Speeches

Mr President, the steps taken so far are mainly to find resources to strengthen the defence industry. However, for European citizens to feel safe, a real deterrent force must be built at the borders to ensure peace against authoritarian regimes that, provocatively and unjustifiably, spend huge sums on arming themselves and behave aggressively. But this cannot be achieved with 27 national headquarters. This fragmentation is not an advantage. It's a big weakness. A common defence policy means a European policy. We therefore need a single European headquarters, without this of course meaning that we will leave NATO or that the national headquarters will be abolished, but which will determine the threats on our borders, because we are not aggressive and we seek peace. It will also organise our common deterrence with a unified collective strategy, giving an opinion on what armament systems we need and on the deterrence and security of our borders. Only in this way can we move from piecemeal defence to targeted collective deterrence, with joint procurement and clear European priorities.

It has been understood that this war must end with peace initiatives. But the winner must be the one who does not forcibly try to impose the difference of borders, but culture and peace. And that is why we believe that the European Union must be at the negotiating table, at the same time as peace initiatives, so that we can end this war with the victory of civilization, the victory of peace.

Madam President, once again we are called upon to vote on the annual report on the European Union's Common Foreign and Defence Policy, which I am voting for. This time, however, it is of great importance, as Europe has put defence and security at the top of its priorities, following the adoption of the White Paper by the European Parliament. In this direction, we are forced to make huge strides in order to gain the time we have lost. Because for years I and other colleagues have been repeating in Parliament's plenary that we need further deepening in the field of defence, so that the Union can act with a single voice and with a strengthened position at the negotiating table. Because of the circumstances, we now understand and come to the conclusion that we need to act quickly, finding resources for our defensive armor. However, instead of this being done gradually, with correct forecasts and timetables, we now have to do miracles, and these extraordinary resources are lacking in other areas. The conclusion is one and must be understood: It is better to prevent and prepare step by step than to appear as if conditions are imposing on you and to impose incomplete policies, which are often sloppy, requiring prudence and efficiency.

Mr President, Commissioner Kubilius, I am pleased that you are here with us today as the first Commissioner for Defence of the European Union, because, consider, ladies and gentlemen, that since 2006, the Government of Greece of New Democracy, in which I was Minister of Defence, has been calling for the creation of a Commissioner for Defence, the adoption of the escape clause in defence spending and a deterrence and protection force. How can I not be happy, then, today, when 20 years later, the Union is supposed to be implementing these proposals at a rapid pace. That is why I welcome the European Commission's plan, which will give the Union the autonomy and independence it needs and the possibility of protecting its borders, which are not only on the eastern side, but also in the wider region of the South-Eastern Mediterranean, which we must never forget. And to be clear: Europe is not the continent of war. It is the center of peace, development, prosperity and freedom. It is a fact, then, that a further defence and deterrence policy will enable our Union to act united on the international stage, to have a single foreign policy, to have a strong presence at the negotiating table and to take it seriously. Thank you very much.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, I have listened very carefully to the speech of the Vice-President, Mr Margaritis Schinas, and I fully endorse it. We are the only party, the EPP, which has a special committee on this issue, and together with Mrs Zovko and distinguished colleagues we present concrete proposals. Because it is a fact that we are going through a period of instability, wars and crisis of the principles and values that we stand for and promote. Nowadays most societies are multicultural, and therefore often multi-religious. In these societies peace cannot be secured without mutual respect and coexistence between religions. Therefore, the role of religion and interreligious dialogue is of particular importance, as well as the policies that we will follow in the next five years, aiming at the harmonious coexistence of religions and, by extension, of peoples. In this context, our discussion today focuses on the denial of the instrumentalization of religion and religious intolerance. It is a fact that the political discourse that has a religious background incites intolerance and racism that afflict interstate relations, but also social cohesion in many European countries. The approach, therefore, of problems with knowledge and respect for diversity, but also with humanitarian motives, will create bridges of understanding, cooperation and harmonious coexistence of peoples. We have nothing to fear from this dialogue. On the contrary, the promotion and respect of religious sentiment are prerequisites of interreligious dialogue, which must respect man and highlight the religious sentiment inherent in human nature.

Madam President, Commissioner, the report on relations between the European Union and India is the second on this issue in the current term of office of the European Parliament. This is a balanced report with references to all the shortcomings in respect for human rights, the social inclusion of minorities, respect for pluralism and the rule of law. However, progress has also been made in these areas, but the fair result has not been achieved, and the report is moving in this direction, with the aim of highlighting the shortcomings and calling on India to comply with the targets it has set. At the same time, reference is also made to its climate, energy and digital modernisation, but also to its partly improved foreign policy, not only with the European Union, but also with bilateral ones. Finally, an important reference is made to the alarming situation in Kashmir, but also to the attitude India has maintained with regard to the war in Ukraine. It is a fact that India is an important partner, a country with strong economic growth, a member of the G5, and it is in the interest of Europe and of India itself to strengthen ties of friendship and cooperation in all areas. For my part, as shadow rapporteur of the European People's Party, I have tabled several amendments in this direction to highlight the various areas where further cooperation with the European Union is needed, but also alignment with our principles and values. In particular, I will table amendments concerning the strategic relationship between the European Union and India, the strengthening of maritime security and counter-terrorism policy, the importance of maintaining peace and security and stability in the Indo-Pacific, the need to recognise Christian, Muslim and other minorities, freedom of expression and media freedom, the need to protect the rule of law and the need for India and the EU to work together to establish technical standards and to use artificial intelligence responsibly. I would also like to point out that for the first time in 40 years the Prime Minister of India visited Greece and we had a good cooperation. Finally, I would like to congratulate the rapporteur, Mrs Alametsä from the Greens, on the good work she has done in shaping the report. Thank you very much for the productive cooperation.

Mr President, the new parliamentary term unfortunately begins with an inconceivable disaster that my country, Greece, is experiencing, with huge social and economic repercussions. Extreme weather conditions have tested the strength of the Greeks since the beginning of the summer. First with the fires and then with the huge floods that cost the lives of dozens of people, they plunged into the mud in a moment the Thessalian plain and wiped out entire villages. They destroyed an entire region from one moment to the next. Thousands of my fellow citizens lost their lives and found themselves literally on the street, while incalculable is the disaster in the agricultural and livestock sector. Suffice it to say that from the first report so far thousands of houses have been destroyed, 22% of agricultural production has already been lost, dozens of bridges have collapsed, and hundreds of kilometers of the Thessaly road network have sunk. And right now Greece is counting its wounds. Thank you for your warm words and those of the Commission and the Council. But we shouldn't just stick to them. We must not dwell on words. Actions are needed, and today from this step all Greek MEPs, regardless of groups, we call on you and the European leadership to show solidarity, acting immediately, activating immediately all the mechanisms and financial tools to relieve and support the Greeks and not only the Greeks, but also every country, which will suffer such great damage. Because in exceptional cases bureaucratic rigidities must be bypassed and the Union must act swiftly, without restrictions and protocols, when we talk mainly about the lives and hard work of thousands of our fellow human beings. It is therefore the moment when Europe must prove its role of existence, its solidarity and its human-centered character. It's time.

Madam President, I believe that today's debate is unfair to my country. It is unfair to Greece. Because it is happening now, in a pre-election period, and it is seen as interference in the electoral processes of a Member State of the Union. We transfer here the disagreements that we have developed in Greece on a number of occasions. It is well known, colleagues, that the issue of wiretapping has been discussed since last summer at all levels and I will not repeat what Mrs Vozeberg said with arguments in her report, because I do not have the time. I would remind you, however, that the Committee on Institutions and Transparency of the Greek Parliament has examined the matter in detail. Independent authorities have intervened. Justice is investigating it. A motion of censure was submitted to the government and after three days of discussions the confidence of the Parliament in the government was renewed. PEGA came to Greece, cooperated with the Greek authorities and the government and now we are all waiting for the decisions of the independent judiciary, which is the only competent one. We all want to shed light. We have done and will do everything possible for the truth to shine. And we also took political responsibility. I therefore consider that this debate at this particular time, at this stage in the European Parliament, does not contribute to the attempt to find out the truth, but ultimately serves political expediencies, which are incompatible with a democratic country that is a member of a democratic Union. Soon, the Greek people will decide by going to the elections and then, indeed, we will see who is right and we will have, we will also wait for the decisions of Justice. So the debate today is untimely, it is misguided and we all understand it.

Mr President, the uncertain and unstable environment in which we live, created by destabilising factors that are waiting to destroy the foundations of the European project, requires us today more than ever to strengthen the single European defence and security policy of our Union. And I stress this not only as a European but also as a Greek, who sees his recalcitrant neighbor blackmailing, violating international law and even threatening with casus belli. Overflights, illegal fishing activity, the instrumentalisation of migration and the desecration of world cultural heritage sites are now a daily occurrence. And for all of you to understand that Turkey has crossed every boundary, I would remind you, Mr Borrell and colleagues, of the letter sent by the Greek Foreign Minister, Mr Dendias, in which he describes the real situation and underlines that Greece's tolerance for these challenges is ending. So the European Union – not in words but in actions and deeds – must stand up for itself and defend the sovereign rights of its states against the appetites and aspirations of third countries. In addition, it must set targeted and strict rules regarding the participation of third countries in trade agreements in the field of defence and security, always respecting what has been agreed and the principle of conditionality.

Mr President, what else do we need to hear to finally wake up? How many desperate people seeking a human life and a better tomorrow must rescue the Greek Coast Guard from the sea to act more effectively? The number indicating the seriousness of this problem has now been lost. In my country, Greece, just the other day there was another shipwreck off Crete, with around 500 human souls struggling with the waves – victims of smugglers, who operate uncontrollably on European borders, taking advantage of these people. We need to put an end to this. And this will only be done through targeted European actions and initiatives. The Vice President, Mr Schinas, is right: it is not dealing with isolated events over time, but another framework needs to be found to address the issue. Now more than ever, there is a need to change the existing framework. In particular, clearly strengthening the guarding of our European borders, while strengthening Frontex, whose role, ultimately, is to guard the borders and not to welcome desperate people who have abandoned their fate to smugglers. In this context, therefore, the European Union must reaffirm its solidarity and all countries must assume their fair share without discrimination. This is a humanitarian issue. Above all, the first host countries cannot shoulder the full burden of migration and we have been talking here for so many years to no avail. The issue goes beyond party lines. We need to find solutions. A comprehensive solution – a European solution – must be agreed. That is why we support your view.

Madam President, the upcoming meeting of European leaders must finally provide brave solutions; He owes it to the European citizen, who sees the price boom, the food crisis, inflation and is no longer able to meet his basic needs. To this end, we welcome yesterday's report by the European Commission. But we're too late. Even before the summer we had pointed out the problem and had tabled targeted proposals, especially by the Greek government, to reduce energy prices. We have, however, let a very long time pass and we have already reached the winter without taking any measures. Imagine how we would have been and how many dead we would have counted if we had been so late with the pandemic vaccines. We must therefore move very quickly and at the summit it must be realised that there is no more room. We must find solutions "yesterday" to relieve the European citizen this winter. The Union must affirm its role against national and selfish interests and put into practice the European solidarity that the European citizen expects.

Madam President, shortly before the start of this difficult winter, everyone's eyes are on the decisions that the European Union will take to tackle the energy crisis and reduce energy prices. The increases will affect every European household, every business and every citizen without exception who already sees their purchasing power decline every day and is unable to meet even their basic needs. The Greek government, already aware of the magnitude of the problem, has taken steps to protect and relieve citizens, and to this end calls for the immediate adoption of coordinated actions and measures by the European Union. The European solution is a one-way street. The Union now, more than ever, is called upon to quickly show reflexes, as it did in the pandemic, and to respond with actions and targeted measures to the problem of energy price increases. Because we must not leave any European citizen unprotected.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, tomorrow's summit agenda is particularly important because it focuses on issues that we have been discussing for too long and on which the time has come to take decisions, to move from words to actions and to find solutions. First of all, the integration of the Western Balkans into the European family must now be a common goal of all European leaders and the foundations must be laid for their immediate integration, without, however, overlooking the need to respect bilateral treaties. To this end, I also welcome the Commission's positive and historic opinion and President von der Leyen's suggestion to open accession negotiations with Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia, which is a strong signal against irredentist and revisionist sentiments. We must also do everything to ensure the future of Europe. It is time to lay the foundations for the revision of the Treaties, always with the aim of improving the life and daily life of the European citizen. The time has come, therefore, to put into practice the conclusions of the Conference on the Future of Europe, and to lay the foundations for a common European policy in the field of energy, health, education and defence.

Madam President, today's plenary debate in the European Parliament on the consequences of the ongoing war in Ukraine is particularly important, as all the European leadership is here in the European Parliament to listen to us and to jointly shape our initiatives and policies for the next day, which unfortunately seems bleak at European and global level. The fact is that the Russian invasion of Ukraine has awakened Europe, which, perceiving the danger against its territory, acted quickly, acted united, acted in a coordinated and united manner, imposing severe sanctions against Putin, which he apparently did not expect. He did not expect that we, in a coordinated and united manner, would respond to this tragedy and to this challenge that he posed to us. The summit's joint communiqué laid the groundwork for dealing with the tragic consequences of the war in areas that affect our lives and survival, such as rising energy prices, inflation, generalised accuracy, the food crisis, new refugee flows, for which the aggressor himself, Putin, is responsible. But from the summit to the present day, things have been going on. Putin, with his new atrocities, must lead us to take new initiatives and – therefore – new sanctions, he must once again find a united Europe that guarantees peace and must be present in every form of negotiation. That is why I would like to stress that the visit of the President of the European Parliament, Mrs Roberta Metsola, has been enthusiastically welcomed, and I also welcome President von der Leyen's visit to Kiev at the end of the week, which shows that our Union is on the side of peace and on the right side of history. This crisis must therefore be the beginning of a new era for the Union and a great concerted effort for Europe to lay the groundwork for its defence, energy and food autonomy. It is our duty to guarantee the well-being and security of the European citizen, who is unable to meet his needs and sees his real income fall. It is our political debt, it is our primary political obligation – individual and collective – over and above parties, over and above borders.

Madam President, Prime Minister, thank you for your presence, High Representative, I believe that Europe is becoming stronger from crises and so now, after Russia's barbaric and reckless invasion of Ukraine, I believe that a new geopolitical Europe is being born, a Europe in which we should feel the territories of all Member States our own and which we can defend at any cost. A strong Europe now with an international role, speech and intervention in peace. That is why more than ever now the conditions have matured to discuss strengthening the defence and security of our Union by creating a European force for rapid action of a peace-keeping and deterrent nature, able to defend Europe's borders when they are threatened. Putin underestimated, as everyone said, the strong resistance of the Ukrainians and it is now a fact that, it can be imposed militarily but has lost the battle. He also underestimated the immediate reaction of Europe, which felt attacked on its territory and woke up acting with a single voice. He therefore imposed severe sanctions, stating that the principles, values of freedom and democracy he does not negotiate with the price of gas and prosperity, although he knows that he will suffer for this and will fight.

Madam President, Mr President of the French Republic, we wish you good luck, because the challenges facing the French Presidency at this critical juncture for Europe, but also for the whole world, are significant, unprecedented and multidimensional. Immigration, which concerns the countries of the South and especially my homeland, Greece, but also the need to shield and strengthen the external borders of the European Union are key objectives of the French Presidency and we will all work together over the next six months to achieve this. And I want to stress to you that today we also received 'RAFALE' to defend Europe's borders and protect them. The priorities of the French Presidency are therefore identical to the fixed demands of the European project. But the bet he has to win is to translate these demands into collective European policies, which will be future-proof and through which Europe will be able to claim its rightful place. So these changes envisioned by the French Presidency are at the same time a clear message to those seeking destabilization... (The President adjourned the speaker)

Mr President, Commissioner, Minister, ladies and gentlemen, the recent European Union summit on the Western Balkans is a clear, strong, political symbol, but also a commitment of the European Union to their European perspective. The exchange of views at such a high level reinforces the role of the EU in the region, which has always been characterised by instability and political upheavals. Now, however, it seems that the conditions are ripe for clear commitments on their accession path and it is now the obligation and duty of the EU to be in continuous, close cooperation with them and to proceed with much faster steps. It is in the EU's interest to ensure that third countries, such as China, Russia and Turkey, do not integrate this region into their sphere of influence, as they have been trying to do for so long, and, unfortunately, we leave a gap which they often come to fill. At the same time, with the withdrawals that we seem to have, we are leaving room for populist and extreme voices, which are finding ground, are anti-European and may lead to situations that are not liked in the region. Our goal, therefore, is to ensure that all the necessary structural changes are carried out and all the appropriate conditions are met, so that ultimately the Western Balkans can meet all the requirements that a country's participation in the EU has and must have. That is why I also understand all those voices here who are seriously developing the view that we must not forget that respect for the rules governing the European project, the principle of good neighbourliness and faithful and strict compliance with international agreements must always be a prerequisite.

Mr President, arguably the change of presidency in the United States of America marked a new, much more positive start in Euro-Atlantic relations. After a period of systematic removal of America from emblematic international organizations and agreements, the election of President Biden gave a new impetus to American foreign policy, as was also shown during his visit to Brussels. However, since the European Parliament's recent report on EU-America relations, two defining events have occurred, which are of concern to the European Union: on the one hand the exodus of US troops from Afghanistan and the takeover of power by the Taliban, on the other hand the sudden US-Australia and UK agreement, which recalled something that we have repeatedly discussed in this Chamber, namely the need for a truly unified and coordinated European foreign policy, as well as the need to develop Europe's autonomous defence extension. As legislators, we must learn from history, otherwise we are condemned to repeat it negatively. And this juncture, ladies and gentlemen, is truly historic, as is our responsibility to move from words to deeds.

Mr President, the effects of climate change are now evident. Natural disasters, which have been increasing more and more in recent years, are irreparably affecting the natural lungs of oxygen, destroying citizens' property and infrastructure and causing incalculable effects on key productive sectors of our economy, such as agriculture and livestock, which are a key core of the economic activity of the countries of the European Union. More specifically, my country Greece has been hit in recent years by unprecedented deadly fires and floods. To understand the magnitude of the ecological disaster, it is enough to mention that, just from last August's fires, more than a million acres of forest land were burned to ashes, hundreds of animals were burned and many people saw their livelihoods lost. I would like, from this step of the European Parliament, to express our sympathy and solidarity with all those affected and to tell them that we stand by them. This phenomenon, as we all understand, is before us and cannot be tackled individually by the governments of the Member States. It is fortunate that the Union is showing its solidarity in practice, but that is not enough. The Greek government attaches great importance to tackling climate change by taking specific initiatives, but what is needed now is a holistic and unified European policy to prevent and immediately address these extreme phenomena that pose a threat to the security and lives of all of us. In this you will find us supporters and we are committed to helping the Commission as much as we can.

Madam President, at this crucial juncture for the future of Europe, the role of the Slovenian Presidency of the Council of the European Union is crucial and I wish you success. It must coordinate the exploitation and disbursement of the Recovery Fund funds to the Member States, but also address the multi-layered challenges facing the European Union in key areas of foreign policy, including the protection of the rule of law and human rights. Particularly in the Western Balkans region, which will be a key priority of the Slovenian Presidency, as the Prime Minister said, the European Union must strengthen its role and influence to prevent forces that deviate from European principles and values from increasing their sphere of influence. The Western Balkans, which have always been characterised by instability and political upheavals, can only have prospects and economic prosperity through their integration into the European framework. Of course, the European Union will also benefit. But a prerequisite must always be respect for the rules governing the European project, the principle of good neighbourliness and faithful and strict compliance with international agreements. It is worth noting that the Slovenian Presidency coincides with the launch of the Conference on the Future of Europe, which is a fundamental process for redefining Europe's relations with European citizens.