Speeches

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen. While Putin loses militarily, he hopes for a victory with the change of seasons. He relies on cold temperatures, on falling temperatures and thus also on falling solidarity in the EU. Even if we have no influence on temperatures, we have an influence on cohesion in the EU. With Russia's energy blackmail, millions no longer know how to pay their bills. Small and medium-sized enterprises have to lay off their employees, but energy companies make billions in profits. In the course of this huge challenge, it is imperative to levy a temporary special tax on deadweight effects in order to support these most vulnerable groups with these revenues. But basically, we need to make ourselves completely independent of energy from autocratic states. Only this self-emancipation will ensure the necessary protection against autocrats and their attempts at extortion. This winter will put us all to the test in terms of solidarity and social cohesion. But I am confident that we will pass this test together here in the EU.

Mr President, Commissioner, colleagues, before Russia used tanks, Russian propaganda took aim at Ukraine and the EU. They unleashed their trolls, paid bloggers and corrupt politicians. They infiltrated European governments. They bought up radio frequencies and other critical infrastructure. All this while we stood idly by. It is high time to grow a spine and stand up to the Russian aggression, not only on the battlefield but also in the information field. Putin will use all our weaknesses if we allow him to. The upcoming winter will not be easy. We need and we must introduce a sanctions regime for disinformation. This should be a warning to anyone who dares to interfere in our democracies. Lastly, the EU delegation should become the stronghold of fighting the anti—EU propaganda abroad, particularly in the Balkans and the South Caucasus. The Delegation needs to be bolstered with facts and effective strategies. They should be more vocal in defending the truth and refuting the shameless lies that Russia spreads every day.

Mr President, Commissioner, colleagues, Putin is neither a master strategist nor a geopolitical genius. He is a terrorist who is only capable of bombing children and blackmailing us with doomsday. In these efforts, useful idiots are his main asset, these useful idiots, and they are plenty – from politicians to tech entrepreneurs, should not be allowed to define the narrative. The chaotic mobilisation of troops and threatening the world with nuclear weapons only prove one thing: Putin is desperate. Desperate because he is losing the war that he vowed to win in three days. Desperate because his sanctions are biting and his propaganda cannot outweigh the empty Russian riches for long. Desperate because he hears the voices of mutiny in the Kremlin corridors getting louder and louder. Putin is Russia’s greatest enemy and his end is in sight. Until then, we will continue standing firmly with Ukraine. Arm them with heavy weapons. Support the EU initiative for tanks so that its brave people finally win this war.

Madam President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, seven months ago, shortly before Russia launched its unprovoked war against Ukraine, I stood here predicting exactly the demise of Russian imperialism. I warned President Putin of the lethal mistake that every warmonger dictator makes sooner or later – the imperial overstretch. Back then, it was already clear that the brave Ukrainians would not surrender to Putin’s murderous regime. Fast forward to today, Russian troops who killed thousands in Bucha, Irpin, Mariupol are now running away. The Ukrainian bravery unmasked the true face of Putin’s Russia: a wannabe superpower and at the same time a dying empire, pretending to be the world’s second military. Putin’s attack on Ukraine was not only cruel, it was also extremely stupid. Soon, the Russian imperialism will be buried forever under the Ukrainian sunflowers. But before that happens, the dying empire caught in the corner is dangerous as ever. Because they cannot win over the battlefield, Putin now tries to steal Ukraine’s future. Several million Ukrainians have been forcibly deported, often to the far east of Russia. Deported Ukrainians are put in so-called filtration camps reminiscent of Gulag camps. Among the deported Ukrainians, there are up to 600 000 children. One cannot imagine the pure evil it takes to abduct children from their countries, separate them from their parents, label them as orphans, forcefully put them up for adoption, and try to erase their Ukrainian identity. This is nothing short of genocide. No matter how brutal the enemy is, the light will always prevail. The wisdom of Taras Shevchenko, so well preserved under the Russian propaganda banner, once again guides us: ‘Keep fighting, you are sure to win. God helps you in your fight. For fame and freedom march with you and the right is always on your side’. Slava Ukraini!

Madam President, dear colleagues, I would like to thank you mainly for your very positive feedback on this report, but also for your continued support for possible to advance on its reform and EU integration path. Kosovo has made a significant progress in recent years in many areas, maturing as a democracy and as an international partner. The success of the Kurti Government will be measured in delivering on key issues. Judiciary, rule of law, energy transition, but also on education and health. And that is my main message for the Kosovo Government: you have a stable majority and still a fresh mandate - use this! Kosovo’s international priority remains the Brussels-led dialogue with Serbia. The deals on energy in the north of Kosovo and on missing persons are important as they will contribute to the further normalisation of the situation and mutual trust between Albanians and Serbs. EU Special Envoy Miroslav Lajčák has our full support and we wish to end this process soon, since there is a unique transatlantic alignment on this. My second message is for Kosovo’s international partners. The last EU summit created excuse me, a major disappointment for Kosovo, but also the whole Western Balkan region. I honestly hoped that when delivering this speech I would be congratulating Kosovo’s citizens on visa liberalisation. Yet not a single delivery was made to any of the countries of the region. Dear French and Dutch colleagues, citizens of Mexico, Nicaragua and Qatar can travel freely to Europe, but still Kosovo’s can’t. I deeply regret that as it sparks Euroscepticism and undermines our credibility in the eyes of our partners in Kosovo. We do need to do our homework here. I invite you all to convince your national governments to finally deliver what Kosovo deserved a long time ago. Free movement for its citizens.

Madam President, Commissioner, dear friends of Kosovo, let me thank all colleagues who contributed so actively to this report. This year’s Kosovo report comes at a special moment, the one when we see again the horrors of war in Europe. As Kosovo has also recently experienced war, its government demonstrates full solidarity with Ukraine, for which I want to thank them. This year’s report only scratches the surface of the challenges and issues that are ahead for the Kosovo Government. Yet it also clearly underlines the long path Kosovo has made in the reforms and its euro integration. Kosovo keeps proving its democratic capacities by organising free, fair and transparent elections. It is indeed a great example for all Western Balkan states of how to promote and nurture democratic standards, political dialogue and freedom of expression. The media landscape is diverse and represents the real control mechanism for the ruling parties. However, we need to do more to ensure that journalists remain independent and are protected from the party-affiliated tycoons. Significant results have been achieved in the areas of the fight against corruption and organised crime. The rule of law reforms need to be continued in line with the Venice Commission opinion and EU standards and for the benefit of all Kosovo’s citizens. These reforms, including the judiciary and anti-corruption agency reinforcement, are crucial for the European reform agenda and Kosovo’s advancement on the EU accession path. Yet the rule of law means equality for all. Therefore, I call on the Government of Kosovo to implement the Constitutional Court judgment regarding the Visoki Dečani Monastery and demonstrate that it does not have a selective approach when it comes to the application of rule of law. An essential element on Kosovo’s EU integration path is certainly the dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia, which conditions the EU membership of both countries. Let me emphasise once again that without a comprehensive, legally binding agreement on the normalisation of relations between Kosovo and Serbia, accession to the Union will not occur. Finding a way to accommodate it within Kosovo’s constitutional framework will lead one big step closer to the end of the dialogue and finalisation of this lengthy process with the mutual recognition. Furthermore, environmental protection must become a priority for Kosovo. One of the main big steps on that pathway is the energy transition. It is high time to finally adopt and start implementing the long-awaited energy strategy, which will pave the way for decarbonisation of Kosovo’s energy mix and open the door for more renewables. We need to think in the longer perspective and realise that the cold not only kills citizens but will also kill the economy once the carbon adjustment mechanism enters into force. The citizens of Kosovo are well aware they have a strong ally in the European Parliament and me personally, as I have repeatedly reiterated the need for immediate granting of visa liberalisation, which is long overdue despite the fact that Kosovo has met all the criteria. I wish to see the harvest of our joint efforts in the future, since Kosovo’s citizens deserve to live in a country that enjoys full international respect and a clear European integration perspective.

Mr President, despite all efforts of the European Parliament, Serbia is not much more democratic than it was after the 2020 election boycott. It is a country that still lacks genuine democratic plurality, media freedoms and political culture, which will prepare it for the EU. Yet I do not want to go into details of the report, but instead I would like to remind President Vučić about the utmost need to align with Europe on our common stance. I truly believe that the Russian invasion of Ukraine is a watershed moment in modern Europe. The EU expects from the new government full alignment in terms of foreign policy and introduction of sanctions against Russia. We must use this momentum to break Serbian ties with the Kremlin and help the country turn clearly towards the EU. There are indeed forces in Serbia that represent progressive critical voices, either in politics or in civil society, academia and media circles. Our task is to make sure that they are heard, protected and have international support.

Mr President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, we are all witnessing a once-in-a-lifetime general shift in Europe’s history. Ukraine is spilling blood, defending both Europe and itself from the imperial evil of Putin. Moldova accepted thousands of refugees and is now resisting the huge economic pressure caused by the war. Georgia was the first one in the region to be punished by Russia for its legitimate wish to become European. The future of this continent is to be reshaped, either according to our values or to Putin’s rules. Therefore, it is high time that the EU starts speaking in the language of power and demonstrates its firmness and geopolitical credibility. We also have long-standing commitments towards the Western Balkan states. Europe won’t be complete unless we deliver the concrete steps now regarding the promise of their European integration. I call on all European leaders to take political responsibility and shape the Europe of tomorrow, where the Western Balkans, as well as Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia, have a place.

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen! The hopes in the country were high after Georgia was the model for many states in the post-Soviet space for years. The fight against corruption, social modernisation or even police reform – all of this made the country stand out. The possibility of transforming a politicised judiciary sector into functioning rule of law institutions should be at the heart of the government from 2012. We from the EU invested a lot in these hopes of rule of law reform, including a lot of money. In the end, we have to agree that the opposite has been achieved. Instead of putting himself at the forefront of the reform movement, not much of all the pro-Western assertions of the government had remained. Trade opportunities under the EU trade agreement remained untapped. A decline in the corruption index, but above all in the freedom of the press. Instead of protecting journalists, they are being attacked. The case of Nika Gwaramia may be a particularly blatant one in terms of violating the rule of law, but it is certainly no exception. Having to watch these developments as a great friend of the country hurts a lot.

Madam President, dear Commissioner, dear colleagues, originally, the Eastern Partnership was created to extend a helping hand to our European neighbours in the East, to share with them European markets, values and prosperity, to shape the Europe of tomorrow together. Fourteen years later, we see that economic prosperity and democratic cooperation are fragile if they are not grounded on the fundamental concept of security. While the Russian invasion of Ukraine brings only economic uncertainty to Western Europe, in the Eastern Partnership, it causes fear for its own survival. If Ukraine falls, who will be next? This is the question frequently asked by our eastern neighbours. Russia continues to occupy Moldova and Georgia; it has captured Belarus; it makes sure that Armenia and Azerbaijan remain enemies. Putin’s Russia is the main destabilising factor in the region and beyond. Europe will be only peaceful when every country on this continent can enjoy peace. This is why European security should be designed with the Eastern Partnership in mind.

Mr President, dear colleagues, dear rapporteurs, on 24 February, when Putin launched the war of aggression against Ukraine, the world changed, and Europe changed with it. This brutal invasion reminds us of some obvious facts. The peace we have enjoyed in the EU for almost 80 years should not be taken for granted. This, for European history, unprecedented peace was fought hard. It was earned by brave soldiers fighting the German Nazis. Now the Ukrainians are fighting another fascist regime to make sure that people in Europe live in peace. To succeed, they need a strong, reliable and resilient Europe. The EU is more than just an economic giant. We need to learn to stand up for ourselves instead of depending mainly on our trans—Atlantic partners. We should unite the efforts of every Member State to guarantee our common security, the security of our closest partners and uphold the international rules—based order.

Madam President, when we condemn Putin for his cruelty in Ukraine, we should never forget that he is not acting alone. The missiles on Lviv, Kyiv and Vinnytsia were fired from Belarus. Russian troops entered Bucha and Irpin from Belarus, from Gomel. When the Russians started to retreat from Kyiv, they used places in Belarus to send the looted goods. Russians did all this because the Belarusian dictator, Aleksander Lukashenko, allowed them to do so. Before he became an accomplice to atrocities in Ukraine, Lukashenko spent 27 years torturing his own people. In 2020 we saw the awakening of the free Belarusian spirit. Hundreds of thousands marched in the streets with flowers and white and red flags. They were brutally crushed by Lukashenko’s militias. Just because we do not hear the voices of victims does not mean that the violence has stopped. On the contrary, the number of political prisoners in Belarus has reached more than 1 200. Among them are the trade union leaders and many other innocent representatives who were arrested last April. Their crime was the resistance of the violent regime and their demand for fundamental freedoms. As the sanctions are starting to become effective, and the income of Lukashenko’s regime is drying up, the fall of the regime is inevitable. Our decisive actions now should speed up this fall. Lukashenko belongs in the International Criminal Court, right next to Mr Putin.

Mr President, Moldova is truly European. It has a European government that, in a short time, managed to make significant democratic improvements. It has generous people who have received thousands of Ukrainian fleeing the war. Despite being a progressive country, Moldova also faces many challenges. The Russian invasion of Ukraine and illegal military presence in Transnistria threaten Moldova. Poverty, corruption and energy dependency make Moldova vulnerable. Even more so, the hybrid operation and disinformation coming from Moscow weaken Moldova’s political stability. However, today is a historic moment to write a better future for the country. For this, the Moldovan Government needs to navigate through very difficult waters, and the EU will be there to show the way. We already helped to ramp up the pressure from Gazprom, to accommodate thousands of Ukrainians and to support Moldova’s territorial integrity. There is much more that the EU can – and should – do. Most importantly, we need to make sure that the financial help actually arrives in Moldova, speaking not only to President Sandu this morning; they reminded us how much we can help through our financial support. So why hasn’t Moldova received the funds we promised? Moldova needs to continue pro—democratic reforms, combat corruption and uphold fundamental freedoms, and make sure that democratic development creates a foundation for economic progress so that Moldovans use their talents and skills to generate prosperity in their country. I strongly believe in the European future of Moldova, and for that to happen, we need to secure its European presence now.

Madam President, What we have just heard about the extreme right in this Parliament not only leaves me speechless, but also stunned. It embarrasses me. We have today adopted a resolution on the impact of war violence on women in Ukraine. And it's about working together to find solutions to the suffering that especially women are experiencing in Ukraine at the moment. And then we act as if we don't care about the others, the fighters. Many women are also on the front line, fighting together as soldiers. But women are exposed to a special suffering, a brutality of the Russian soldiers. Rasa told me: The KadyrowzyThe Chechen Special Forces are focused on war crimes. And yes, it is important to point this out. As for Poland: Yes, Poland is taking in an insane number of refugees, and we would like them to accept European aid. But they have to make a request for it, and the request has not yet been made. Why? I don't know. I very much wish that we would work together better and that the Polish government also recognises that Europe is doing a lot, together with the Poles, with all the other countries that are taking in a lot of refugees at the moment.

Mr President, ‘Ukraine and Crimea, Belarus and Moldova, that is my country’. These rhymes were chanted on the eighth anniversary of the Crimean annexation in Moscow this year, a month ago. Putin himself addressed this rally in Russia’s biggest stadium packed with war supporters. As the invasion of Ukraine teaches us, the Kremlin’s signals should never be ignored. During the ongoing invasion of Ukraine, the Kremlin is already aiming at Moldova as its next target. A land bridge to occupied Transnistria is a tempting consolation prize for Putin to claim some victory and appease his supporters. This is one more reason for the EU to remain vigilant and stand with Moldova’s pro-European Government, and this Government of Moldova is European to the very core, for the first time in many years. In just over a year, Moldova has demonstrated strong commitment to its European future. The quality of democracy and press freedom has improved significantly, while human rights are better protected. Moldova now becomes the leader of the Eastern Partnership. Yet many achievements need to be urgently addressed. The so-called Russian peacekeepers still occupy parts of Moldova. The ‘false flag’ operation in this region drastically increased the risk of the war spillover. Meanwhile, Moldova, with its 1.5 million population, is demonstrating unique solidarity by sheltering over 450 000 Ukrainians since the start of the invasion. This puts huge pressure on the infrastructure of this generous country. Increased energy consumption and limited housing options are challenges that Moldova can solve only with the assistance of the EU. We cannot abandon Moldova at this decisive moment. As the people of Moldova have proved, the EU is Moldova’s clear choice. Application for candidacy is the first step. Through its dedication and the merit—based process, Moldova will become a full member of the European family.

Madam President, Commissioner, colleagues, this discharge was conducted under special circumstances. Not only had we had the pandemic, but also, of course, the war in Ukraine. Despite these circumstances, year after year, the exercise on the Commission discharge is more of a dialogue of the deaf rather than a constructive exchange, with a view to improve the oversight on legality and effectiveness of EU taxpayers’ money. The error rate is still above the 2% target. Outstanding budgetary commitments continue to rise to a new record of more than EUR 300 billion. Yet not everything is in the numbers and percentages. Key issues for us are transparency and the rule of law. We all have the right to know the list of the biggest beneficiaries for EU funds now. The Commission needs to set up a system that will allow us and the EU citizens to see the complete list. Who gets how much and how often? It is the only way how we can fight conflicts of interest, land grabbing, misuse of agri- and cohesion funds. The core of the EU is the rule of law, and it is the Commissioner’s primary task to protect the rule of law, standards and norms. The Commission was reluctant for way too long to use all its tools, but we cannot compromise on the very foundation of the EU. The first step against Hungary must not become the fig leaf for inaction excuses, but a booster that will strongly demonstrate our willingness and determination to make sure that there is no money if there are no EU standards.

Mr President, before Russian bombs fell on Kyiv, Odesa and Mariupol, there were Russian cyber-attacks on Ukraine’s infrastructure. Microsoft alone documented over 200 such attacks. In 2015, the Russian military intelligence hacker group, Sandworm, shut down critical infrastructure and triggered a power cut for thousands of Ukrainians. The Kremlin tried to repeat that trick two weeks ago but, thanks to the US, the attack could be prevented. In times of hybrid warfare, the EU faces a new threat. We cannot always rely on the help of our allies or on the incompetence of our adversary. As we phase out Russian oil and gas, Putin will only intensify cyber-attacks on our energy sector. The continent, Europe, of prosperity and highly educated people has all the resources needed to bolster European defence against cyber-attacks. However, we also need more political will and leadership. It is time to grow cyber-capabilities at home and not to outsource the development of hardware and software abroad.

Madam President, over 300 massacred Ukrainians lay in a mass grave in Bucha. Their murderers, Russian soldiers did a sloppy job covering them with earth. Limbs of victims still stick out from the soil. Other bodies, with hands tied and a bullet in the forehead are scattered all around the destructed cities. In another town – Irpin – Russians shot down two girls and ran over their bodies with tanks repeatedly. Near Kyiv, Russian soldiers killed a man and then raped his wife while their son sobbed next door. These indescribable acts of violence are not isolated events, but part of the systemic war crimes committed by Putin’s regime. Cluster bombs and destructed maternity hospitals were not the worst compared to the horrors committed by Russian soldiers near Kyiv. And this is only the tip of the iceberg. I’m horrified by what else we will uncover as the troops continue to retreat. The deliberate killings of civilians are no accident. It has an ideological basis deeply ingrained in Russian society and propagated by Putin himself. For the Russian President and his supporters, Ukrainians as a nation should not be allowed to exist. For them, Ukrainians who disagree with that are Nazis and needs to be eliminated. This, coupled with the brutality of Russian soldiers that endure the dedovshchina and other abuses in the army is a deadly recipe for genocide. Ukrainians have only one choice, either to stand up for themselves or die as a nation. We too have a choice. We either betray Ukraine by watching frozen in fear, or we do everything possible to save this brave nation and also bolster our security. The correct choice should be obvious to everyone. As Putin is preparing a strike from the East, Ukrainians urgently need all kinds of defensive weapons. Anyone delaying the delivery unintentionally becomes an accomplice of the war crimes. Economic sanctions must escalate. We need to embargo Russian oil, coal, nuclear and also Russian gas. Every cent going to Putin’s bloody regime is a cent too much. We cannot bring back thousands of brutally murdered civilians in Bucha, Irpin or Mariupol, but if we act immediately and decisively, we can save millions from the same horrific fate.

Madam President, Russian bombs in Ukraine are falling not only on kindergartens and maternity wards, but also on silos and tractors. In today’s global world, a grain field burnt down by Russia in Sumy spells hunger in Yemen. Ukraine is a major exporter of wheat and other crops. The poorest states in Africa are facing a looming famine because one man in the Kremlin wants to destroy a nation. Millions of displaced Ukrainians, among them farmers, who cannot cultivate their land, are also on the verge of a humanitarian calamity. While Russian bombs kill thousands, Russian-caused famine endangers hundreds of millions. China and India contribute to skyrocketing grain prices through excessive hoarding. There’s enough reason to be alarmed. All international donors and organisations, every responsible party, has to act to prevent the catastrophe. The EU has a responsibility to decrease meat production, reduce livestock numbers and to scrap mandatory admixture of biofuel. In this way, the EU could at least mitigate a famine and a humanitarian disaster.

Madam President, the Caucasus, and particularly Nagorno-Karabakh, is the crossroad of civilisations. For millennia, different cultures, nations and religions have been creating masterpieces here. These masterpieces belong not only to the people of the Caucasus, but also to the world. It is our common obligation to preserve them. What took millennia to build in times of peace can be destroyed in a moment by the war. After the second Karabakh war, thousands of Armenian monuments came under Azerbaijani control. Very recently, Aliyev’s government erased Armenian churches, crushed stone tombstones in another Azerbaijan region, Nakhchivan. This provides a dramatic peek into the potential future of Armenian artefacts in Nagorno-Karabakh. We cannot allow the cultural devastation of Nakhchivan to repeat in Nagorno-Karabakh too. Attempts to revise history should be condemned, be it the so-called Albanisation or removing the conical dome from the Armenian Holy Saviour Cathedral in Shusha. Equally unacceptable is the destruction of Azeri cultural heritage sites left behind by 600 000 IDPs. After the first four, many Azeri religious sites were destroyed and neglected. Cultural heritage is erased not by bulldozers, but by people full of hate. If the two Caucasian nations focus more on what unites them instead of what divides them, they will discover that their cultures are much more similar than they imagined.

Madam President, dear Prime Minister, High Representative, the world that was is no more. It changed irreversibly when Putin’s troops crossed the Ukrainian border and started killing civilians. Putin did exactly what some of us have been warning you about for years. Yet I don’t feel pleasure for saying I told you so. It’s no time for pointing fingers, it’s time to stand up for Ukraine and bolster our security. Putin’s bloody war has shaken us to the core. Now we need to protect our democracy and our Union by all means. Many things we considered unthinkable happened. Nord Stream 2 is stopped. Russia is partly cut off from SWIFT. The EU Member States’ defence budgets have increased significantly. This means that we can act and adapt in the face of danger. Regardless of how the Russian invasion ends, Putin has already lost this war. He turned his country into a pariah state and destroyed its economy. Modern Russia is not the military superpower as claimed by Putin. Its imperial ambitions will be forever buried under the Ukrainian rasputitsa. It is not a war only against Ukraine. This is Putin’s war against the civilised world. Ukraine, on the front line, is defending us and every democracy. We cannot let Ukraine fall. We need to support our fellow Europeans with all resources they require in their defence war.

Mr President, first of all, I would like to thank the rapporteur for her very cooperative approach during the course of writing this report. Putin’s Russia is at war with Ukraine and, with that, Putin is challenging the entire democratic world. The current war is fought not only with guns, but also with disinformation. Eighteen months ago, we decided to combat disinformation. Today, Russia’s actions are the reason for this report’s existence. Democracy should never be taken for granted and needs to be built, practised and defended. Those who wish to harm us compromise our democracy by interfering in our elections, co—opting our officials, and spreading disinformation. Actors such as Russia and China choose these methods only because they do not fear to be held accountable, because these methods have high profits and still very low cost. A firm and resolved response is overdue. We need to establish a comprehensive sanctions regime that will deter any foreign interference. For the sanctions to work properly, we need to close the loopholes and take the following actions. Firstly, coordination among the Member States is paramount: united we stand, divided we fall. We need to strive for unity in the EU, and this requires strengthening our crucial institution. EEAS StratCom must become more independent and a much stronger voice in the EU. Disinformation is best fought by information. We have to provide Russian and Chinese courses, and not the Confucius Institute or any kind of Russky Mir. Independent, fact—based journalism is the cornerstone of democracy, and we need to protect our critical infrastructure. Digital platforms need to put the credibility of content before profit. The world where disinformation is not countered is dangerous and scary. A very sad example is Putin’s Russia, where propaganda has reached dystopian levels, and where Putin tries to intimidate its population into believing that a democratic Ukraine, led by a President with Jewish roots, is run by a genocidal Nazi regime. Critical thinking is the best remedy against foreign interference on the continent of enlightenment. Critical thinking is already part of our EU’s DNA. This needs to be further strengthened, all this while safeguarding our fundamental values of freedom of expression, assembly and education. I hope we stay on the right side of history.

Mr President, ‘war is so unjust and ugly that all who wage it must try to stifle the voice of conscience within themselves.’ These words belong to one of the greatest pacifists, Leo Tolstoy, who ironically also happens to be the person who President Putin claims to have influenced him most. Evidently, the Russian President has stifled his voice of conscience and brought our continent to the brink of war. How else could he summon 135 000 soldiers to the Ukrainian border? Ukraine is a great country of great people. Today it is stronger than ever. It stands up for itself and will only be stronger tomorrow. This is the reason for the Kremlin’s warmongering. Putin knows if he does not take over Ukraine now, he won’t be able to do so in the future. What the Russian president sees as a window of opportunity could be a lethal trap for his country. Ukraine will be for Russia what Afghanistan was for the Soviet Union – an imperial overstretch and a painful end to Putin’s empire. War is not only unjust and ugly, but also senseless, as there are no winners. It brings only destruction and suffering to people on both sides. If Putin starts the war, ordinary Russians will have to suffer the consequences – Russian mothers crying over their fallen sons, pensioners feeling the chilling effects of Western sanctions. Ukrainians are strong because they fight for their country. They do not stand alone, because they have reliable friends and, above all, because they have the truth on their side.

Mr President, with Russian troops on the Ukrainian border and the European continent on the brink of a large-scale war, we are reminded once again that peace should not be taken for granted. Peace should be aspired to and built. A stronger, more united EU is the best way to establish peace in Europe, its neighbourhood and in many other regions worldwide. Such an ambitious goal requires ambitious transformation. The EU needs to stop being only a timid economic giant and instead start acting more confidently on the global stage. To the militarisation by Russia and the weaponisation of narratives by China and Russia, we need to combat with a coherent European voice and action guided by our fundamental values and interest. We need to use all sources of our power, be it economic and normative. And we need to strengthen resilience and security of this Union and its allies in eastern Europe, in the Balkans and elsewhere.

Mr President, congratulations also from my side. The people of Kazakhstan have long enough tolerated hardships and injustice. Their patience reached its limit and they have started protesting peacefully. Increased gas prices are not the root cause of discontent, but a symptom of a larger social injustice. It is a common practice in an autocratic state that growing dissatisfaction is abused by a few. Small violent groups hijacked the peaceful protest and, in an orchestrated manner, started looting, setting on fire and storming the official buildings. While defending institutions is an obligation of any government, it does not justify the disproportionate use of force. Peaceful protesters were stripped of their rights of expression. The term ‘terrorist’ was randomly used. Over 10 000 people were detained and President Tokayev gave orders to shoot without warning. Shutting down the internet and further restricting media freedom left the Kazakhs uninformed and alarmed. Moreover, in an unprecedented move, President Tokayev invited Russian troops to restore order. This sets a dangerous precedent in the 30 years of sovereign statehood that was preserved carefully by balancing the powerful neighbours and its own ethnic groups. The invited Shanghai Cooperation Organisation groups were led by the same Russian general who also participated in annexing Crimea and other occupations. Those foreign forces have now mostly left. However, not only Tokayev, but the whole country have to foot the bill for Putin’s services. What will be on the bill? Recognition of Crimea? Control of Kazakhstan’s uranium mines? A new military base? Time will tell. Meanwhile, the EU was again shamefully absent from this crisis. Instead of shuttle diplomacy and presence on the ground, we limited ourselves with expression – again, traditional concerns. We need to be and can be more active. We should support Kazakhstan if its sovereignty comes under attack. But equally important is to stand with the journalists, civil society and activists that defend the democracy.