Speeches

I didn’t speak about EPPO. I agree with the previous speaker, so it’s good that he brought this up. There are indeed a few other Member States, and especially while there are so many corruption cases in Hungary, and if Hungary really wants to show it’s working on an independent system and fighting corruption, it would be better to seek cooperation with the EPPO because that would give much more trust than we can have at the moment.

Madam President, Council, Commissioner, the Conditionality Regulation is now put to the test. Is it fit for purpose, are the institutions willing to use it? I urge the Commission to pass this test in assuring that Hungary reverses its deep and systemic rule-of-law flaws and that it ends the corruption and the captured judiciary. As the Commission rightly stated itself, you can’t protect the EU budget without an independent judiciary. The 17 measures cannot solve this rule-of-law crisis, because how can a new integrity body be effective in a dysfunctional system? And how can the improved rules and prosecution be adjudicated fairly by captured courts? Commissioner, we urge you: be strict and steadfast, progress on paper and on limited issues are not enough. We need a systematic change and the Commission to enforce it. Giving in too quickly will render our most precious tool toothless. The rule of law and, therefore, our European values are non-negotiable. (The speaker agreed to respond to a blue-card speech)

The whole problem, dear colleague, is actually that the institutions in Hungary are not independent, so their assessment of the situation cannot be taken for granted. I think the rapporteur has reported everything and this is not an own personal judgement alone, this is founded by many independent institutions making clear that Hungary has turned into an autocratic regime with a lack of independence of the judiciary, a lack of independence of media, a lack of academic freedom, and a civil society that does not, cannot, is not able to speak up. There’s a lack of checks and balances and therefore we need to make the maximum use of the tools that we have because autocratic regimes do not fit in the EU.

Madam President, our European values are heavily under attack in Hungary, the rapporteur made that crystal clear, and women, minorities and vulnerable people are the main targets. We get the Media Freedom Act, a defend democracy act, but let’s use the tools that we already have in our toolbox to combat this autocratic regime. Article 7, of course, but also no disbursement of RRF money until all requirements are fulfilled. Use the conditionality mechanism for the total EU budget, including agricultural funds, where abuse and fraud as identified, and also include the Migration and Border Management Fund, as Hungary refuses to implement European Court judgments on asylum. It even proudly registered the numerous pushbacks conducted every year, and it silences the NGOs who speak up against that. So civil society needs stronger support. So, Commissioner, Hungary may promise changes, but I urge you and the Council to stay strong until the independence of the judiciary, freedom of media, academic freedom, anti—corruption legislation and compliance with judgments is fully restored. (The speaker agreed to respond to a blue-card speech)

Madam President, tomorrow we will listen to the State of the Union. We will hear an emphasis on the European values and the rule of law. Solidarity with war refugees will be praised. But let me do a reality check. Thousands of refugees are pushed back at our borders. Greece, for instance, violates human rights on a daily basis and silences those who speak up. But the Commission and the Council stay silent as well, which almost invites other countries to push back refugees as well: Croatia, Hungary, Poland, Bulgaria, Lithuania, and more. We have entered the stage where our European values have been rendered meaningless at our borders. And the Netherlands and Belgium keep their doors closed for hundreds of asylum seekers; they sleep on the streets, wait endlessly to make their asylum claim. These are two rich countries, which simply failed to organise themselves. It affects the refugees, but also the common asylum policy and mutual trust. The Dutch Government will now resolve these violations by another unlawful measure by keeping family members separated for several years. If our treatment of refugees measures the shape our rule of law is in, it is in a deplorable state. So governments and Commission, stop this race to the bottom. Respect the right to asylum. Share responsibility. Make Europe credible again.

Mr President, Council, Commissioner, the Cotonou Agreement has been successful in promoting sustainable development goals, and we therefore strongly support its successor. It also aims to promote human rights, EU values and to operate in a spirit of equality. So these goals all serve the interests of the citizens of ACP countries, except one element that the EU insisted upon, which is the readmission clauses. If an ACP country does not comply with return and readmission of their citizens, EU Member States can suspend the benefits of the Agreement. But if the EU does not deliver in making remittances cheaper or in promoting legal migration, the ACP countries are left with empty hands because that is limited to good intentions. This does not reflect the principle of equal partnership. We need mutual and equally strong commitments. So I urge the Member States to keep their promise to strengthen legal mobility of persons, solidarity in hosting refugees, facilitate remittances: these are all key to cooperation and development.

Mr President, Commissioner, the rapporteur is not here, unfortunately. I would like to thank the rapporteur, Mr Rangel, for his work and genuine efforts to find compromises, and it has resulted in a strong, unified position of the Parliament. With this report, the Parliament makes very clear that the future of Bosnia is in the EU and it urges for a serious revival of the EU enlargement agenda. The Russian aggression has made this integration process even more urgent, as destabilisation of the region is a real threat. But we are also frank: for Bosnia to advance on its path to the EU, commitment is needed from both sides. Mr Dodik cannot maintain to be in favour of EU accession and at the same time support Putin and try to dismantle the state of Bosnia. HDZ cannot insist on cementing ethnic division through a discriminatory electoral law which undermines the principle of one person, one vote. Leaders need to overcome the past and implement the highly needed reforms transforming Bosnia into the functional, multi-ethnic state that the citizens so much want and deserve.

Madam President, I thank you and the Commissioners. Dear Prime Minister, welcome in our House and I also welcome the Minister of European Affairs. During the eurozone crisis, we have painfully witnessed in Greece how citizens suffer if the EU fails to act in unity and solidarity, and citizens should never any more pay the price of a functioning monetary and economic union. Greece should be able to count on the Union to fully reap the benefits of the green transition. But we also count on Greece to defend the fundaments of the Union: a Europe based on democracy, rule of law, media freedom and non-discrimination. A Europe that respects fundamental rights, including human dignity and the right to apply for asylum. And I wonder is this Europe as well, Prime Minister, if asylum seekers try to enter this Europe through your country, their rights are brutally trampled? They are pushed into the Turkish waters and land. Migrants are even forced to push back other migrants and the border guards – masked men putting lives at risk – enjoy impunity. But those who save lives are convicted. And therefore, I ask you, Mr Mitsotakis, is this Europe? You’re closing down the most humane camps and have forced asylum seekers to live in remote and closed hotspots. You lose thousands of asylum seekers from Syria and Afghanistan in a legal limbo, using the fiction that they could return to Turkey, which they can’t. And the lucky refugees that do get a status have to survive on the streets. Yet, those helping refugees are restricted and criminalised; those who speak up, including media, are silenced. But, Prime Minister, covering up evidence doesn’t help, because the reality is recorded and reported time and time again by all relevant bodies of the UN, Council of Europe, by ombudsmen, NGOs and investigative journalists. And European judges refuse to accept this reality as it violates EU asylum law. That, Mr Mitsotakis, is Europe. And let me be clear: other Member States have put Greece in an unfair position. They breached the principle of solidarity by refusing a common responsibility for asylum seekers. We could be allies in combating these selfish policies and to have geopolitical answers to geopolitical conflicts. But sealing off the borders, deterring and pushing back refugees is not the European answer. And, instead of trying to demonstrate a shield for Europe, I urge you to solve the many problems in your society. People are suffering from it: the 36.8% of young people unemployed; the high level of poverty; the increasing use of fossil fuel riding this global crisis, instead of investments in renewable energy. Use the EU funds to create innovative green and social jobs to transform your country into an inclusive, modern and sustainable state. Prime Minister, we count on Greece to honour the fundamental rights on which true European solidarity can be built, both for the Greek citizens and for the refugees. Because there is no Europe left to protect or to defend if its core values are undermined.

Madam President, Commissioner, the death and injury of migrants at the borders of Melilla doesn’t need easy rhetoric, but honest self-reflection. Access to an asylum procedure is the core of the Refugee Convention. And this is at stake at the fences at the Spanish enclaves, where most migrants from sub-Sahara cannot approach the border—crossing points to ask for asylum. Spain begs Morocco to keep them away, not caring if they are beaten up or dumped in the desert. And the EU strongly supports this practice, without any guarantee that migrants are being protected. The Commissioner puts the blame on the smugglers, but sealing off the borders, not offering legal pathways, makes refugees dependent on smugglers. So who should we blame here? We must put EU values at the centre of border policies and migration deals, enforce access to asylum, condition funding to human rights compliance inside and outside the EU, monitor the human rights situation, and of course start offering legal pathways to refugees.

Mr President, Mr Vice-President, the Russian aggression has increased the urgency to pull our neighbouring countries closer to us, to protect them against destructive influence and help them in building democratic and free countries. And the candidate status amplifies our cooperation, if combined with active support. We applaud this step towards Ukraine and Moldova but, at the same time, we need really urgently to give perspective to the citizens of the Western Balkans. North Macedonia and Albania are waiting too long, having fulfilled all the criteria and trust in the EU is now really at stake. Kosovo deserves visa liberalisation and the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina need a credible promise that they will get candidate status if their political leaders are willing to show commitment and take the necessary steps. We need to offer perspective now. This is needed for geopolitical unity, but also desperately needed to offer the citizens the safeguards of security, economic prospects and European values.

Mr President, dear Commissioner, I would like to congratulate you on a positive partnership agreement reached with three partner countries to regulate labour migration. It shows that it is possible to develop equal partnerships that are mutually beneficial, which are often, to be honest, really missing. Most of the times we see that the EU is using negative incentives ‘less for less’ to force third countries to strengthen border controls and return migrants. However, the regulation of labour migration is the best way to combat irregular migration, the exploitation of migrants and unfair competition. I would only like to urge you to go beyond circular migration. Ensuring that migrants have strong rights from the beginning is not only key to their integration, but also to preventing exploitation. If we create more mobility rights, you can be sure that migrants will return regularly to their countries and invest there, just like we see with the free movement within the EU. Furthermore, it’s important that the Single Permit Directive becomes a basis for strong rights for all migrants residing in the EU, and that intra—EU mobility will be a vital element for the long—term residents residing within the EU. In this way, they can come closer to the position of EU citizens. We welcome all four proposals, as they have the potential to boost migrants’ rights, mobility and integration. We hope that this positive approach will lead to a more rational approach towards migration, which we desperately need.

Madam President, Court of Justice ruling on the retirement ages of judges: not implemented. Court of Justice ruling on a disciplinary chamber: not implemented. Court of Justice ruling on a disciplinary regime for judges: not implemented. Court of Justice ruling on the independence of judges: not implemented. European Court of Human Rights judgment on the right to a fair trial: not implemented. President, last year you spoke the following words in our House, and I quote: ‘our values are guaranteed by our legal order as safeguarded by the judgments of the European Court of Justice and we make sure that they are respected and we will never waver in that determination’. But by transferring EUR 36 million to the Polish Government, you will undermine the Polish rule of law and the European legal order, but also our confidence in your capacity as Guardian of the Treaties. Please do not let this happen.

Mr President, the people of North Macedonia are being let down. They are waiting now for over ten years for the accession talks to start, while having fulfilled the conditions. Until now, the citizens supported brave pro—EU leaders. But times are changing due to the EU’s failure and in a few years’ time, the trust of Macedonian citizens in the EU has decreased to less than 15%. This must be a wake—up call to the EU, and especially Bulgaria, that we must live up to our promises now. Putin’s aggression in Ukraine rings another alarm bell. Russian influence is still rising at our doorstep in the Western Balkans. We can make democracy win from autocracy if we practice what we preach. This moment may be the last opportunity, so I urge the Council: no further delays.

Madam President, Commissioner, Council, the annual rule of law report is vital to preventing and combating rule of law violations, but only if it is followed by concrete actions. That was the right conclusion of the rapporteur. The Polish Government has crossed all the lines. Judges and journalists are muzzled. Citizens cannot exercise their rights. But the Commission and Council failed to act and become even more silent. And we lack clarity about the actions against Hungary. Madam President, the current war in Europe is between autocracy and democracy. These were also your words, Mr Reynders. It’s not an equal fight. If we want democracy and rule of law to win, we must be more firm and more persistent. And the rule of law report also aims that we act timely upon backsliding countries. And Greece is one of them. Commissioner, please act upon the pushbacks, and the criminalisation of journalists and NGOs rescuing migrants and defending their rights. Impunity paves the way for autocracy.

Madam President, the united solidarity with refugees from Ukraine is impressive. It reassures us that the European values and the right to protection do have a meaning in the European Union, but these principles leave no room for double standards. People fleeing a war, persecution or inhuman treatment all fall under the same protection regime. The situation people are fleeing from determines their right to protection, not the country that they left. Yet, despite the hospitality towards refugees from Ukraine, the right to enter an asylum procedure is being violated at many European borders. At the Polish borders, we see that in one place, thousands of people are welcomed, while only a few kilometres away, refugees are being pushed back into Belarus, deprived of their rights, goods and dignity. In Greece, the push-backs have become a daily and systematic practice. If a refugee manages to apply for asylum, the Greek authorities refer them back to Turkey, even when they know that they are not allowed to re-enter Turkey. Greece is an important country of entrance for refugees from Syria, Afghanistan and other dangerous countries. But the policies of Greece simply mean that they all end up in a lawless situation. Their lives and health are at risk, despite all the safeguards that we have in our legislation. The Commission knows exactly what’s going on; many investigations conclude the same. So how is it possible that the Commission accepts such blatant breaches of the right to life and protection and, even if a state allows for push-backs in the legislation, the Commission stays silent? So, when will you finally act to ensure protection for all refugees in the European Union? Bring them to court like you did with Hungary. Make border and asylum fronts conditional. Speak up and demand respect for human rights, and use the current wave of solidarity to push for a common responsibility of all Member States for our asylum seekers.

Madam Chair, all eyes are on the Russian aggression, and rightly so. But let us not make the mistake we make so often of jumping from crisis to crisis and forgetting about the rest of the world. Just last summer, our anger and frustration were targeted at the Taliban takeover, which has turned Afghan lives into absolute hell. The Taliban is showing its real face as a brutal oppressor and a jailer of women and girls. More than 4 million girls are stuck at home, while women are deprived of their right to work, to study and to travel freely. Girls face forced marriages. And formal official or government members, journalists, human rights defenders and minorities are attacked, detained and killed. We must prioritise their human rights by making tough demands towards the Taliban, by reaching out to protect them. The Taliban takeover has also made the lives of all Afghan people extremely dire. More than 24 million people depend on humanitarian aid, and the drought, pandemic and the freezing of international aid have deepened this crisis. The Russian invasion has even increased food insecurity due to skyrocketing grain prices. We must ensure that sanctions effectively target the Taliban, without undermining the basic socioeconomic rights of the poor Afghan people, by creating alternative ways to reach them and by stepping up humanitarian aid. Because if we do not act now, we risk more people dying from the humanitarian crisis in the country than from the last 20 years of conflict. Many people are at immediate risk of persecution in Afghanistan, and they need our support to leave the country and be protected elsewhere. I call upon the High Representative and the Commission to step up the coordination for evacuation and to press Member States to enhance their visa and resettlement policies. We must invest in the better protection of refugees in neighbouring countries. But let’s be fair: there is a clear need for safe passage to our embassies and the European Union as well. Let us make sure that Afghan refugees are welcomed and protected, not pushed back and let down. Our solidarity with the Ukrainian refugees has shown that we are able to do it. Every refugee has the same needs and the same rights. The Afghans need and deserve our support now.

Mr President, Europe’s response to the Russian aggression was almost united – almost. While the rest of Europe was discussing sanctions, Bosnian Serb leader Dodik talked with the Russian ambassador and with Minister Lavrov. This continuous flirting with Putin reconfirms his disinterest in democracy, international order and European security. Yet the brutal invasion in Ukraine shows the need to more strongly combat Russian interference in the Balkans, as it directly threatens European security. The long—overdue sanctions for Dodik’s secessionist aggression must be imposed right away, including financial ones. So thanks, Commissioner, for your clear position on that; it’s a first step. Bosnian citizens have become truly scared, reliving their traumas from the 1990s. Russian influence and interference also moves them further away from the EU perspective, which is devastating for their right to live in a stable and fully—fledged democracy. Yet strong support for Bosnian civil society and the EU integration process right now would really increase their trust in the EU and in a democratic and prosperous future. Let us strongly engage with the citizens, with civil society and, as a first step, ensure free and fair elections in October. That would be the best and most promising medicine against Russian interference.

Madam President, at our borders, Putin is putting the lives of millions of people at risk. His brutal invasion targets the citizens of Ukraine violating international humanitarian law, and people are desperately seeking protection. It is unprecedented how quickly the number of refugees keeps growing, and the EU’s response is unprecedented as well, with the activation of the Temporary Protection Directive. We applaud the Commission and Council for the swift and united response to give their full support to the refugees and their families. It will only work, however, if every Member State is ready to host a substantial number of refugees. So let the weakest part of the Directive, namely the voluntariness, not become the obstacle for an effective and humanitarian response. Coordination, funding and guidance by the Commission will be much needed. It is encouraging that the Council includes refugees who lived in Ukraine, but all people fleeing Ukraine must be safe. Referring third—country nationals, even if they lived permanently in Ukraine, to their region of origin, creates huge insecurities and risks, and in our view, this is unjustified, so please do not make any distinction. And this also goes for the border. We hear and see discrimination on skin colour, ethnic background, gender and sexual identity. We need agencies and international organisations to ensure equal treatment and to take care for the vulnerable people. The heartening hospitality of citizens will not be sufficient with the rising numbers and vulnerabilities, and the Commissioner already also referred to the risk of trafficking for minors. Member States should therefore organise a safe route to hosting locations. And Zelenskyy was right when he called the transport of refugees to Belarus and Russia immoral, because who wants to find refuge in a country of your own invader? So we must help them, but also the Russian citizens under pressure to find protection in our countries. Refugees from Ukraine deserve our unconditional support, no matter how long, no matter how many. But let me be very clear. Being forced to flee means the same misery, despair and fear wherever you are in the world. Let this war at our doorstep not distract us from the needs and rights of refugees from other countries. Do not believe politicians who make us believe that protection for the one means less protection for the other. If we equally share our global responsibility, we can offer every refugee the protection that she or he needs and deserves.

Madam President, since Lukashenko started to abuse migrants in its conflict with the EU, the EU itself has been framing migration and asylum only as a security threat. This narrow view comes at the cost of fundamental rights, of complying with EU asylum rules, and now also with democracy. This summer, the Polish and Lithuanian governments changed their laws to allow border guards to push people back. The Commission stayed completely silent on the structural violation of the right to apply for asylum, and instead of forcing the countries to reverse their legislation, the Commission is now proposing to legalise these pushbacks. Also, the need to derogate from very vital standards in the asylum procedure and the reception of asylum seekers is very questionable. Commissioner Johansson proudly announced that she had reduced the number of flights. Merkel had stopped the instrumentalisation. So what is the emergency? Geopolitical conflicts can only be solved on a geopolitical level, not by undermining the right to asylum. The Commission is not defending EU rules. It accommodates all wishes and interests of the Member States, and yesterday’s Schengen proposal affirms this attitude. All violations by the Member States, be it pushbacks, be it ethnic profiling or indefinite internal border controls, are being legalised on the proposal of the Commission. So I urge the Commission: return to your role as guardian of the Treaties. Give the right example and respect the rule of law.

Mr President, while the tension at Ukraine’s border is, for very good reasons, on the agenda tomorrow, there’s another crisis with the potential to destabilise our neighbourhood, but we appear to be asleep. For months now, the Bosnian Serb leader, Milorad Dodik, has been violating the Dayton Agreement and the constitutional order of Bosnia. Last Friday, he took the latest concrete step towards secession. The EU policy of appeasement does not work and even seems to legitimise his demands and undermine legitimate institutions. This is a direct slap in the face for all Bosnian people fighting for their country’s democratic future. We need an urgent shift of our Bosnian policy with our common values at its absolute core, and this starts by sanctioning those responsible for the current crisis. I urge the Council, therefore, to add the crisis in Bosnia to its agenda and take the EU responsibility to bring Bosnia and Herzegovina closer to our Union.

Mr President, the Western Balkan countries must be able to rely on the EU as a partner, and in this case a partner in combating crime. If the judicial system is not resilient enough, organised crime affects all parts of society, including the state itself. This is also why we should be much tougher if it comes to corruption. Our EU agencies like CEPOL, GRECO and OLAF should give all possible support to strengthen the capacity to combat organised crime. But we must be cautious if it comes to close cooperation and data exchange on criminal and police matters, as this requires mutual trust in the judicial systems, which is at the moment still lacking. And this also applies to asylum. We must help and step up improving the asylum systems in the Western Balkan countries. But support in controlling borders right now may prevent refugees from leaving the country, even if there’s no asylum procedure for them available. That would be dangerous and seriously undermine the right to asylum. So we need to do things in the right order. Secure, effective judicial systems in the Western Balkan countries, including an asylum system, and only then can we start with mutual trust.

Mr President, Council, Commissioner, the rule of law crisis in Poland and Hungary have taught us to better monitor and intervene at a much earlier stage of regression, and our assessment of Slovenia is therefore timely. The rule of law functions, but it is under threat. It is unacceptable that the threats directly come from President Janša and his ruling party. The personal attacks and lawsuits against actors safeguarding checks and balances are deeply concerning. They affect the authority of independent institutions, the freedom of speech of NGOs and citizens, and freedom of media for journalists. The government almost broke the Slovenian press agency by a complete budget cut. It must guarantee structural funding – not mid-next year, but now. The governmental contempt for court rulings is devastating. Thanks to national and European pressure, the candidates for EPPO have finally been appointed for five years, but the Supreme Court judgment to end collective expulsions of migrants, for instance, is still ignored. So Janša’s disdain and embarrassing behaviour towards the European Parliament perfectly mirrors the problems he’s causing at home. Let’s hope that new elections will give the protection of the rule of law back to the Slovenian citizens. But I urge the Commission to stand with the people of Slovenia, stay alert and intervene if necessary.

Madam President, 26 years ago the Dayton Peace Agreement was signed ending a bloody and deadly war in Bosnia Herzegovina. It installed strong international oversight until the country develops into a fully functional and accountable democracy. And with many others, I regret that we still need this oversight. The country is in a political deadlock caused by corrupt ethno nationalistic politicians. Dayton and this special supervision brings a huge international responsibility, responsibility to actively engage and protect the peace agreement and the Constitution. And Dayton is under heavy pressure today. Milorad Dodik is playing a dangerous game, directly challenging the territorial integrity, sovereignty and security of Bosnia—Herzegovina. We cannot accept this. I urge the EU ministers to impose sanctions against Mr Dodik and his enablers. I urge the EU and the whole international community not to compromise on the much-needed democratic reforms and to finally depart from the ethnic division lines. And we all know we will not get there in a deal with politicians interested in the status quo, but only through an inclusive and truly democratic process. Please do this for the Bosnian citizens.

Mr President, the illegal power that Lukashenko uses affects all of us: the Belarusian citizens suffering oppression, the EU, and specifically Lithuania and Poland, under attack, the migrants and refugees whose human dignity and fundamental rights are severely violated. It is a relief that EU and national diplomatic efforts have led to a reduction of the number of flights to Minsk. The repatriation has ended physical suffering for some of them, though many are still traumatised and have huge problems in paying back their debts. But not everyone is able to depart. Think of the Syrian and Afghan refugees and Iraqi nationals who are still in need of protection. They cannot be contained at the border forever. They need access through an asylum procedure, and adequate protection now. The refugees did not start the crisis. Lukashenko did. The EU’s response should focus on his regime instead of circumventing EU asylum law. The Commissioner’s portfolio of the European way of life wouldn’t be worth much if he would allow pushbacks and walls to be the answer. The best way to discourage the instrumentalisation of people is a functioning asylum system and taking a fair share of responsibility for refugees. The biggest mistake would be to normalise and legalise pushbacks. That would mean that our commitment to the refugee convention of over 70 years does not stand the test of this temporary crisis. We as Parliament should never let this happen.

Madam President, every day Mr Lukashenko proves that he should not be in power: he has lost the elections, he brutally oppresses the legitimate winners and he violates their human rights on a large scale. And now he targets the EU by misleading and abusing innocent migrants. Two weeks ago, I visited Russia and the Lithuanian border to assess the alarming situation at the border. As you know, ten people have already died and many fear more victims to come. Yet we see that governments from both sides leave those people to die. We should strongly condemn and sanction Lukashenko’s ruthless behaviour. But we cannot, and should not, respond in the same way as this dictator does. Our rule of law, our values, should not fail this test. This geopolitical crisis cannot be solved with pushbacks because that is creating a humanitarian crisis, and accepting these pushbacks would send a fatal signal to other countries, allowing them to do exactly the same. That would be the end of our asylum law, our fundamental rights and values. So let us stay united in our approach to Lukashenko: strong and swift sanctions, support Belarusian society and stop new arrivals of innocent migrants. But let us also unite in defending and implementing our own laws. Let’s support Poland and Lithuania in organising decent reception conditions and access to aid and a proper asylum procedure. Demand, but also enforce, if necessary, a lawful approach and be ready for relocation. Finally, we just paid respect to the High Commissioner of the UNHCR, Mr Grandi. He urged for leadership from the EU. Can the High Representative confirm it will not fund walls and fences like President Michel just announced, but instead step up and show real global responsibility?