalo is the legitimate president-elect of Guatemala, and so did even the current president Giammattei. A democracy is measured both by its ability to respond to what is voted for by citizens and by its ability to ensure the peaceful transition of the government, without threats or acts that undermine the principle of constitutionality. Guatemala cannot follow the illiberal path of other countries in the region and the European Union must unconditionally support a clean, democratic and free transition process. Guatemalan democracy cannot be left to those who from the Public Ministry try to alter the constitutional order of Guatemala. So simple and so clear.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, I would like to take this opportunity to thank publicly the work and collaboration of each and every shadow rapporteur from the various political groups in this House, who have contributed so much to reaching a good agreement. There has been talk of the possible negative effect of this new regulation on the price of airline tickets. Undoubtedly, it is something to which we have to pay close attention. Sustainable aviation fuel (CAS) today is three to four times more expensive than kerosene. Even so, the European Parliament and myself, as a representative of this House, in the negotiation process, have put a lot of emphasis on one key issue: the supply and use of SAF is critical for decarbonisation, but not at any price. We cannot allow the obligation to refuel CAS to end up having an impact on citizens' pockets. That is why we have succeeded – and this is an undisputed success for Parliament – in including a ten-year flexibility mechanism, rather than five years as initially intended by the Commission, to give fuel suppliers and airlines the time to adapt to the new legislation. During these years we will have enough flexibility to supply CAS where it is most economical and profitable. On the other hand, we have made it possible to carry out a full evaluation of the regulations in 2027 and no one has the slightest doubt that we will ask the European Commission to adopt any extraordinary measure if the price of the CAS continues to be an impediment to its sufficiently economic and, above all, efficient use. Ladies and gentlemen, with tomorrow's vote we will start a new stage in the world of aviation. We must be aware of how the CAS market evolves, there is no doubt, but we also have a huge opportunity ahead of us that we should not miss. We have taken a big step forward together. Today will undoubtedly make tomorrow a historic day with a global impact on the aviation sector. It is now time for our responsibility, that of Parliament, that of the Council and that of the European Commission, to make the use of the CAS a real reality. So I just have to conclude by thanking them and waiting for their vote in favour because, in addition, the future will not only depend on these votes, but it will also depend on our responsibility and vigilance from now on. Dear Commissioner, thank you very much for your help and thank you for the help of all the shadow rapporteurs who will therefore make this final approval possible.

Madam President, Commissioner Vălean, with the vote on the ReFuel EU Aviation initiative, we conclude the package that has undoubtedly set the political agenda for this parliamentary term: the European Green Deal, the Fit for 55 package. These have been the most used words over the years in Brussels, and also here, in this House, in Strasbourg. After many debates, words and negotiations, the challenge of this legislature was and was to turn this slogan into concrete actions, into measures that would really contribute effectively to achieving a more sustainable environment and moving towards the decarbonisation of industry. This has always been the aim of the ReFuel EU Aviation initiative: contribute to the decarbonisation of aviation. But, ladies and gentlemen, we must not forget that aviation is not an industry that is easy to decarbonise, quite the contrary. Although some pretend to make desire a reality, the reality itself is that today the electric or hybrid aircraft is still far from being an option available in the market in the short and medium term. Today there is only one clear solution to reduce emissions in a sector that is strategic for the economy and for the European project. And that solution involves the use of sustainable aviation fuels, CAS, to replace traditional kerosene. Other measures that have driven these years since Brussels, such as the CO2 emission rights system or the kerosene tax, are not measures that lead in themselves to a direct reduction of emissions, but are tax and dissuasive measures. And, beyond their content, whether or not they are useful and necessary measures, today the only action of the "Fit for 55" package that will directly reduce CO2 emissions in aviation, is the "ReFuel EU Aviation" initiative and, in addition, it will do so hand in hand with the industry, as it cannot be otherwise. But, ladies and gentlemen, what does it mean to vote tomorrow in favour of the ReFuel EU Aviation initiative? First, it means betting on a clear, ambitious and realistic regulatory framework that will allow the use of SAF in aircraft gradually from 2025. Secondly, it means adopting genuinely European rules that do not break the internal market or European air connectivity. Thirdly, it means giving industry and the aviation sector the flexibility to adapt to the new obligations and to produce and refuel CAS in a cost-effective and efficient manner. And finally, it means betting on legislation that takes into account all the protagonists: industry, the outermost regions, citizens and also passengers. Ladies and gentlemen, Commissioner, as part of the things that are worthwhile in life, the road to get here has not been easy. The consensus on the importance of this initiative I think we can say has been practically unanimous, but it is in the content where we have found differences, pitfalls that have made negotiations difficult. That is why I very proudly celebrate that this week we are in a position to conclude the work of many months and even a few years. In this regard, I would like to thank the Czech and Swedish Presidencies for their contribution and responsibility in negotiating this dossier, and also to thank the European Commission and its negotiating team for their extraordinary work and assistance. This is a collective project of many and success must be, as it cannot be otherwise, shared among all. Finally, Madam President, I would like to end my speech by appealing to the national governments, to the Member States. Because, with the vote on this "ReFuel EU Aviation" initiative, we are putting in place the regulatory framework for the supply of SAF in Europe. But we also created the legal certainty necessary for the industry to undertake the investments that the sector needs and that, without a doubt, is a great step. But the road doesn't end here. Industry and the sector need the support of the public authorities and it is time for governments to bet on CASs through three key principles: aid scheme with European funds for production, tax incentives and reduction of bureaucratic obstacles. Only in this way will we be able to meet the demand for CAS for the coming years and maintain the competitiveness of aviation. Ladies and gentlemen, there are times that change the way we think about safety, the way we travel and, today, the way we understand industry. Today it can be and should be one of those great milestones. To vote in favour of the ReFuel EU Aviation initiative is to vote for the revolution in the aeronautical industry.

Madam President, it was high time for this Parliament to speak again on Venezuela after more than two years of silence. It has had to be the umpteenth disqualification of an opposition candidate, in this case María Corina Machado, that drives this new conviction. And I hope that all Members will be loyal to the values of our Union. This resolution on the doorstep of the next EU-CELAC summit will be the best proof of our commitment to Venezuela, to those who remain in the country and to the more than seven million Venezuelans who are living in exile. This is the largest refugee crisis in modern history. In Venezuela there is no government to talk to, in Venezuela there is an opposition to help. This resolution is also the voice of a Parliament that regrets with regret that a person sanctioned by the European Union, such as Delcy Rodríguez, can enter a European territory, as he did in Spain, with his suitcases. Today, at last, we are also denouncing a dictator that we will bring before the International Criminal Court. But, above all, today, we defend María Corina Machado, as we do with Henrique Capriles, with Leopoldo López or with Freddy Superlano, so that, together with the rest of the opposition candidates, they can continue to defend freedom, democracy and, above all, dignity in Venezuela.

Madam President, Commissioner, today we have the agricultural and livestock sector at war in front of Parliament over a series of measures being taken by the European Commission. Beyond their content, whether or not they contribute to the fight against climate change or whether or not they impact the economy, the truth is that there are productive sectors of society unhappy with some of the proposals that this European Commission is presenting. This will be remembered as the Green Deal legislature. We have adopted the most ambitious sustainability package in the history of the European Union and we have done so in record time. Of course, because the implications that climate change has on our planet deserve it and because they must be reversed. But still, let me wonder if at some point during these four years we haven't been too obsessive. We are still deliberating on many of the proposals put on the table a few months ago and today we are presented with a new package of measures to accelerate the transition in the road sector. Commissioner, I do not question the effectiveness of these measures at all, but let me tell you that what the road transport sector needs is not more regulation, but more time and more resources to be able to afford a highly costly transition. Carriers want to have more sustainable fleets of vehicles, of course, but not only do they need economic solvency to bear the high price, but they also require charging stations, for example, to move from north to south or from east to west of the European Union. Therefore, let us not turn against the productive sectors, as happened this morning at the doors of this House: Let us maintain dialogue and promote active listening with the sector to go hand in hand in this transition that worries and concerns us all, because otherwise we will only have one thing assured and that is that we will all go wrong.

Mr President, Commissioner Schinas, ladies and gentlemen, let my first words, of course, be a reminder of the millions of citizens who died in Europe and the world as a result of COVID-19. The memory of the victims and the recognition of the extraordinary responsibility of citizens in the fight against the pandemic must be very present when making decisions to prevent similar situations. We are not exempt from future threats to global public health: Therefore, we must be more and better prepared than we were in March 2020. And this is precisely what we bring here today, to this House: a package of measures to fight future pandemics based on three fundamental pillars. First, a strong and resilient future European Health Union. Secondly, a strategic autonomy in health so as not to depend on third countries. And, finally, better coordination between Member States when adopting drastic measures that violate the basic rights of citizens, because let us not forget that health does not understand borders and is a common good that we must preserve among all. So, ladies and gentlemen, I finish as I started: recalling again the millions of citizens who died during these years due to the pandemic and thus calling for the establishment of a European day in remembrance of the victims of COVID-19, as requested in this report, so that the years that remain for us in the future do not forget about them and, for that reason, I ask you to support this report.

Madam President, Mr Borrell, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights takes for granted the intervention of the Cuban dictatorship in the murder of Oswaldo Payá and Harold Cepero 11 years ago. Late, but he has managed to hunt down the tireless work of his daughter, Rosa María Payá, and so many other Cubans who defend dignity and freedom outside the island. One more proof that unfortunately your visit has been a missed opportunity, Mr. Borrell, because with what civil society have you met on that walk through Old Havana? Because with the political prisoners and their families he has not done so. Not even with the main opposition leader, José Daniel Ferrer, who has been suffering torture in Mar Verde prison for two years and has been missing for more than three months. Mr. Borrell, you who have just returned from Cuba, can you assure me that José Daniel Ferrer is alive? Because his wife, his children and his family can't do it. The agreement of Cuba or with Cuba was designed so that, in exchange for our collaboration, political repression would be eliminated. So, Mr. Borrell, when I put the red carpet on Díaz-Canel in July, he will be receiving that executioner of 1,048 political prisoners whose only achievement is to continue advancing in the repression of Cubans for his own benefit.

Mr President, Commissioner Reynders, last Wednesday we celebrated World Press Freedom Day, a date that reminds us and demands that for our societies to move forward there must be people who relate what happens and denounce what happens. This year Ihsane El Kadi has had to suffer in his own person the total elimination of that right because, like many of his colleagues, he is the victim of a persecution in which the charges charged have nothing to do with telling the truth to his citizens. From this House we demand his immediate release and that of the rest of the political prisoners in Algeria, who already in 2019, with the Hirak, showed that it is an open society and, above all, hungry for democracy. Unfortunately, arresting and silencing journalists has spread to the rest of the region and in that case we have denounced the authoritarian drift of democratic hope in the Maghreb, which is Tunisia. And in January, also in this House, the vast majority also denounced the situation of the press in Morocco. By the way, I wonder what our fellow Spanish socialists will do tomorrow in this vote. In short, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, the southern neighbourhood requires our real attention. Our European project also depends on its stability and progress.

Madam President, Commissioner, first of all, I would like to thank the army and diplomatic corps of our Member States, especially Ambassador O'Hara, who was attacked in the first days of the uprising, because, as they did two years ago in Afghanistan, they played an extraordinary role in the repatriation of our compatriots. Yet millions of civilians have been orphaned in Sudan because they have neither a government nor an army to protect them. Hundreds of thousands have fled across the border and others have stayed and risked, risked dying, risked their lives simply if they left their homes. The situation is simply catastrophic. It could be predicted or not, we'll never know. But for the European Union, the response to this crisis is the consequence of years of lack of effective engagement with the Sahel. A year ago they already warned of the epidemic of coups d'état in the region: eight in just two years. Today we face a new blow and again we also face its consequences: the forgotten dignity of Sudanese, migratory pressure in border states and the oasis for terrorist groups. We have lived it in other countries in the region. Every time there is a step backwards in Europe or Europe, it is a step forward, in this case, for Russia and for China, and Sudan is not going to be less, unfortunately. If among the main supporters of the rebel general Hemedti is Russia, we can all imagine who is making a return. In that regard, Commissioner, I appreciate Mr Borrell's efforts in this crisis, but it is not enough. Either we define once and for all an ambitious and effective agenda in Africa or we will return, in a few months, to talk about a new coup d'état, which, in this case, unfortunately, will be the ninth.

Mr President, although the Fit for 55 package has been improving substantially throughout the negotiation process with the arrivals of different agreements, let me draw attention, in this case, to a point that has gone unnoticed by some, such as the connection of the outermost regions. The Council and the European Commission have not listened to the demands of this House and have decided that flights operating between the outermost regions and other European destinations other than the same member country should also pay for CO2 allowances. In the coming years, travel to regions such as the Canary Islands will be more expensive for German, Belgian or Finnish tourists, which means a loss of competitiveness compared to other nearby destinations. And that, in addition, would also be jeopardizing the arrival of millions of tourists and thousands of jobs. That is why, ladies and gentlemen, I deeply regret that, for many, tourism and the regions directly dependent on this activity continue to be of little or no concern. And for that very reason, I hope that the Commission will assess the impact of this measure and review the legislation, if necessary, in the future, because otherwise today peripheral regions, such as the Canary Islands, would be further away from Europe.

Mr President, the cradle of democratic hope in North Africa in 2011 is now nothing but ashes of what could have been. Although many countries had failed in their attempt, Tunisia glimpsed hope and progress in its 2014 Constitution. Today the Arab springs are dead. The outgoing president is most responsible for the critical Tunisian situation. He annulled the 2014 Constitution, suspended the powers of Parliament, and his policy aggravated the country's precarious economic situation. Most curious of all, Saied swore a Constitution he never respected. The European Union cannot close its eyes to this dictator. The European Union cannot tolerate an electoral farce like the one that took place in December. The question in Tunisia is not whether or not there will be a revolution. The question is when and how it will be carried out. The European Union must take sides and be closer than ever to Tunisians. Today, with a war on our borders, we demonstrate once again that maintaining a stable neighbourhood is absolutely vital for the progress of our Europe and our neighbours. That is why the European Union must look again at the Mediterranean. It must demand political dialogue in Tunisia, while offering stability and opportunity to the country. Because, ladies and gentlemen, the success of Tunisia - a country right in front of us - also depends on our progress and our security.

Mr President, Commissioner, many of us here share a common goal: achieving emission reductions in the transport sector and reaching climate neutrality. Still, it is clear that the path to achieving that goal sets us apart. That is why the agreement we are voting on here in this Parliament today raises many doubts. I personally and deeply regret that a basic principle that many of us have been advocating for many years has not been upheld: technological neutrality. The electrification of the mobile fleet is an option, yes, of course, but it is not the only one, because while we launch ourselves exclusively towards the electric, the rest of the world will continue betting and investing to achieve combustion engines much more efficient, much more sustainable, or technological alternatives beyond the purely electric. By banning combustion engines from 2035, we here in Europe will have unilaterally created our own competitive disadvantage. Worse, I fear that this emissions policy for cars and vans will set the way forward for heavy-duty vehicles. Such measures, Commissioner, still have a much higher social and economic cost for citizens.

Mr President, thanks to the agreement signed between Israel, Egypt and Europe only a few months ago, we can have a normal winter today. Two years ago Israel signed normalization of relations with the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Morocco and Sudan. The biggest paradigm shift in the region in recent years. This resolution that we are debating today is a missed opportunity to account for the progress that is taking place in the Middle East, led by the only democracy that exists in the area. Some claim that these agreements cannot solve regional problems and try to silence them. It is not enough for Arabs and Jews to speak again, to trade again, to cooperate again. Europe and this Parliament must support a shared solution to the Middle East peace process. And they must also recognize the steps forward that the region itself is taking. The future of this region lies in stability. Without stability, there is no solution to the conflict between Israel and Palestine. Without stability, there will be no way out in Yemen. Without stability, there is no security and only one wins: Iran. May it not remain for us, ladies and gentlemen. Let us do our utmost to ensure that this stability is maintained and strengthened among all.

Madam President, Commissioner, fortunately for everyone, the pandemic is more a part of the past than of the present. Unfortunately, not for the aviation sector, which, like other sectors of our economy, is still suffering its serious consequences. The financial situation of airlines is currently very delicate and, given this situation, some airlines have asked the European Commission to have greater access to international capital. This is a vital issue for the industry, because it can recover from the crisis and repay the debt it has accumulated during this time, make the necessary investments to decarbonise the sector and also continue to ensure a connected Europe. Aviation, therefore, is the only sector in Europe that has restrictions on access to international capital that come from standards created in the 1940s globally, when aviation was very different from the aviation we see today. For this reason, these restrictions have no positive impact on the consumer, neither on companies and their workers nor on the economy as a whole. For this reason, a recent economic report suggests that better access to international capital could preserve up to 15 000 jobs in times of crisis and would have an impact on the European Union economy of around EUR 3 billion. Therefore, Commissioner, there is no reason not to review this legislation immediately and, precisely, not to turn the past into the present in this case.