Speeches

Mr President, we would like to begin the process of reconstruction of Ukraine as soon as possible. And, of course, it’s very difficult to imagine this while the Russian army is still occupying part of Ukraine. Can we do something now? Yes, we can. Three things come to my mind. First, which is proceeding, we should proceed with a stable and concrete accession path of Ukraine to the EU and broad international reforms, which go along with this programme. Second, we should push on fighting corruption and creating a stable legal environment for private capital. Third, we should promise a drastic reduction of Ukraine’s international debt, which is needed to make any modernisation plan a reality. Let us make all this happen.

Mr President, thank you very much. When the Rana Plaza sewing house collapsed 10 years ago, a huge burden also fell on our European hearts and minds. We have completely forgotten that human tragedies, child slavery or a devastated natural environment can be behind our low price on the shelf, either by giving in to the charm of promotional shopping or by dressing in clothes with the label ‘Made in Bangladesh’. In an ideal world, we could expect customers to be aware of the origin and true cost of the products they buy. Unfortunately, when some corporations, including Polish corporations, improve the conditions of work and production of their products, others agree to the slave labor of the Uyghurs or the devastation of the natural environment. This is why the introduction of the Directive should be supported. due diligence and the report by Lara Wolters, introducing a mandatory due diligence mechanism for companies in the areas of labour rights, human rights and environmental protection. The memory of the victims of Rana Plaza obliges us to do so. I urge all Colleagues from Poland to support the compromise proposal reached in the JURI Committee without amendments.

Madam President, Mr. Commissioner, I'm sorry. The agreement to import Ukrainian grain into the EU market was and is an example of the solidarity we show to the warring people of Ukraine. Through trade, we support our neighbour's war effort. Unfortunately, the indiscretion and lack of appropriate governmental actions have burdened the main costs of Polish agricultural producers. The Polish government knew the possible consequences of opening our market to grain imports from Ukraine, but for many months it did not take any action. Grain from Ukraine was supposed to transit through Poland, and the government did not invest in port warehouses, railway infrastructure or additional wagons for transporting grain. When grain prices fell in the autumn, the Minister of Agriculture suggested keeping grain, and the government did not ask the EU to impose quotas and duties. Illegal import blockades will not solve the problem, which lies simply in the inactivity of the rulers, who are only interested in the problems of farmers in the face of protests. The solutions lie at EU level, both on transit and on the protection of farmers. However, in order to reach for them, it is necessary to work with the Union, and not to continue arguing.

Mr. Commissioner, I'm sorry. Mr. President, I'm sorry. There is an independent European Fiscal Board in Europe. Member States may or may not create such bodies. It seems to me that, as part of the current reform, we should recommend more strongly to the countries that such an independent body be set up. In my country, Poland, it would be very useful. The second point concerns the macroeconomic imbalances procedure: macroeconomic inbalances procedure. It was introduced to discuss, in particular, imbalances in trade balances. But today, the most important imbalance is inflationary imbalance. Perhaps it would be useful, especially for non-euro area countries, to raise this issue more strongly and decisively in the context of the European Semester.

Mr President, Commissioner, David Bowie once said that tomorrow belongs to those who can hear it coming. By working on the digital euro, we prove to act on these words. The digital euro will dramatically change how our financial system functions, but it may also increase our strategic autonomy in payments, strengthen the international role of the euro, and preserve the role of public money as a monetary anchor for the payment system. However, there are many questions to be answered in order to know where we are heading. Number one: what is the added value of such currency and do we really believe that our citizens need it? Number two: how will the Commission and the ECB guarantee privacy for the users of the digital euro without allowing it to be a great treat for money launderers and fraudsters? Number three: do we have the necessary robust and resilient infrastructure to support the widespread adoption of the digital euro? Without it, this project might simply become a beautiful failure.

Mr President, Vice—Presidents, it is obvious that the EU needs a coherent strategy for its relations with China, as recent talks in Beijing are simply another proof of that. Even if we rightly revisit our perception of China and try to defend our policy objectives it may all be for nothing when some leaders think that they have more rights than others in setting the course of our common foreign policy. Regardless of the final list of objectives, it was, is and always will be true that the Union, speaking with one voice in the international area arena, may achieve a lot. Divided it becomes a bystander in world politics. What should we expect of our relations with China? First and foremost, pragmatism based on a couple of simple facts. First, China is not our friend and ally who will play by our book of rules. As it believes that power is more important than business, it will not shy away from using subsidies and coercive actions, for example, to achieve its goals. We have to be ready to respond to that. Second, China demands respect from the world. We should be ready to pay it, provided we make it clear to Beijing that it will not come at a cost to our core values. We will also remain engaged in Asian politics in order to guarantee peace and prosperity for all our partners. We should support the development of our mutual trade, but at the same time create a working roadmap on decreasing our overall reliance on China in various sectors. Finally, Beijing should not assume we will abandon our transatlantic relation with the US. Even if Washington sometimes acts like an irritating relative at the Christmas table, America will always remain a part of our democratic family. What we should in turn communicate to China is that we will not become a balancer in its rivalry with the US. Instead, we should declare and pursue an independent policy agenda which will ultimately only serve European interests and the global rules—based order. Achieving this autonomous position will be a final stress test for the concept of EU open strategic autonomy.

Madam President, well, high inflation requires tightening of monetary policy. Tightening of monetary policy brings about some collateral damage. We were afraid of monetary policy being overly restrictive. We in Europe were and still are afraid of market segmentation. But the thing that we never really feared so much was financial instability. What we got from the US is a free-of-charge alarm bell. It really didn’t touch us, but it made us more aware of the risks and the lessons we can draw from it is: number one, no time to soften regulatory regime, and second, be prepared for higher financing costs for start-ups, for development.

Madam President, to say anything meaningful within 60 seconds looks like a high-tech achievement. But we are discussing this, so let me try. Without a strong, resilient and modern economy, Europe will be losing its significance as a global player. But what’s more important, our standards of living will gradually deteriorate. This is what we all know. We need Europe’s economy to be more competitive. We need to mobilize resources both public and private, to realise our ambitious objectives. However, we should not forget about internal cohesion of the EU, especially that most of it is a common currency area. Without solving or at least alleviating internal European structural problems, we shall always stutter rather than move forward. So the task is double –stimulate global competitiveness and simultaneously strengthen the internal cohesion of our economy. Reform of the macroeconomic management within the EU is as vital as the number of patents that Europeans register.

Mr President, thank you very much. Putin was at war on February 24. Not only Crimean, but also informational. He attacked the Union. He explained that Ukrainians are not a real nation. And his army of internet trolls has discouraged us and our democratic values. Unfortunately, there are people in Europe, sometimes even in this room, who co-created this war. Russia's attack on Ukraine did not bring full sobriety to those idiots useful to the Kremlin. Posing for photos with Putin, Marine Le Pen criticizes the European Union for over-ambitious sanctions. Anti-Ukrainian statements of the Polish politician Grzegorz Braun were used in the propaganda program of Russian television. Often, radicals organize marches, where they have secured prime time in Russian propaganda with slogans supporting Russia. These are just examples. Any idiotic attack on the EU, sanctions or Ukraine should be treated as Putin's support. It is time for the Commission to propose a package of concrete solutions on how to win this online war. Referring to the album of one of Putin's current supporters, Roger Waters from the legendary Pink Floyd band, I do not know whether such as him, the Polish Confederation or Marine Le Pen are on the dark side of the Moon. However, they are certainly inscribed on the darkest pages of European history.

Madam President, I'm sorry. The escalation of Russia's actions, as a response to its successive spectacular defeats, is no surprise to the careful observer of Vladimir Putin's policy. Through fake referendums, panic mobilization or scaring Europe with nuclear attacks, Russia hopes to preserve the remnants of a specific power and at least some of the looted territories of sovereign Ukraine. However, the effect is counterproductive. Even the closest allies are starting to distance themselves from Russia, and the rest of the world considers it a rogue or even terrorist state. As Europeans, we have lived decades in the shadow of the threat of an atomic apocalypse. We will not be thrown back into life in eternal fear. We must continue to support Ukraine in its fight through arms supplies and economic assistance. Further sanctions against the criminal regime are also needed, as well as a final takeover of Russian assets around the world for the reconstruction of Ukraine. Our weapon is unity and cooperation, including transatlantic cooperation. At this point, it is worth noting that despite the paintings from Bucha and Izium and many other places, there are still those among us in Europe who do not see a real enemy in Moscow, but in Brussels or Washington. Finally, we have to go to the Russians, whose everyday life passes today to the rhythm of the famous song You're in the Army Now and increasingly empty shelves in stores. A criminal's dreams can't be served for dinner. There's really no point in dying for a fallen empire. Ukraine, may the power be with you.

Madam President, I'm sorry. Mr. Prime Minister, I'm sorry. Wenceslaus Havel's words about Europe, which we should treat as a task, are still relevant today. This will be a very difficult task for the next six months. While caring for unity and our common values, we must not only fight the Russian threat, we must also focus on rebuilding our economies, building the Union’s strategic autonomy, ensuring financial stability and becoming independent of Russian energy. It will also be your task, dear neighbours, to speed up the discussion on a potential revision of the macro-financial rules. Are such difficult tasks to be accomplished at EU level when Member States also have to deal with their internal problems? We are unfamiliar with the words of the famous singer Ewa Farna, known in Poland and the Czech Republic, ‘We have thousands of our own affairs, but in the eyes of fear’. Czechia's priorities in the Council respond to all these challenges. Know that in this institution you will find friends who will support you in facing them. Europe is a task to be accomplished.

Madam President, I'm sorry. Mr. Commissioner, I'm sorry. National reconstruction programmes, as the name suggests, should be an opportunity for the whole country. Considering that each plan should allocate several dozen percent of resources to the energy and digital transition, it seems that this is the introduction of our cities, villages and communities into a new era, into a new civilization. It seems so. I do not want to disappoint like urban youth, although it will indeed be the most discriminated against in the NRP, but the PiS government's approach to larger centres is unfair. It is hard not to have the impression that making loans available to cities such as Warsaw, Wrocław or my family's Łódź, and almost completely cutting them off from KPO grants, is strictly political. Why is that? There are simply no waves between PiS and the governors of these large cities and their inhabitants. Tax policy is already hitting big cities. I therefore ask the Commission, in connection with the implementation of the Polish RRP, to draw attention to the fact that this money cannot be party-coloured. This is a national, not a writer's, recovery program.

Mr President, President Michel, President von der Leyen, well yesterday we had a discussion on the Polish recovery plan. It was not a very pleasant discussion for you, especially. This time I had the pleasure to express my appreciation of the results of the summit, both for you and for you. This was important, but obviously not the last time we are discussing Ukraine. It’s going to be an evergreen for the next weeks, months or maybe even more. One thing that I would like to concentrate in my one minute is the long—term reconstruction strategy of Ukraine. And I would like to say we need four things, four major things. First, we need a reliable partner on the Ukrainian side, which means we need a democratic, well-governed, non-corrupt, well-managed and led with a strong hand – I’m sorry to say that, this is not against democracy – we need a well-managed Ukraine. On the other side, we need a leader of the international community. And this time it’s obvious, it’s going to be the European Union. America can be a very important factor in military support of Ukraine, but not in the development, in reconstruction. It’s on us. As a matter of fact, there is a thinking of creating a Ukrainian reconstruction platform that would serve coordination of international partners willing to take part in the reconstruction of this country. Third, we need resources, and by resources I mean public and private. But I think that the European Union as a leader, should provide resources, maybe also in a similar way as we have provided it for the post-COVID reconstruction, post-COVID reaction. Maybe we should follow the experience of the RRF of Next Generation EU and set up a fund, a facility to sort of galvanise resources from other sources. And fourth and most important, what we need for the reconstruction of Ukraine is political will. It’s the realisation that a return to business as usual with Russia is not imaginable at the moment. And the last point, we have to care for the victim more than for the aggressor.

Madam President, Vice-President, the Eastern Partnership programme was established to foster democracy, open-market economy and development with a presumption that every nation has a right to independently decide on its own future. Unfortunately, these ideas sound like an abomination to the Putins of this world, who only understand the language of power and spheres of influence. Georgia, Moldova and most evidently Ukraine, have to suffer the consequences of having a thug for a neighbour, and the EU itself should feel threatened by his actions. The common security and defence policy has to gradually transform into an instrument which improves overall regional safety. In order to achieve that, we need to deepen EU-NATO cooperation, support the European defence fund initiative, back PESCO projects and guarantee sufficient funding to the European peace facility. We must not continue outsourcing our security to others.

Madam President, I'm sorry. Everyone sitting here knows that Poland needs money from KPO. I don't think anyone's questioning that. However, not everything is for sale. The rule of law is one such value. I hope that last week's amendments to the Supreme Court Act by the Senate, which were also supported by senators of the ruling party, will have a positive impact on the independence of the Polish judiciary. Soon, however, we will see what the real intentions of the Polish government are in this respect. If the Senate changes are rejected by the Pisowska majority in the Sejm, we will be sure that the Commission and you personally were cruelly mocked. I strongly believe that the money from the NRP will flow to Poland only when the milestones are fulfilled. Otherwise, the Commission will allow a populist campaign against the Union to spread in my country, fuelled by the constant undermining of freedom and the rule of law. We will therefore look at how the Commission will proceed. Please be assured, Madam President, that we too know how to play vabank here in Parliament.

Madam President, I'm sorry. Parliament will probably adopt a report on minimum CIT for large corporations by an overwhelming majority. 26 countries in the EU also agree to the compromise proposed by France. Only Poland vetoes the matter. The authorities in Warsaw are on the side of large international companies from special economic zones or tax havens, and not on the side of smaller Polish companies. They just like to photograph with them. The PiS government shows Poland as a reluctant to compromise, an insulting maiden. What real cooperation and community building looks like, show the ruling Poles, opening their homes to their neighbours from Ukraine. Oh, Mr. Morawiecki! In your official and not media coverage, you mention other countries opposing the provisions of the Directive. Meanwhile, only Poland vetoes it. To quote a well-known band, known to you and to both of us: ‘Where are they, all your friends? They were missing.’ That's it again.

Mr President, thank you very much. Instinctive responses of many governments to the rushing inflation are tax manoeuvres designed to give the impression of reductions. From an economic point of view, however, such actions can have the opposite effect, additionally drive inflation and give significant profits to big players, not ordinary people. Faced with the challenges posed by Russia's aggression against a free Ukraine, it is time for more precise steps. In addition to further sanctions, we need to increase tax pressure on energy raw materials imported from Russia, while helping those most in need. Solidarity, about which we talk so much, must be measured not in words but in the euro. Let's be clear: Germany, the Netherlands and a number of other countries will be able to afford to help their companies in the event of possible losses, but there are few such member countries, and Putin's attack on Ukraine will hurt all members of our community. In Poland, where I come from, assistance to refugees is provided mainly by citizens and local governments. Knowing that the National Recovery Plan for Poland is on hold, it may be worth thinking about directing our assistance where it is most urgently needed, i.e. to local communities and Poles opening their homes to Ukrainian neighbors. Without our support, this help will not be able to last, and galloping expensive will only aggravate the situation of those actually involved. We have been changing solidarity for several months through all cases. In spontaneous breaks, we have proven ourselves perfectly in recent years. It's time to move on to permanent, long-term and thoughtful activities. The future of what we call the European Union – our common home – depends on this. I will refer to my predecessor's speech. The war in Ukraine has presented us with the great challenge of fundamentally reshaping the economic governance of the European Union. Next Generation EU should be a permanent element. We should think about redesigning the Stability and Growth Pact to combine flexibility with financial discipline.

Madam President, I'm sorry. Russia's invasion of Ukraine has meant that even the greatest skeptics will no longer deny that Vladimir Putin is an enemy of democracy and freedom and a war criminal. Until recently, however, he had a wide range of supporters among politicians of the European right. Ms. Le Pen or Mr. Salvini defended the Kremlin's reasons on every occasion and implemented the political plan set out in Moscow, the aim of which is to break up the project of European integration. At this point, I would like to appreciate what I heard from the Italian MEP Dreosto from ID. I also cannot ignore what Mr Czarnecki said about the slight but very painful and visible manifestations of the proputinist behaviour of the extreme left. Propaganda through the Russian media, money to fund right-wing political parties or influence electoral processes through a wave of fake news are Russian methods of distorting our democracy, which the Kremlin has committed in recent years. Today, all the masks are gone. There is no longer room for Putin's friends in our democratic family. Either we are in favour of democracy, independent media, free courts and elections, or we are an anti-democratic fifth column that breaks the unity and security of the European Union and works in the interests of Russia. When Ukrainian civilians are mass-murdered on the streets of Bucha and other cities, the helper of the criminal is the one who hides or distorts the image of this tragedy or finds explanations for Russia's actions. When only solidarity at the European level defends us against Russian aggression, a useful fool is the one who weakens the European Union by not respecting EU law, blocking important community initiatives or organizing meetings of the Proutinist international. We need to take all necessary steps at the legal and political level to limit Russia’s influence on European political parties and our democratic processes. And all leaders of European countries must understand that there is no third way between EU democracy and Russian tyranny.

Madam President, I'm sorry. The time for political correctness is long over, but some in Europe and, as we hear, even in this room have not noticed it yet. When Ukrainian mothers write contact details for their children's loved ones to take care of them after the possible death of their parents, I hear a discussion about the Copenhagen criteria in the context of Ukraine. When Russian troops rape Ukrainian women and girls, some have the audacity to mention the unprofitability of moving away from Russian fossil fuels. When the Russians plunder Ukrainian houses and shops, trying to get even frying pans out of the country, there are those in Europe for whom European prosperity and, of course, on the Russian market are still more important. When the Russians try to murder the European people, there is one leader of the country in Europe, for whom the real enemy is the President of Ukraine. The longer this war lasts, the more clearly you can see those who try to keep the so-called symmetry or even understand Russia. Let us stand firm for those who fight for us and our values, for the future of our children, so that our sons do not have to die! This is not their war, this is OUR war, in which they must fight. Perhaps, in this context, it is worth quoting former Russian President Medvedev, who says that Eurasia extends from Vladivostok to Lisbon. These are their dreams. Let's be clear: we must say no to the Russian fuel leash and the oligarchs’ assets must be confiscated for the reconstruction of Ukraine. The sanctions are supposed to hurt ordinary Russians, and criminals should be hunted down and punished. Ukraine, on the other hand, should be granted candidate status as soon as possible so that this brave nation can feel at home in Europe. I expect, Josep, that this is the message you will give Zelensky in Kiev. No more talking. We need to act now!

Madam President, our expectations before the start of the EU-China Summit were high. We believed we could influence China into helping us to end the war in Ukraine, resolve our current trade dispute and jointly address major environmental and health challenges. We hope that safeguarding our enormous economic relations will be more important than the so-called ‘limitless friendship with Russia’, as they call it. We now stand corrected that much more has to be done to turn the tide in our relations. We wished to see China as a partner, but still remain with a potential rival. However, we should understand the Chinese leaders’ pleas for a more independent EU policy, even if what they have in mind is a policy independent of our transatlantic partners. In fact, the development of a more autonomous and geopolitically—mindful EU external policy is exactly what Europe needs today. We should note that Chinese actions and inactions push us toward more assertive and strategically—driven EU policies. In the long run, we need a world where China is our partner and a stability factor. It is high time for the Chinese leadership to appreciate the benefits of such an approach.

Madam President, tomorrow, the EU Ministers of Finance can agree on the minimum effective tax rates of 15% for big multinationals. The deal also introduces another tax payment rule to fix tax havens. We are all agreed upon a basis amongst 137 countries. Then the Commission proposed a reasonable directive. Many thought that on this, in the EU, we will stand strong together and nothing is going to stop us now from approving and implementing this ground—breaking rule. But now some countries, including my own, are hesitant to agree to the French Presidency proposal. I call upon the EU Member States to have an agreement on this document tomorrow. With Putin’s war around the corner, as well as difficulties for our economies caused by the conflict and the pandemics, we need unity as well as fair taxation for a sustainable recovery. This directive gives us that.

Mr President, the discussion on the assistance programme to the Republic of Moldova is very timely. Over 500 000 refugees have entered the country, which does not list as affluent in any development ranking. This did not stop the people of Moldova in providing help and shelter to the victims of war. In the same vein, the European Union should provide macro-financial assistance to the country. Grants and loans should be disbursed in accordance with the accepted International Monetary Fund (IMF) programme. This, of course, is only one of the many assistance programmes the EU will, is and should be providing to safeguard the stability of Moldova and help to tackle the current energy crisis, post-pandemic economic recovery and the negative effects of the unfolding security crisis. We should not forget our commitments, which stem from the Association Agreement and the DCFTA, and be mindful of Moldova’s efforts to modernise the economy and their European aspirations. Moldova needs our friendship and help more than ever. The EU has to be its true friend in need.

Mr President, Commissioner, for long have we heard that the Swiss banking sector has changed, that the banking sectors giving a possibility for criminals to launder money is a lazy and outdated stereotype. The Swiss Leaks have shown that the government was telling us lies, or at least not the whole truth. Nothing – or not much – has changed. The due diligence made by Credit Suisse was virtually non-existent, enabling criminals, people covered by EU sanctions or linked to dictators to use their services. Well I hope I’m wrong, but maybe Switzerland will be included one day in our blacklist of countries having strategic deficiencies in their regime on anti-money-laundering legislation. Now, with the EU putting sanctions on Russian oligarchs with such weak due diligence, how do we know that they do not live their life to the fullest with the money on their Swiss accounts? Let us not fool ourselves that everything has changed. Switzerland, unfortunately, is not helping us enough in our fight against tax fraud and money laundering.

Madam President, I'm sorry. For a month now, Ukrainians have been heroically defending their country, but also democratic Europe and the world against Russia's brutal attack. As the fight for life continues there, the Commonwealth weakens Kremlin criminals with sanctions. I would not like to practice sorcery here, but on the one hand we block SWIFT, on the other, hundreds of Russian trucks drive our roads every day. On the one hand, we ban the export of expensive handbags, on the other hand, we pay billions for Russian raw materials. We freeze the assets of oligarchs or, as in Poland, we only talk about it loudly, but in tax havens their money is doing well. The sanctions imposed must first and foremost be effective. We cannot treat them as a reassurance to our consciences. We can no longer pretend it's fun around here. It is time for more transparency and consistency in our actions. It's time to put Russia on the blacklist of countries that launder money. It is time for decisive steps and a clear plan to move quickly away from Russian fossil fuels. Referring to the words of President Zelensky, we do not need a peaceful conscience of the West, we need action.

Mr President, it is difficult to talk about taxation as if nothing was happening, when Russian bombs are falling on hospitals. We are talking, however, about a recovery strategy. Mostly the COVID crisis, but also the consequences of the Russian attack on Ukraine, will cause economic turbulence for the EU. Therefore, taxation policy will play a crucial role also in the aftermath of the current crisis so that our companies and citizens can feel safe, and for the EU priorities to be implemented. This report serves as a guide for the Commission on what we, Parliament, believe should be done on tax policy until the end of the current mandate. First, VAT. Tackling the VAT gap and fraud should be an urgent priority, as the VAT gap is estimated to have been around EUR 140 billion in 2018, and it will rise due to the COVID crisis, not to mention the further hit to the economy that the Russian war in Ukraine might trigger. Nevertheless, for our SMEs to be able to tackle the crisis and thrive in these difficult times, we need a more understandable VAT system that is not a burden for their cross-border operations. E-Invoicing and the enhancement of the One-Stop Shop are the suggestions we make to help tackle this issue. Second, we need to be sure that both pillars of the OECD agreement are accepted by the Member States. There is no pick-and-choose on this topic. At the same time, we should be sure that our international partners walk the talk and fulfil their promises on the deal. Moreover, taxes should be fair and transparent. Going further, having BEFIT to define a common tax base is a must. Last but not least, we urge the commission to dare to use Article 116 of the Treaty, as tax policies in the union for too long have been hostage to the usual suspects. This document is not a text that can be ignored by the Commission. We are acting under Article 225 of the Treaty and we want the Commission to take steps. The times are changing, but our striving towards a recovery strategy that serves our people cannot stop, especially now. We are waiting for the proposals we listed in this text, Commissioner.