Speeches

In a time of brutal war on the European continent, Europe provides a safe haven for millions of Ukrainian refugees from Russian destruction and shells and once again shows our common humanity. At the same time, we are witnessing a drastic and perfidious increase in illegal border crossings of almost 300,000 this year, especially on the so-called Western Balkans route. Reception centres across Europe are crowded, and the external borders are again under pressure from verse migration and thousands and thousands of unknown people trying to cross our European borders illegally under cover of night, without official identification documents and outside border crossing points. Serbia also contributes to this by rewarding countries that do not recognise Kosovo through unscrupulous visa abuse, thus increasing pressure. We urgently need a common, systematic European solution starting with effective strict protection of the external borders and decisive instrumentalisation of migrants in geopolitical games that must not exist. All this also shows that we need an even stronger Schengen, not to undermine it in these delicate geopolitical moments. Clearly, with Croatia involved, which has proven that it can effectively protect the European border and thus provide additional security to all Member States and all European citizens.

When I presented the results of the negotiations for this year's budget last year, it was impossible to predict how dramatically different the situation on the European continent would be, how much Russia's aggression against Ukraine would turn a new chapter and present a new test, not only for our Union but for the whole of European civilization. One of the key aspects that we can act on in such a situation is the budget. This is why we need a strong European budget, which is the main tool for our response to Europe's growing priorities. We have a clear, human, moral duty to help Ukraine and help the Ukrainian people fight for their freedom. We also need to strengthen our energy independence through the green transition process, but we also need to provide sufficient funding for our entrepreneurs, researchers and students in a smart way. All this is summarized in over 186 billion euros of this budget and that is why I congratulate the rapporteurs who led the negotiations.

Dear Chairman, for us Croatian Members here in the European Parliament, this is probably the most important decision in this mandate. Three decades of hard-won independence, on the threshold of the 10th anniversary of our membership of the European Union. By joining Schengen, but also by introducing the euro as the official currency in Croatia, we round up Croatia's return to Europe and in some way become a member of the most elite civilization club. As one of only fifteen countries that are simultaneously a member of the European Union, NATO, the Eurozone and Schengen. In times of war on the European continent, this, together with equality, freedom of movement and a major development opportunity, brings us additional security. And as a nation, we can be proud of that. Croatia has proven that it can protect its borders, European borders, in accordance with the highest European standards. That is why it is important that this report leaves no open questions as to whether Croatia is ready. It is now up to the Council to finalise this decision. I thank Paul, I thank all my colleagues who were involved, I thank the Commission for everything that has been done here in Brussels, but also, in particular, the Croatian police and the Croatian Government, which is the most responsible for this success.

Dear Chairman, Europe has made a clear, human and civilizational commitment at the beginning of the war and is helping the Ukrainian people fight for freedom. The use of energy as an instrument of war against Europe, as a means of political and economic blackmail, invites us to respond even more uniquely and intelligently. The Council conclusions are certainly going in the right direction, but the uncertainty ahead of the coming winter, and even more so ahead of the coming year, has not yet disappeared. We need political, military and financial support, because this is ultimately the ultimate civilisation test for all of Europe. We will need even more solidarity, more unity and unity in support of the Ukrainian people, but we will also need wisdom to avoid the worst consequences for both the European economy and European citizens. However, what is essential is that we understand that the outcome of the war has, and will have, an impact on the whole of Europe and will have an impact on all European citizens. For this reason, Western civilization is now struggling not only with words, but also with deeds.

Dear Chairman, I would like to speak here today, first of all, about Bosnia and Herzegovina. To welcome the European Commission's proposal to grant candidate status to a country that has passed perhaps the bloodiest and most difficult path to its independence, to the preservation of its existence and is now in a specific, specific situation: on the way to stability, on the way to democratisation of the country, but also on the way to the European Union. I would like to tell my colleagues that everyone who cares, truly cares about Bosnia and Herzegovina, must understand that attempts to subjugate Croats to second-class citizens simply cannot pay off, that they cannot succeed, and not only are they, as they are, deeply and morally wrong. Every constituent people should have the right to legitimate representation and, only with respect for all three constituent peoples with full equality, we can think and argue that Bosnia and Herzegovina has a European future and that is why I am glad that the European Commission has recognized this, recommending also work on amendments to the Electoral Law as a precondition for any further progress.

Dear President, Commissioner, colleague and colleague, several hundred thousand people go missing in Europe every year, and in as many as half of all cases they are children. It is clear, fortunately, that a good part of them is found very quickly, but it is also, unfortunately, clear that a good part of them also disappears for a longer period of time. As a parent, as a husband, I can hardly imagine all the agony we can and must sympathize with the missing persons, the missing children, but also their families. Unfortunately, while we are facing a large number of missing persons, there is still a lack of a common European framework at European level. The circumstances of such disappearances are particularly troubling when it comes to disappearance as a consequence of a crime, as a consequence of organized crime, such as trafficking in human beings, as their blackest form. Exploitation of victims, whether it is sexual or labour exploitation, unfortunately happens as we discuss it here. This form of horrific human rights violations is not only a hallmark of some other distant countries, but is unfortunately also present here in Europe. That is why I welcome the initiatives so far. We need to urgently establish a common framework for missing children and all persons and I look forward to deepening cooperation between Member States, but also to an even stronger engagement of the European Union.

Dear Chairman, the whirlwind of the war in Ukraine has triggered the largest movement of displaced persons in Europe since the Second World War. At a time of deep uncertainty for the entire continent, we are also witnessing a dramatic increase in irregular crossings on the so-called Balkan route with over 100,000 illegal migrants this year alone. The situation is bad, and it threatens to become extremely malignant, largely due to Serbia's actions. By unscrupulously abusing the visa regime, Serbia rewards countries that do not recognise Kosovo, allowing migrants from countries that did not have them before, such as Burundi, India or Cuba, to now appear at Europe's borders at night. The creation of migratory pressure on the state and European borders once again raises the fundamental question, the question of Serbia's civilizational orientation. In this crisis that exposes it, it seems at least European. If this continues, the highest price of this dishonest and anti-European policy will, unfortunately, be paid by the citizens of Serbia. In Europe, there can be no point-to-point viewing of any form of state role in artificially creating migratory pressure, especially when it comes to a regime that still finds its model in Russia and privileged political and energy relations with Moscow.

Madam President, I think that it's completely clear that for the past two years, Europe has really been deciding on its priorities in unprecedented circumstances in which we had to tackle the economic and social consequences of the pandemic. Now, this year, the circumstances under which we are negoitating the annual budget for the next year are even more dramatic. Europe gave a clear answer to the unprovoked, brutal Russian aggression and took a stance together with the brave people of Ukraine. We all feel, we all see that a new and different Europe is being shaped by the war and that a new Europe is emerging, one that has to focus on key priorities and sound policies. This definitely means focusing on securing energy supplies, continued investment in security and defence and support for humanitarian aid, but also preventing the new migration crisis. The announced joint procurement act for the European defence industry is the right incentive for cooperation between the Member States, as well as for the industry that has been mobilised like never before. Likewise, with the European chips act, we have the possibility to increase Europe's independence with regard to semiconductor production in times when global supply chains are significantly disrupted. But all these efforts require an appropriate budgetary architecture. They all require the revision of the MFF. This is something that is urgent, this is something that is crucial. In the end, this can only be achieved if Parliament is united in its message for this, but also for this annual budget. I hope that, together with our colleagues from the Commission, but also from the Council, we can continue in building a resilient and secure Europe.

Mr President, dear Vice-President Schinas, dear colleagues, Romanian and Bulgarian citizens have been waiting now for 11 years to enjoy all the advantages of free movement and to enter into the Schengen area. Parliament has repeatedly emphasised its support for the Schengen enlargement, as we do today, because it is crucial for the equality of citizens within the EU. Stronger economic cooperation, enhanced connectivity, but also better protection of the external borders is in the interests of the whole European Union and not only in the interests of those two countries. This is especially true at a time of great uncertainty and damaged security architecture across the entire continent. Ladies and gentlemen, soon we will discuss and vote here in the European Parliament on the report on Croatia’s accession to the Schengen area. Let me be clear, in December it is high time for the Council to act not only for Croatia, but also for Romania and Bulgaria, because this is in the interests of these countries, but this is also in the interests of all Europe and of fostered security on the European continent.

The Honourable Chairman, Honourable Commissioner, Colleagues and colleagues, is an integral part of Russia's great-state concept of expanding control and domination beyond its borders. Propaganda, hybrid actions, disinformation and historical falsification, and unfortunately the military aggression against the Ukrainian people since 24 February. With similar attempts, Croatia witnessed 30 years ago, as a victim of the aggression of the Greater Serbian Milosevic regime, but unfortunately even today the Serbian authorities are already perfidiously implementing the hybrid version of Serbia's policy from the 1990s towards neighboring countries. Misusing the judiciary, claiming cultural heritage, manipulating history and violating minority rights. Such toxic reflections, which still find their role model in Russia and privileged political energy and economic ties in relations with Moscow, harm Serbia, damage the whole of Europe. And as long as that is the case, my colleagues, I think it is completely clear that Serbia has no place in the European Union and that Serbia will not only formally move away from the negotiations with the European Union, but that it will also fundamentally, deeply, unfortunately, move away from the entire European civilization.

In addition to the brutal violation of the international order, the open threat of nuclear attack, the Russian regime began to use energy as an instrument of war against Europe, as a means of political and economic blackmail. Contrary to what we could hear from MP Kolakušić, history shows us that relaxation or division in the face of tyranny or imperialism cannot help. Exactly the opposite. History also shows us that it does not contribute to relativizing aggression, and it is especially incomprehensible when it comes from the mouth of a colleague who also comes from a country that only 30 years ago was the victim of similar aggression. Colleagues, the outcome of the war in Ukraine will shape the future of the whole of Europe. That's why this is a civilization test for Europe. This requires unity and unity in support of the Ukrainian people. This calls for a return to fundamental European policies, to common sense policies, in particular in the areas of defence, security and energy. That is why, ultimately, it is also a matter of survival in a new ruthless era of global uncertainty.

Honourable Vice-President, Honourable Commissioner, Cohesion Policy has been successfully reducing economic and social disparities between different parts of Europe for decades, so that families can be lived, operated and established in every part of Europe with quality and dignity. At a time of major change, we need to further increase accessibility, increase flexibility, but sometimes make cohesion funding more meaningful and ensure that it reaches the most deprived. This summer, Croatia opened the Pelješac Bridge, the most important infrastructure project that connects Croatian and European territory, inspires and shows what we can do united, what we can do with a clear vision and with the smart use of European funds. For decades, connecting Dubrovnik, a global tourist symbol, and the south of Croatia with the rest of the country, with the rest of the European Union was just an unattainable dream. But today it is a reality. Today, this has been done with great help from European funds. With the smart synergy of cohesion policy and national recovery plans, we can achieve the much-desired resilience and recovery that is necessary for the green and digital transitions of European society and economy. However, this will not be possible in the long run if we do not support the demographically vulnerable parts of Europe, if we do not try to prevent and prevent the population collapse that is particularly threatening certain parts of Europe. This is why we must be able to adapt, which is why we must be able to prepare, without neglecting demographic policy, the demographic dimension of cohesion policy, which is also one of the objectives of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union, which clearly emphasises in its Article 174 that special attention must be paid to regions with demographic handicaps. In this regard, I would like to thank my colleagues for drawing up this comprehensive, broad report and I truly believe that in the years ahead we can continue to adapt cohesion policy in such a way that the funds are used even smarter, but also in such a way that demographic problems are no longer ignored.

Dear Chairman, while the Ukrainian people are fighting for their own existence, for freedom, but also for our European values, in Serbia in Belgrade we are witnessing a sad, shameless calculation that is still ongoing and we are witnessing all different ways of circumventing sanctions. In this way, Serbia is not only formally moving away from the European Union, but also civilizationally away from all of Europe. Second, what we are witnessing in our immediate neighbourhood, unfortunately, are elements of the old open politics of Serbia from the 1990s where there is a lack of sincere, real cooperation, first of all on reconciliation, and on those remnants of open issues from the 1990s. We are witnessing an unacceptable expansion of jurisdiction, a failure to resolve the fate of the missing, a problematic attitude towards minorities within the Republic of Serbia, but also an unhidden recourse to the cultural heritage of other states. This is completely unacceptable and as long as Serbia is not ready for the European Union!

Dear Chairman, some of the colleagues in this discussion today are very respectful of the Constitution of the state we are talking about, according to the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina, calling the basic principles of this document, which stopped the bloody war in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1995, some kind of tribal system, some kind of ethnic system that we should overcome and replace with some kind of fantasy world, a world in which these ethnicities that exist will be lost, in which the rights of the three constituent peoples will not be respected. And that's wrong. This is completely wrong because it encourages such tendencies, which are quite common in Bosnia and Herzegovina only covert, tendencies of the largest Bosniak people in which it participates in the way of outvoting, outvoting and elective engineering. This is not something that is a European concept. Europe knows something completely different - subsidiarity, which also exists in the institutions of the European Union, because it is a reality. This is the reality of the European Union today, but it is also the reality of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Colleague Franz, it seems to me that we agree that Bosnia and Herzegovina needs stability, functionality... Colleague Franz, we agree that Bosnia and Herzegovina needs peace, stability, functionality and a European perspective. It seems to me important to emphasize once again that Bosnia and Herzegovina also needs respect for the rights of all three constituent peoples, not as something that is important in itself for some abstractness, but because without that respect, without an agreement on the future of the country, it is impossible to achieve such stability and a European perspective. What I want to ask you is how do you think... (Chair took the floor)

Dear Chairman, thank you very much to your colleagues for their support, but also for recognizing the enormous progress, the enormous efforts of the Croatian government in meeting all the demanding criteria for the introduction of the euro. I have to answer, too, to my colleague Ilčić because it is obvious that some today, unfortunately, forget that even kuna was never an end in itself, but a tool for a higher quality of life for Croatian families. If today we can secure it better, stronger with the euro, and there is no dilemma about it, I see no reason not to. The currency is always the tool of one economy, and it can never be just its decoration. Croatians still mostly save in euros, companies that export and import operate in euros, and due to the introduction of the euro, we already enjoy a record credit rating today. With the euro, but also with the record European funds at our disposal that drive entrepreneurship and innovation, digitalisation is a truly first-class generational opportunity that we must seize with a strong, ambitious, attractive and open mind. Because we can do it, and because Croatian citizens deserve it!

On 24 February, the Honourable Chair, Commissioners, colleagues, devastating Russian missiles, tanks and the sounds of sirens marked the beginning of the Russian regime's bloody aggression against Ukraine, but also the beginning of a new era of European history. More than 13 million Ukrainians, whose homes were destroyed by shells or lacked water, food and electricity, had to flee their homes in four months of war destruction. Nearly six million people, mostly women and children, have sought safe haven in European Union countries. We have clearly committed ourselves humanly and civilizationally to help them, and that is also the main goal of the amending budgets and reports that I present to you today. With the amendments, we provide the main part of €400 million to assist in the reception and registration of Ukrainian refugees. Concrete solidarity, financial, logistical, humanitarian aid, as well as any other form of support to the Ukrainian people who are fighting for their freedom at this time, is a human and moral obligation for their existence throughout Europe. A brutal Russian aggression that can have no justification will have long-lasting consequences not only on Ukraine, but also on Europe and even on our European finances. We are aware of this and therefore we need to take all measures in a timely manner to mitigate these consequences, be it for the care of refugees, the provision of energy supplies or the protection of food supplies. The main measure we have already highlighted here in the European Parliament is that new and adequate financial resources must be provided. This certainly includes an in-depth analysis of the current Multiannual Financial Framework and its, hopefully, upcoming revision, given the long-term consequences of the war in Ukraine, but also simply the long-term unsustainability of the current financing method and the current overstrain of many European programmes that are simply needed and without which we cannot. We are facing a real civilisational test that requires a common and unique response from the whole of Europe, but also a test of true readiness to respond concretely, tangiblely and with sufficient financial resources to all the current humanitarian challenges, but also to all that is ahead of us, and I think it is not an exaggerated secret and that it is quite obvious that the months ahead will be quite difficult and that this will certainly have an impact on this financial aspect. Ukraine needs a lot more at the moment. And of these 400 million euros that are a big deal, which will certainly help to take care of Ukrainian refugees here in Europe, but they need, and therefore I absolutely support, unequivocal support for the European aspirations of the Ukrainian people that we expect tomorrow at the Council meeting. Thank you very much, dear colleague and colleague, dear Commissioner. I think that with this step we are doing a good thing, a good thing for Ukrainian refugees and that these 400 million euros will provide one first aid in the right reception, but also in the registration of Ukrainian refugees.

Already today, the Honourable Chair, the Honourable Commissioner, colleagues, AI surrounds us even more than we are aware of, in many everyday applications, applications and services, from social networks and online search engines to medical diagnostics or smart transport. In any case, AI is already today the central technology of the new digital era that has the potential to transform and transform our societies from the ground up. It is also clear that its widespread application does not come without danger. We have heard and heard a lot about the protection of citizens' fundamental rights today in this debate and it is clear that we must expect new technologies to respect human dignity first and foremost and to respect all those democratic European values in which we believe. At the same time, our development depends on the ability to adapt to new, often cruel times, the cruel time in which we live. That is why we need an adoption-friendly approach that encourages European competitiveness and faster and better adoption of new technologies. It is our duty to offer the new generations precisely this, so that quality, good living is possible in Europe. This is not possible without the use of new technologies, it is not possible without the use of artificial intelligence. At the same time, we also owe them responsibility in managing our society and managing the future. That is why, in any case, we support the right, effective, better, better application of artificial intelligence, but with all those fuses that will ensure that man remains at the center of its application and that we have a normal, European, balanced approach between those extremes that we unfortunately see when looking at the global situation.

The Honourable Chair, Honourable Commissioner, Colleagues, Freedom of Movement in Europe is one of the key achievements of the European Union. The pandemic has shown once again how vulnerable this freedom can be, and also that we cannot take this freedom for granted. On the contrary, in order to strengthen it, it is essential that all states adhere to the application of the Schengen acquis and continue to build the trust that underpins Schengen. The application of the Schengen acquis is a legal obligation of all the members of the European Union, and it is clear that today it is the world, that today the circumstances are completely different from the time when Schengen was established. The world is more complex, security is more at risk, and dramatic global changes are also changing the way Schengen is applied. Despite all global challenges, Croatia has fulfilled all conditions through over 280 technical recommendations for the application of the Schengen acquis, as confirmed by the Commission, but also unanimously by the Council in December last year. Over the past seven years, we have shown and proven that we can protect Europe's external border in accordance with the highest standards of protection, but also respect for human rights, and implement all the measures necessary for the functioning of Schengen. It is time for Croatian citizens to finally enjoy full freedom of movement in Europe because Croatia is ready for Schengen!

Four million Ukrainians are fleeing Russian aggression, fleeing Russian shells because their homes have been demolished, because they have no food, no water, and because they are fleeing together with their families. Ninety percent of them are women and children. Europe is clearly showing its heart, showing its solidarity, just as we have shown before. We hear in this debate today that it shows some kind of hypocrisy, that it shows some kind of double standard, or even that it shows some kind of racist policy that Europe would supposedly have. It can't be further from the truth. This is a situation where a neighbouring country is at war, where there is a completely different legal basis and where we have an obligation to protect the border from irregular migration in other cases. We are humane towards all those who seek our protection, especially those fleeing war conflicts, but we must remain determined, we must remain firm against those who abuse the system, and especially uncompromising, we must be towards those who profit from such a system.

Dear colleague Bartolo, I think we all agree that simply all people should have the same rights, that they should have the same right to asylum. However, it is also clear to everyone that there are completely different legal bases and I do not see why, in fact, you conclude that there are such double standards. For it seems to me that what is absolutely clear is that everyone needs to meet some criteria, some standards, some predetermined rules, and that is why my one clearly fundamental question: why are we not talking at all about those people who could request, therefore, protection at official border crossing points, but we are talking about illegal migration under the auspices of the night, without official documents with which they cross borders?

The Russian aggression against Ukraine has simply united Europe as never before, but it is also a serious generational test that is constantly testing us and setting us a fact that we must accept, which is the end of an era in which European peace could be taken for granted. In this context, aggression also shows the hypocrisy of individual actors who still do not realize that in this new era of uncertainty, in the new era of tectonic changes, there is no room for any sad calculations or lack of courage. This is a question of a true fundamental civilisational commitment, a civilisational choice for all – both within the European Union and outside the European Union, and for those on the right side of the spectrum, but also for those on the left, as we have seen in previous European Parliament votes. This issue is also particularly relevant for Southeast Europe. After Sunday's elections in Serbia, after today's telephone conversation between President Vučić and Putin and the constant emphasis of close friendly relations, this is another additional reason not to close our eyes, to monitor the situation and to understand that everyone, including the candidate countries, must unequivocally choose and define themselves according to this war and relations with Russia, and this is especially true for those countries that do not hesitate even from the use of hybrid versions of policies, armed policies of Serbia from the nineties, because in that case they will be not only further from the European Union but also further away from the entire European civilization.

Dear Chair, the aggression against Ukraine marked the beginning of a new era for our entire continent, an era of great geopolitical changes, but also an era of uncertainty. Such an example of uncertainty we had an example to see, unfortunately, two weeks ago in Zagreb, my city, when a Soviet-produced military drone, over fourteen meters large, over six tons heavy, fell in Zagreb, in a populated area, close to the student dormitory and it is very lucky that there were no deaths. But, regardless, this dangerous, unusual incident shows quite well how close we are to war, unfortunately, and closer than we once thought. And that's why it's time to wake up from some kind of lull. It's time for unity. It is time for loyalty in these most sensitive moments for the entire European Union, for the entire NATO, but also for the entire European civilization because this is a serious warning that freedom and peace on the European continent can no longer be taken for granted and that we will have to fight for freedom and peace here in Europe, but also in Croatia.

Dear Chairman, just over 30 years ago, with gruesome propaganda and under the pretext of alleged threat, the Serbian aggressor regime attacked a young Croatian state with its enormous military force. The tragedy of the columns of refugees and exiles from Vukovar, as well as other Croatian cities and villages, is repeated once again on the European continent. Over two million Ukrainian women, children, elderly and infirm were forced in the first two weeks of Russian aggression to pack their lives in several bags and escape from the destruction of war under shells. This time Europe is more united than ever and we must maintain such unity at all costs. In addition to military assistance and sanctions, we are also united in our humanitarian efforts. From Romania to Warsaw, from Slovakia to Osijek. We show the best in us, the best in Europe. Today, on International Women's Day, I want to pay the strongest tribute to all Ukrainian mothers and women who are the most vulnerable targets in any war, who show courage and determination in difficult moments of painful separation, with the promise that in Croatia and in Europe they have a safe haven from evil and aggression against which their husbands, sons and the entire Ukrainian people are fighting and against which they will sooner or later win.

Dear Chair, Commissioners, colleagues, pandemic uncertainty, pandemic closures, online education, declining employment prospects, independence, but also family formation, have affected our generation, a generation of young people, in the past two years, as few generations have in recent decades. That is why all the policies and programmes that we are deciding on here in the European Parliament must prevent the opening up and creation of some new and lost generations and underline the clear message that a Europe without young people is simply impossible to recover. Digital transformation is dramatically changing the way we all, especially young people, communicate, do business and live, and this is certainly a challenge, but it is also an opportunity. I convinced myself of this by visiting various successful entrepreneurial stories, but also different parts of Croatia, places like Lipik and Novska. Because digital transformation is an opportunity, an opportunity to offer a new way of learning, an opportunity for quality jobs of the future. Youth innovation and creativity must come to the fore by removing administrative barriers and opening up space for young people across Europe to shape their future – the future in all parts of the European Union – independently and ready.