Speeches

Madam President, names matter. Just today, we had the ceremony of reading names of many victims of those who were persecuted, who were tortured, who were expelled by the Soviet regime from the Baltic states, from Eastern Europe. Names matter, and that’s why when I’m asked why we’re mentioning these two names, I know why. Because by mentioning them, we do not just remember that they exist. We give them a sign of hope. We give them a sign of solidarity. And that’s why I’m mentioning these two names: Tihran Ohannisian and Mykyta Khanhanov. Two kids, who are treated not just like kids, not even like humans, they are mistreated by a regime that occupied their motherland and who does not give them even a right of being treated like humans. And this is just one more crime in this endless chain of crimes committed by the Russian and pro-Russian forces on the Ukrainian territory. And we promise you, Tihran, and we promise you, Mykyta, we will do everything to stand on the side of your country, and to try our best to help you and many millions like you to win this war.

Mr Colleague, one question: Do you think it's okay to fall in the back of your own rapporteur - both rapporteurs? And secondly: Do you know the cases where in Russia, with the help of facial recognition in the middle of the streets, people were practically dragged out of the metros, out of the streets and arrested just because they were traveling in public space with their faces, were recognized and subsequently held accountable for political reasons in a repressive state? And isn't that a lopsided level we're headed to here? Because these were also laws – criminal laws, criminal law – which were applied there, as you would like to do here.

Mr President! Many thanks to the rapporteurs. Thank you for your honesty, reliability and trust in the cooperation. We have created a good compromise, and we must respect it and - I say this to the EPP colleagues - respect it and not counter it. Honesty, reliability and trust are also the three cornerstones of this Regulation. AI in Europe needs consumer confidence. Entrepreneurs need reliability. They need reliable guidelines to ensure sustainability and innovative growth. But as Europe's legislators, we must show courage and honesty and say: Where fundamental rights are at risk, where discrimination begins, where environmental damage threatens, we draw the line. That's why we put a stop to techniques that claim they can tell whether Manfred Weber is happy or angry, that pretend to determine the sexual orientation of everyone sitting here by their facial expressions or behavior. And yes, we don't want mass surveillance with AI. We are not the Chinese People's Congress, we are not the Russian Duma - we are the European Parliament, and we operate in an area of freedom and democracy. Most applications, which is important to say, are not affected by this scheme. That's a good thing too! Between technology pessimism and technology optimism, we choose the right balance: technology realism. The balance in this package is correct. We have walked this path together, and we continue along this path into the future together.

Madam President, I thank the President for the visit. This union is a union of equals, but yours – yours is a special case. For decades, your country has been in the epicenter of so many challenges; some imposed from outside, others self-inflicted: fossil explorations, golden visas, implementation of sanctions against Russia and holding against foreign threats. This made you the epicenter of history, and this history made you what you are: an island of geopolitical pitfalls and geopolitical aspirations. As Chair of the Delegation of the European Union to EU—Turkey Joint Parliamentary Committee, I salute your humanitarian efforts in the wake of the terrible earthquake in Turkey. I strongly believe that the Cyprus conflict can be overcome and I commend your personal dedication to breaking the deadlock with the help of your allies. Our solidarity to the Republic of Cyprus is – and will remain – unbroken, and this must be made clear to all the regional powers. Dear President, let us work together for a sustainable, peaceful and progressive Cyprus.

Mr President! While in Russia yesterday the national holiday, Russia Day, was celebrated extensively, Russia in Ukraine continued the shelling of volunteer rescuers in small boats who wanted to rescue people from the flooded area, people who wanted nothing more than to help others. In a small village alone, there were three dead and ten injured rescuers. The Russian propaganda machine is trying to trap us in the vicious circle of mutual accusations. Some things are very, very clear: Without Russian control, this catastrophe would not exist. Without the Russian invasion, there would not have been this criminal control. Without the criminal intentions, these dead in the water and the dead among the rescuers would not exist. Russia bears responsibility under international law - for everything that happens in the occupied territories, for everything that does not happen in the occupied territories. Russia bears responsibility for all crimes against man and nature. We need to support the Ukrainian government. We need to double and triple military aid. And we must give hope to these people in the occupation - hope that they will soon become Europeans.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, I wonder, frankly, whether we are talking about the same law or the same text here, because I cannot agree with Mr Körner at all. A review: When the Commission adopted the e-evidence package in 2018, this package, it had just launched the rule of law procedure against Poland. And now, just as we see countries, governments, one by one, demolish and domesticate their justice systems, just as we see that in some countries the behaviour that is self-evident in other democracies is being criminalised, just as we see journalists, politicians and priests coming under pressure – at this time we give these governments and their investigators the right to access data from these people unfiltered, unrestricted. No, ladies and gentlemen, this is not progress, this is a step backwards. And that's what you have to call it. Because the result that I am seeing right now is even worse than what this Parliament has adopted. We were critical when we read this. This data access is a freedom attack. The timing is wrong, the procedure is wrong, the balancing is wrong. The Greens will not agree with this decision.

Mr President, colleagues, I would like to make sure that we are all on the same page regarding what the past one and a half years were all about. It was about defending Ukraine, but it was also about defending the aspirations of citizens, of Europeans, aspirations for freedom, pluralism and democracy. Polish society has made an enormous contribution to this fight to our defending Ukraine and democracies. I thank all the Polish citizens and all the colleagues here from Poland, from all the parties with whom we have been tirelessly working on this. We have defended and we are defending Ukrainian freedom. Now it’s time to defend democracy in Poland. Yes, we owe it to all the Polish forces, to all the Polish citizens, because this year’s election will be a landmark in our European history. That’s why the Commission is urged to do everything possible to remain decisive on the line regarding rule of law abuses in Poland, to think about an urgent procedure right now against the commission. We should stop legalisation of electoral fraud, abusing the current security situation. Our continent deserves it. Poland deserves it.

Mr President! 16-year-old Ihor from Kherson wanted to go on holiday for the first time in his life, and that is why his mother accepted the offer of the Russian occupiers and sent him to Anapa. But when Kherson was freed, the boy was stuck, as were thousands of other children in the camp. After weeks, the mother could only see him after he was told he would be adopted. When I hear what a matter of course the Commissioner for the Rights of the Child of the Russian Federation talks about the adoption and russification, de facto or real, of Ukrainian children, it shows how important the arrest warrant of the International Criminal Court is. It's not just a sign, it's an instrument. This is an instrument against impunity, but also against the absolute lack of awareness of injustice in the Russian Federation – awareness of injustice regarding the abduction and forced adoption of Ukrainian children, which remains a crime. And according to Article 2 of the Genocide Convention, this may also be part of a genocide against the Ukrainian people. You have to say that. The Russian authorities and Russian citizens must also hear this. Because this attack, the perverse attack on Ukraine, continues. First of all, these actions have given us the language. But the longer it lasts, the more we blunt as well. And that mustn't happen. This arrest warrant is a reminder of all of us. Crimes remain crimes, criminals remain criminals, no one can go unpunished. That is why this Parliament will always support the investigation of criminal offences and the prosecution of the guilty. Inhumanity and crime should not be normalized.

Madam President, Commissioner, colleagues, we all agree that more transparency and international cooperation is needed from legal and also practical perspective. Let’s not lose sight of a different view. International adoptions are complicated and expensive. They take a long time and the outcome is uncertain. So, for parents-to-be this is a nerve-wracking exercise and this is also not in the children’s best interest. There is, of course, the Convention on Protection of Children and Cooperation in Respect of Intercountry Adoption from 1993, but many countries in and outside the EU have paused or banned international adoptions due to scandals, abuses and corruptions. This is the point that we want to make. We call on the EU, together with the Hague Conference on Private International Law, to take the lead and reinforce and modernise the legal framework on international adoptions and do it not just on paper. Build a strong global network with expertise and capacity to facilitate international adoptions, always keeping the rights of the children and the best interest of the child as the binding guideline. This is our wish.

Madam President, when it comes to criminal organisations, criminals have one goal in mind: profit. The same is true for corrupt oligarchs from Russia or elsewhere hiding their wealth in the EU. So the most effective response is, to put it simply, to take away their stuff. And this is precisely what we will do. The Commission introduced the directive on assets confiscations and we are working together now to make this proposal fit for reality, fit for times when a war at our doorsteps is being supported and financed by money that was never clean. We will enable Member States to confiscate property linked to serious organised crimes and we cannot show any mercy in this. Handing over the criminal assets to a family member is the oldest trick in the book and I am determined to close this loophole and it must be possible to confiscate unexplained wealth – also unexplained wealth connected to corrupt state structures, also outside of the EU and yes, to use it to compensate victims, also states that were damaged by this money and its wars. Crime is not just about injustice, it is also about profits. Let us work together to take away this motivation from criminals.

Madam President, The focus of the Council meeting was, as it has been for months, the crisis, the war, Russia's inhuman attack on Ukraine. We witnessed demonstrations in Germany a few weeks ago, we also witnessed this here in this hall: People who demonstrate, partly negligently, partly intentionally, empathy towards Ukraine and willingness to show sympathy for Putin. Many of these people, including here in the hall, accuse us of wanting to boycott peace efforts. I recommend that they read the Council's conclusions. It explicitly states that we as the EU support peace efforts, that we support Zelenskyy's peace plan. It even says that we are ready for a peace summit. What they don't like is something else. It is clear to all of us that we want to achieve peace not at the expense of the victim of the attack, but for the victims of the attack. That's what's important to us. The will to support Ukraine in this House remains unbroken. In addition to peace efforts, there is no question of supporting efforts and willingness to support us. That is the most important thing at this summit.

Madam President, Commissioner, dear friends here in the Chamber! There is no data economy without data protection. For us, it must be clear that nothing about the Internet of Things and nothing about this specific regulation changes or reduces the already existing standards of the GDPR. The personal data remain personal data and the rules for dealing with them remain in place. The fundamental right to the protection of personal data requires high standards and sets high standards, and we, as the LIBE Committee, have successfully and resolutely defended them here. Our fundamental right to data protection is not only defensive, but also empowers our citizens so that we can access our own data and do what we, citizens, want with it. With the data law, we are even going a bit further than with the data protection regulation, by also giving a right of access to the data directly on the Internet of Things devices that we use. This is not an obstacle to regulation. This is the basis for innovation and economic growth because it promotes consumer confidence. This is about something. The value of the data economy is immense. The Commission has also explained this. What is important to me is that this is not just about promoting the economy and innovation, this is about the EU's ability to position itself as a global player and standard-setter in the global market for technologies. This is a geostrategic imperative. This is also the confidence of the citizens.

Madam President, What else is there to say on this subject? The inhuman face of the Putin system is reflected in the persecution of Alexei Navalny. I remember this man when he was still free. Big, always smiling, a passionate jogger who knew how to make jokes and enchant people, even in the hospital room in the Charité, where I visited him after his coma. Now I see the people on the screens of the Russian judicial authorities: a thin man with eye rings and fallen cheeks, held in a cage. And I say to myself: I recognize you, Alexei, because I recognize your spirit of life, your desire for freedom, your love for your wife and your family. And I recognize your devotion to your people, who have just gotten morally absolutely lost and cracked, your belief that it is worth fighting for their freedom and their soul. This Parliament, this continent, thinks of you, Alexei, as well as others: Ilya Yashin, Vladimir Kara-Mursa, Alexei Gorinov. We demand the self-evident for you: Freedom, a doctor, visiting the family, talking to lawyers. We demand because we know that this black period, this war of aggression against the proud people of Ukraine will soon be over. And then what? Then strike your hour, dear friends, in the Russian camps – the hour of freedom, the hour of justice.

Madam President, Dear friends, dear friends, dear political partners, citizens in Turkey and northern Syria! Dear party friend from Europe, who revealed to me yesterday that she has lost four relatives in Turkey. Dear best friend in Berlin, who confided to me yesterday how much she misses her two cousins, who only survived because they took a smoking break. And she will always miss the other 14 family members who were not smokers and therefore did not survive. Dear brothers and sisters in Idlib, Hatay, Afrin, Diyarbakır, Adıyaman, Gölbaşı! Dear brothers and sisters in Kassel and Cologne, in Barcelona and in Stockholm, who weep for their brothers and sisters. We stand with you, we cry with you. But we also have to act. It is good that the Commission and Member States are sending money and equipment to Turkey and Syria. But – I just spoke to some people from Turkey and Syria; They all demand one thing: Make sure that this help really reaches those in need! Ensures that those in need can also enter the EU for treatment – not at some point; immediately, as soon as possible, without bureaucratic hurdles! And finally distribute European money among organizations that are not recognized by Assad's regime! In particular, I'm talking about White Helmets. Let's not let Assad choose who survives and who doesn't! Let us stay straight in this hour of humanity!

Madam President, Who would have thought that a year ago? This European Union has shown that we are fit for the challenges of the historic moment. Who would have thought that? Now we need to make our EU fit for the important challenge of enlargement and Ukraine – Ukrainian society and economy – fit for the Union. This will be a long way, and our Ukrainian friends know this, but we are going this way together. And this is our logic of peace, this is our logic of peace. We do not always agree with the Commission, but this time – this Commission trip to Kiev is on behalf of all citizens of the Union. It wants to show our logic of peace and our will for peace, because it supports the country that has been attacked, humiliated, looted, but has bravely confronted this aggression, because this country wants one thing: peace. And we stand by that.

Madam President, Crimes don't start with ultrasonic missiles on apartment blocks in Dnipro that bury 40 people alive. Crimes do not start with bombs on a maternity hospital in Volnyansk that kill a two-day-old infant. Crimes do not start with the dead in Butsha, not with torture cellars in Kherson, not with filtration camps in Donbass. Crimes started with the Russian troops attacking Ukraine – only in 2014, then in 2022. Dnipro, Butsha, the small – two-day-old – killed Serhij: All of these victims are the result of the criminal decision to commit aggression. We are speechless in the face of images from Ukraine. International law seems to have lost its language. We may be speechless, but inactive – we do not remain inactive. And just as we have been calling for months for the protection of Ukrainians with our weapons, we are now calling for the creation of a completely different weapon: The Weapon of Justice, the Weapon of a Special Tribunal. It won't be an easy way. But as German Foreign Minister Baerbock said: We need a clear message to the Russian leadership that a war of aggression in this world will not go unpunished. There's nothing to add to that. Now the confessions must be followed by deeds. We owe it to the people of Ukraine. The many relatives, the orphans and the parents who weep for their children, in Dnipro, in Butsha, in Volnyansk.

Mr President, I wonder if anyone from Bulgarian authorities ever looked into the child’s eyes – into child Sara’s eyes or into eyes of other children who are affected like the one we’ve heard the story today as well, who is risking to end up as orphan because one parent is terminally ill and the other parent is not even recognised as a parent across the EU just because they are of same sex. Have you ever looked into children’s eyes? If you did, you would see children stripped of their rights, of their origin, of their childhood, of their families; parents discriminated beyond imaginable because they’re stripped of the most natural – of the ability and right to raise their children. It’s not just LGBTIQ community rights, it’s children’s rights and it’s parents’ rights. The European Court of Justice said this on multiple occasions, and I urge the Commission to start acting now and to be ambitious in the law that it will propose to the Parliament. We in the Legal Affairs Committee are waiting for this law and we will be ambitious ourselves.

Madam President, it’s a nice try to distract the debate here. Of course, we have 50%, more than 50%, of women as part of our population. And I think after the thousands of years of discrimination against this part of our population, our main goal now is to create legislation that will put the numbers right here. And this is what we are discussing. And don’t accuse me of being unbalanced here. I work tirelessly, just as many colleagues here, to improve the proportion of minorities of all different kinds in the leadership positions. For that, we will have different, other approaches, some of them legislative, others not. I think there is a variety of ways and instruments to improve diversity on our boards. And now we are talking about gender and diversity. And by saying that, I mean the representation of women on the board. This is a great, great legislation and we all support this. The majority of this House supports this. The majority of the European population supports this. And, please, stop instrumentalising this issue in order to be populist as so often.

Madam President, numbers do matter. One in ten, less than one in ten board presidents and CEOs are women. Numbers do matter. Ten, ten years this Council has been blocking this project. Ten more years when young female employees, young and old, did not know what are their chances to get into leadership positions. Ten more years when schoolgirls and young women did not know what are their chances to be leaders of companies. Well, now it’s going to get better. For us three elements are especially important. Number one, we want a guarantee, the guarantee that women are treated fairly throughout the whole selection procedure, the whole selection procedure including preparation of vacancy notices, pre-selection phase, the shortlisting phase; and this holistic approach is in this legislation. Number two, access to justice. The shift of the burden of proof is essential. It is up to the companies to prove that they do not discriminate. And this is an important step in this legislation, and our conservative and right wing colleagues: do not manipulate. It is not about putting gender over expertise because only equally, equally qualified candidates will be preferred if they are women. So it is about qualification. Numbers do matter. Thirty-three per cent – only 33% of non-executive and executive directors combined are the target in this legislation and that means that this number should be improved and it will be improved by us when we will evaluate this legislation very soon. There is a bigger target to aim, and this is our goal as the Parliament in the future. (The speaker agreed to respond to a blue-card speech)

Madam President, dear friends, dear colleagues, dear Commissioner, we are talking about Belarus today and many things have been already said, but I wanted to emphasise one thing: this is the new three—fold structure of the Belarusian regime. The unholy trinity of Belarus as we see it now. First of all, Belarus is a dictatorship, and we know the names, some of them were mentioned here today. Second, Belarus is an aggressor power. It is a war power, and it is a responsible power in this war, the brutal war that we are experiencing. Number three, Belarus is also no more an independent subject of international law, Belarus is an occupied territory, and this we have to recognise. From that, we follow three things. We should double and quadruple our support for the Belarusian opposition, civil society and the officially recognised and elected President and her team. This was already mentioned here. Number two, we should make it very clear that a special seat will be reserved for Lukashenko in the tribunal against Russian crimes. This is something that we have to do now. We have to design the tribunals so that Belarus is also covered by them. Number three, we should cut our ties with Lukashenko, because not only he is a criminal against his own citizens, he is also not an independent state anymore.

Mr President, the future of Russia is no longer at home. The future of Russia is sitting in the cold corridors of our migration agencies, in our towns and villages where Russian dissidents try to escape. The future has different faces, different genders, different origins and professions, but they are all united by their unwillingness to live in a murderous state. I know prominent journalists and renowned writers, many of whom were trying to help. I know politicians who grabbed their children, small kids, and drove away before the police raided their homes, searching for them in order to imprison them for criticism of the war. Two women raising a child went crazy, fearing that this child will be taken away from them just because they are anti-Putin. We tried to help, but we have to do more in order to help those who always opposed this war and opposed Putin. This Parliament has already called for introduction of a European—wide humanitarian visa programme. This is what we have to do. It is not only our moral duty; it is in our interest to save Russia, with which we will have to deal in the future.

Madam President, We have sent out long enough flowery expressions of solidarity for Ukrainians. The hasty pseudo-referenda in the occupied Ukrainian territories and the mobilization of the Russian population, which Putin never wanted, show: Putin does not understand the flowery language of speeches, but the determined language of deeds. Not words, financial aid, not regrets, tribunals, not the unconventional statements of mourning to the Ukrainian people, but the conventional weapons that Ukrainians need. So I'm not going to make any big speeches here. The others have already done so. Perhaps a few points from the resolution we have adopted. Firstly, and most importantly: The incorporation of the occupied territories may change something for North Korea, but it does not change anything for us, for the international community. The Occupied Territories remain the Occupied Territories, the War of Liberation remains a War of Liberation, and Ukraine remains within the borders as it is entitled to, that is, including the Eastern borders in the territories of Zaporizhzhia, Donetsk, Luhansk, Kherson and the southern tip of Crimea. This is the reality, and it remains so! Secondly, the personal sanctions, which must be extended. I appeal to the Member States and the Commission: Put the office holders from the Duma to regional parliaments and the district parliaments of Russia on the list. All who belong to the Duma parties are those who carry the war, those who support the war and Putin. They have to be on the list. Thirdly: The security of our infrastructure is not a game. It can't be that we monitor up to 100% of our data traveling around the world through a few ships. It cannot be that we pass this on to the companies as corporate responsibility. We are in the midst of an attack on us that is taking place. And here we have to be prepared. And finally: Our steadfastness for the coming months will determine the outcome of this confrontation. Yes, we are in a confrontation. We did not allow ourselves to be divided by aggression, nor should we allow ourselves to be divided by economic problems. This means: Some Member States have already advanced with economic subsidies. We need a Europeanization of these efforts. We need a common and green-oriented solution that would be European. Yes, the individual states can lead the way, but we must, we must complement it at European level. Only then will we win this confrontation.

Madam President, I will start with a quote on keeping silent against evil and keeping silent about evil. ‘We are implanting it and it will rise up a thousand fold in the future.’ This is a quote by Solzhenitsyn – a famous quote that also guides us in this debate. We want and we accept the moral duty to address the injustices happening in Tajikistan, in the autonomous region of Gorno-Badakhshan, where those who dare to speak out are branded as terrorists by the authorities, where human rights and freedoms are under unprecedented attack. Human rights defenders risk political prosecution, torture or even death. That’s why we appeal to the European Commission to do everything possible to show and to signal that we do not accept ethnic cleansing under the pretext of fighting terrorism and do not accept closing our eyes on human rights violations against minorities, unlimited mass surveillance and information blockades. This is our duty. We are watching and we are speaking out.

Madam President, here is the latest war news: in the middle of aggression and genocide, a leader of the extreme right in Italy has been meeting with the Russian ambassador four or five times in recent times. What for? To discuss what? This is not the first time that the extreme right is cooperating and doing business with Russia. The name is Konstantin Malofeev. He is a Russian billionaire who has been investing in both the criminals of Donbas, but also in consolidating right—wing networks in the European Union. But to be fair, this is not just a right—wing problem. We have left—wing politicians who have been apologising about Putin’s behaviour, and it doesn’t bring much to forbid foreign influence and foreign financing if Hungarian banks are now financing the right wing in France. How are we going to deal with that? So we have to start de—Putinising ourselves and our parties and it should be an aim and a task for the extreme parties just as much as for the mainstream. Let’s question ourselves. Let’s do it better.

Madam President, Mr Vice-President. We are grateful to the Polish citizens for their support of the Ukrainian refugees. These are lived solidarity and European values. But European values are not just a culture of welcome. What does our gratitude bring to the people of Poland when they have to fear that judges who are intimidated will judge them? That's a simple question. Should Polish citizens be less afraid of judicial arbitrariness? If we are honest, my question remains unanswered. The money, the money is promised. Now we can be outraged by this and wade with demands for resignation. But I'll try something fundamental: Where's your strategy? We see a patchwork of half-hearted measures. We see a competition between institutions. We see big announcements and small steps. That has to change. The Commission must sit down with this Parliament and draw up a common strategy. Independently of this, we need two things: a lawsuit against Poland over the partisan National Council of the Judiciary and, if reconstruction funds are already flowing, then the way remains through the conditionality mechanism. The Commission must launch this against Poland. That's the only way we can get on. This is the only way to save our democracy.