Speeches

Mr President! When Russia attacked Ukraine, many thought it would be a short war. It was not a short war. Now the situation has fundamentally changed. Things are going badly for Russia on the battlefield. Russia never had a quick victory. Ukrainian forces are now pushing Russia back. The Russian army has proven ineffective, and the soldiers appear to be poorly motivated. And now Putin has to summon more soldiers, causing Russians to flee to the West in a very large number. Putin must have in every way overestimated himself, underestimated the Ukrainians and ignored the reaction of the West. The sanctions will not go away again. They're here to stay. I support them and I am ready for much more. Before the war broke out, it was as if many leaders in the West neglected to listen to the Baltics and Poles, who have long warned of Russia's and Putin's intentions. We must not repeat that mistake. It is not possible for leaders in the West to be stuck in long and understanding telephone conversations with Putin, because Russia, as a country, has to learn from the consequences of attacking a peaceful neighbour without motive. Our task must be to make Europe less dependent on Russia while keeping the morale and fighting spirit of the Ukrainians up, so that they can hopefully push the Russians out of the occupied territories. Europe, the West must not give way an inch to Putin. Not now! Never!

Madam President! My speech will certainly not be like all the previous speeches. Because I think it's so easy to stand on this lectern and pour water out of your ears as a politician and speak political correctness so that it basks. It's simply all, all too easy. Because what about yourselves? What about ourselves? Would you like to have a Roma camp in your own garden? Would you like to have a Roma camp in the local park? Would you like to have a Roma camp around the corner from where you live? And when you talk about the social inclusion of Roma communities, would you like your children to be involved in including Roma in your own schools, in your own leisure activities, etc.? I simply do not believe it. I can just as well be honest and say that I will not accept travelling groups of Roma who, because of your freedom of movement, are able to travel freely around Europe. It makes people worried, it makes people afraid if suddenly there is a Roma camp around the corner. And I won't accept that.

Madam President! You hardly believe your own ears when you hear the debate here today. The debate on humane treatment, protection and respect for migrants. But tell me, is it not time that we instead had a debate on the protection of and respect for the peoples of Europe? And is it not time for the European Union to begin to take an interest in those Europeans who have to put up with everyday Muslim terror, crime, violence, rape, domination violence, gang crime and social control, all of which are inextricably linked to Islamic immigration and are the direct result of your hollow border policy and your lax immigration policy. I think Europe deserves better. When you put migrants first, we put Europeans first. After all, it is still the case that Europe is the continent of the various Europeans. We have the right to Europe. I will not allow that right to be jeopardized by your politically correct consideration of unwanted migrants from the Middle East and Africa. Your politics are not the politics of hearts. Your policy is cynical and cold towards Europe and Europeans.

Madam President! It must be absolutely clear that our full support and sympathy is with Taiwan. After all, it is a completely unique state. A uniquely democratic society with which, in my opinion, other democracies around the world have a clear obligation to stand firm. Therefore, the Western world should clearly signal unity and solidarity with Taiwan. It is good that senior American politicians are taking the time to visit Taiwan to clearly show the support that is needed. And we should stand by the Americans in Europe when it comes to large parts of foreign policy, when it comes to protecting democracies around the world, when it comes to military commitment to, among other things, protecting unique communities like Taiwan. And then we have to make it clear: There are only two Chinese. There's a mainland China, and then there's Taiwan. And we don't like Communist China. We don't like blackmail. We do not like people who want to buy up our critical infrastructure in order to be able to push our continent to its knees at a later date. We have to choose a different path.

Mr. President! I would like to follow up on one of the first questions raised in this round, which was about African countries. Because, as I understand it, there were countries in Africa that Mr Borrell had not been in contact with or had not been in that clearly teamed up with Russia. I would like to know whether the European Union is making contributions to African countries which may not even want to take back expelled citizens who are actively interfering in a war on the European continent, against our interests, against what the vast majority want. And then I would like to know what the chief of foreign affairs will do to ensure that this behaviour is, of course, curbed. It goes without saying that Europe must pursue its own interests. We should not succumb to despots around the world, whether they are from Africa, the Middle East or Russia. I look forward to an answer, Mr Borrell.

Mr. President! The EU should not interfere with our salaries. This is clear from the Treaty of Lisbon. And what does the Commission do? What does a large majority in the European Parliament do? You're starting to get paid, of course. Now you want to have the European minimum wage implemented, which has the potential to crush the successful Danish model in the labour market. That's stupid. I don't care how you organize in your own countries. You have to do it yourself. I just wish you wouldn't mind how we do things in Denmark. Commissioner Schmit, he has even issued legal and political guarantees to Denmark that our model is protected. But, Commissioner, where on earth does it say that Commissioners can, in the future, expel political and legal guarantees that the activist European Court of Justice must respect and accept until the sun burns down? I don't believe in your promises or your declarations of intent. The EU must not become a giant in our labour market or change the social welfare systems that are inextricably linked to labour market policy.

Madam President! Let me start by saying a few things completely: Putin's war in Ukraine is distasteful and totally unacceptable, and it must have very, very severe consequences for Russia to attack a neighbouring country! But Putin has also shown his true face as the war criminal he is, and I hope that one day he and others responsible will have to be held accountable. Russia's war in Ukraine has fundamentally changed Europe. Unfortunately, the debate we are having today does not reflect the seriousness enough. Today's debate somehow seeks to cast suspicion on some, point the finger at others, but if we are to reflect on the war and on how best to deal with the new reality, then all relations with Russia must be subject to debate. The problem is much broader than the title of the debate suggests. Because it was not the political extremes in Germany that made Europe dependent on Putin's gas. It was not a chancellor from an external wing party who went almost directly from the chancellor's residence to the management hall at Gasprom. And which French government was really very close to selling warships - that is, military hardware - to the same Putin who has now attacked Ukraine? And that's how I could go on. Of course, the outer wings cannot be held accountable for all these things. When this important issue is discussed, I just want to appeal for us to be blind to party colour and awake to real actions and relationships that could harm our countries and our continent.

Mr. President! I hope that many people are following Parliament's work today. I hope that many people have followed the Conference on the Future of Europe. Because if you have done that, you will know that you and this system will interfere in every aspect of the lives of Europeans. The horror of a final document adopted by the Conference – the 49-page Danish translation – leaves nothing to be desired, leaves nothing to be desired, everything is simply something in which the EU must intervene, and that scares me a lot. A strong Europe does not necessarily mean even more Europe. On the contrary. The document will even call for us to flutter the EU flag at sporting events and everything else to show a pan-European identity that does not exist. Which doesn't exist! I am a Dane, this house consists of Poles, Italians, Germans, etc. Let us be proud of the diversity and diversity of Europe. I think you are too much, your system will never get enough, and I will allow myself to vote against.

Mr President! We all know what this is about. It's about you wanting to increase immigration to Europe. Commissioner Johansson has said it in the past, several of you speakers here today have said it: Europe is an ageing continent. Europe therefore needs – you think – to attract millions and millions of people from Africa and the Middle East in the coming years. But let me ask you: Where did your immigration work? Where has immigration from Islamic countries in the Middle East and Africa been successful? Where has it been a profit-making business? Where have African migrants made Europe a better place to be? I am asking because I cannot get to a single place, and yet you are going ahead and want to increase immigration considerably. Let me put it as it is: Europe's problem is not that the EU cannot attract immigration. The problem is that we have had too much already and we have not been able to send them home again. It's a huge problem. What you're doing now is just legalizing mass immigration, and I don't like that. In fact, I don't think Europeans like it very much either. We need to protect Europe. We need to make our continent ready for the enormous pressure that will come on our borders over the coming years, but also over the coming months, as a result of rising food prices and inflation in some very, very unstable countries. We are busy, my friends. Unfortunately, you're doing all the wrong things, and you've been doing it for years.

Mr President! Russia must face the toughest sanctions. We must send weapons to Ukraine. We need to send money. We must send emergency aid and we must welcome the poor people who are forced to flee Ukraine and come to our homes, which are their immediate neighbourhoods. We must speak out against Putin's reign of terror. We must show that Putin's aggression towards a peaceful neighbour is unacceptable, that aggression will be answered with severe consequences for Russia, and that the Kremlin's terror will never be tolerated by the free world. The free world can only be on Ukraine's side. I love Europe as the diverse continent it is. Ukraine is also Europe. The people who are fleeing Ukraine these days, they are Europeans and they are part of our European family. When the Ukrainians meet with enmity and bombs from Putin, they must meet with friendship and help from Europe. Dictators will never be fed, and Putin will never get enough. In these times, it goes beyond Ukraine. In the future, it may affect other European countries. We must put an end to this. We must rise up, and we must stand up for the full right of every sovereign nation to decide its own destiny. We must be prepared to defend ourselves against any tyrant who will challenge us or come with war and terror. We need a significantly strengthened NATO and we need significantly increased defence budgets. I support the resolution negotiated by the majority.

Madam President! After all, several speakers before me have already stressed the seriousness of the situation we are in right now. A situation where there is a risk that it could get worse. I would like to start by expressing my deep sympathy and support for Ukraine. Of course, it should always be the case that a country has the opportunity to choose its own destiny and its own future, no matter what the neighbours around it may like. The same goes for Ukraine, of course. I think the most important thing for Europe's security and defence is our alliance with the Americans and with the British. It is our cooperation under the auspices of NATO that I would very much like to see prioritised, but it is of course a task that lies at home in our own countries to take care of it. But where would Europe have been today if it had not been for the Americans and if it had not been for the British? That alliance is so vitally important, and in this situation, in fact, perhaps more important than ever before. I also have to say that I am surprised that in Germany the idea has been given that energy policy can be separated from other policy areas. That you think you can talk energy on the one hand and that it has no impact on security policy and foreign policy, because of course it has. Things are connected. And in this time, especially now that energy is as expensive as it is, it also has a huge impact on who you intend to become independent of for the next many, many years. The President of the United States has also recently pointed this out to the new German Chancellor. I hope that in Germany there will be a wider debate on Nordstream 2, because it is, in my view, completely impossible to imagine that energy policy can be separated from foreign policy.

Mr President! A nation that can no longer control its own borders is no longer a nation. That's what former U.S. President Ronald Reagan said, and he's absolutely right. It is time for this system to listen to common sense. Close the outer borders with fences and walls. Introduce a European version of the Australian model. Stop migration and protect our nations and our citizens. They are very concerned about migration, and so am I. The last time we had this debate, Commissioner, you had the audacity to say that I and my colleagues released a tsunami of hatred. That's wrong. We released a tsunami of love for our nations and our peoples. The only tsunami that the EU has released at our external borders is chaos and lawlessness. I will give my full support to the nations of Europe that protect us from mass immigration, multiculturalism and chaos.

Mr President! When I come back to Denmark later this week, and people ask me: “Well, Peter, what have you got the time to agree with this week down in Strasbourg or in Brussels?” and I tell people: ‘Well, this week we discussed an internal Commission proposal on whether to say “Merry Christmas” or whether to say “Mr.” or “Mrs.” and everything else – in order to create a more inclusive language. People don't want to believe me! People simply will not believe that this house or system has become so crazy that it attacks completely fundamental realities, indeed normality - 'Mr. and Mrs.', 'Merry Christmas' - that is the reality that most of us, and thank God most Europeans, live in. It is frightening that as a system you can attack it so much. I must also say that there must simply be too much money in the European Commission. I can't believe we have bureaucratic layers of fat that can waste time debating whether we should say 'Merry Christmas', 'Mr.' or 'Mrs.' or 'Man made' or anything else. That's too stupid. We just have to save and cut, because this is ridiculous.

Mr President! It is always an experience to be in this house and listen to the debates. And I have to say, you are so naive! While we have border guards, heroes, in Poland doing what they can to protect our external borders and limit migration to Europe, this Parliament is discussing how to increase migration and how to attract more migrants. And you're not just talking about migrants, you're talking about unskilled workers. We're not talking about doctors and engineers. We are talking about unskilled labour. If this house is so preoccupied with getting more unskilled migrants into work, then you can start by looking out into the ghettos, which are filled with migrants who do nothing that benefits this continent. I have to say, I'm shocked. The Commissioner shocks me the most. Europe is an ageing continent. But... hello! Your immigration is a deficit. "We are all migrants," he said. It's nonsense. And then the Commissioner ends by saying: "Migrants must respect our values". Yes, of course they should. It's a little late to come and say it. Look at Sweden. Look at Belgium. Look at the suburbs of France. This, it's 20 years too late. It's too little and it's too bad. We don't want your immigration. We want secure borders and we do not want any more unskilled migrants who cannot contribute to this continent.

Mr President! First of all, I would like to say a big thank you to Poland. Poland is doing what many other countries in Europe should have done many years ago, namely securing its borders and doing what is necessary, because, of course, we cannot accept that millions of people potentially migrate into the European continent and fundamentally change our countries. Thank you very much to Poland. Thank you Poland for taking care of the rest of us. What is really most unacceptable is that, in this whole discussion about borders, one of the things you could actually use the European Union for is to finance the fence because we need fences. We need walls. We need control because, of course, we need to know who is coming into our countries. I do not understand why there was a Member here who said that we should not have that at all. We couldn't discuss that at all. But just tell me: Do any of you want to stop locking your front door at night? Who doesn't want to keep their own family safe? I don't think so. Why shouldn't our countries have the same level of protection? Why don't we lock the door to our own countries and decide who we want to let in? Walls, fences and controls – this is the way forward. One Member said that only a strong EU can secure our borders – or something like that, and I just have to say that that is not true. We have been a member, my country Denmark has been a member, of the EU for many years, and the EU has never done anything serious to secure our borders. When we joined Schengen, we were promised that the external borders would be protected, and that was the basis for the abolition of our national borders. It turned out not to hold. The external borders have been open for many years. Millions of people have walked in and you are more busy criticizing Poles and others who have national border controls. I thought that was out of place.

Madam President! Around this parliament there are fences, there are controls, there are armed police, and that is good. Because if there are troublemakers or anyone who wants to hurt us trying to get in, then of course they should be stopped. I have never heard any of you complain that there is security in this Parliament. So let me ask: Why should the same security not apply to the whole of Europe and its citizens? Why do you not think that Europe should be better protected by fences, by controls and by armed guards, so that we can stop people from just wading into Europe? Why do fences and controls work when it comes to looking after Parliament and our staff, but not when it comes to looking after Europe and its peoples? I dream of a day when a majority here will protect Europe as well as you would protect the European Parliament, where fences and controls and pushbacks and where law and order trump your double standards and political correctness. Let us protect Europe. Let's build Fortress Europe.

Mr President! I would like to start by expressing my sincere thanks to Charlie Weimers from the ECR Group for the excellent work he has presented to us today and which we are discussing here today. This is an incredibly important matter. Taiwan is a friend. It is a democracy, and there are some with whom we share values on a fundamental level. I recently had the pleasure of visiting Taiwan. It was an incredibly strange experience, on the one hand, to visit such a friendly country – and I would say land that wanted so much good for the world and at the same time was so incredibly threatened by Communist China just across the water. We must never doubt – and they must never doubt – that they are our friends, and they must be at all costs. China's aggressions both against Taiwan, but also against Hong Kong, which is being brought to its full political knees, or Tibet, which has been subjugated many years ago, are totally unacceptable. We have to be very clear about that. It is not just something we have to do in Europe. We have to do this together with some of our best friends, the Americans. We must stand united in Western civilization and defend our friends wherever they may be in the world, whoever threatens them in the world.

Mr President! There is no doubt that Lukashenko is an undemocratic despot. Not only does he oppress his own people, he also poses a latent threat directly to Europe. Lukashenko, he's learned from the worst bullies out there. He learned from Erdogan: he has seen what has worked for him vis-à-vis the EU, vis-à-vis Europe, and that has been putting pressure on the external borders. Mr Erdogan has managed with great skill and success to put this system under enormous pressure because he does not want to take on the responsibility that is absolutely necessary, namely to secure the external borders. And now Lukashenko intends to do exactly the same. This system does not respond. If it reacts, it always reacts too late. The focal point of this situation has been the reaction of Poland, Lithuania and Latvia, among others, who have set out very ambitiously to secure their own border. At any rate, it gives me great respect and joy that some nation states are taking the lead and taking the lead in a situation where the European Union is obviously not aware of its responsibilities. If the EU is to show solidarity, it must be solidarity with Poland, Lithuania and Latvia. Then it must be solidarity, where we make sure that they can control their borders and close the external EU border, so that we can calm this situation. Because we must take the tools from the despots, and we must not accept that people outside Europe's borders control the flows into Europe. That is totally unacceptable. There was a Member of Parliament from Hungary on the rostrum earlier who said that everyone in Brussels was chopping at Hungary when Hungary secured the external border. And I would say to that Member that not everyone in Brussels is picking on Hungary. I think Hungary is a great pioneer in securing the external borders, and I would like to thank the Hungarian colleagues for that.

Mr President! I would like to start by saying that I am very grateful for the great contribution that the United States has made to the world and, in particular, to Europe. Where would Europe have been without the very, very large American contribution during World War I, World War II or the Cold War? We have a lot to thank Americans for. They are our most important and important partners in the world, and beyond that, they are our good friends. We are connected historically, culturally, etc. That is why I also noticed when one of Parliament's colleagues was up here earlier and said that our relationship – i.e. implicitly Europe's relationship – with the United States will not be as important as before. It's a huge shame if it turns out to be true, because we need each other. Europe needs the United States, and the United States needs Europe in the sense that we are the same civilization. We can easily discuss this agreement, everything about plastics and abortion and criminal law and taxes and internet giants and everything else. But that aside, the political content aside, there is one thing that is crucial, and that is which civilization will shape the world in the decades to come. If it's going to be the West, we have to stick together. Or are we willing to pass that lead on to China or anyone else who might have the courage to do so? So we need the United States more than ever before, but I also hope that the Americans, after all, need us.

Mr President! The President of the Commission's speech was, among other things, about an EU strategy for our care sector, a military cooperation that sounds like an EU army, and financing proposals based on own resources - i.e. EU taxes and levies. This was, among other things, what was mentioned in the President of the Commission's speech. I completely understand why the British chose to leave this place, sign out and slam the door thoroughly. What the European Commission apparently wants to give the Member States even more of are migrants that we do not want and have not invited at any time. The President of the Commission said that an EU migration policy is about trust, and that is right. I agree with that, but I have no confidence in the President of the Commission, in the Commission or in the EU system. I want law and order. This place stands for a policy that causes chaos. I want to stop migration, unfortunately the EU will only redistribute it.

Mr President! Surely there are no Members of this Parliament who would object to the fact that the countries of Europe are able to attract the highly skilled workers that we urgently need. They could be doctors, they could be engineers. But you do not have to have listened for very many minutes to Commissioner Johansson to understand what danger is lurking just below the surface. Not many months ago, this Parliament adopted a report on new avenues for legal labour migration, in which Parliament wanted more labour migration from Africa, the Middle East and Asia, and so it was not doctors and engineers, it was unskilled labour. Now we are faced with a total dilution of a directive, so it must now be easier to get family reunification, so that migrants and asylum seekers get more reasons to apply for Europe. Commissioner, I will of course vote against this. Both because I am against the proposal and the relaxations, but also, indeed, because I know what kind of policy you are trying to pull over the heads of the countries of Europe. I am sorry, Commissioner, but we have seen through your failed policy, and the worst thing about it all is that you are trying to repeat the horrors of Sweden. In Denmark, we don't want to be Sweden. We don't want your problems. We don't want your policy.

Madam President! Common foreign policy, the right to asylum for lots of people who may want it, or an outright EU army. This is one of the creative proposals that Members of the European Parliament have put forward in this debate, among other things, as the lesson of 20 years of war in Afghanistan. I have to tell you. That's naïve. I can't believe you really believe in this house that the European Union is capable of solving the world's problems. The EU is not even able to solve its own problems. My conclusion and my message today must be very clear: We must never repeat 2015. Never should we see a situation where a huge stream of people is going straight through Europe, blocking our motorways and making Europeans worried and frightened – and rightly so. This situation must never happen again. We need to get the continent ready. We have to build fences. We have to build walls. We need to secure our borders. We must protect our people. We have to take care of Europe. Let's build Fortress Europe.

Madam President! After all, you are a little surprised when you sit here and follow the debate and what the Commissioner is saying. Among other things, the Commissioner says: Europe is no longer in a migration crisis. So let me ask you, Commissioner: "Which planet are you living on?" After all, you're completely gone. Europe is in a period of migration, and what we are going to put forward here today will not solve our problems. Our widespread problems of mass immigration from the Middle East and from Africa, which are putting a very, very unfortunate mark on the Europe we care about, but which is changing rapidly. It develops into ghettos, social control, domination violence, crime, areas that are completely lawless and out of the Scandinavian and European societies. Of course, that will not work in the future. That is why I am also shocked that there is not even recognition of the existing problems that this continent has. Without acknowledging the problems, there is no way to solve them. This system will never solve this and, frankly, it disappoints me.