Speeches

The Presidency’s motto ‘Security, Europe!’ is a clear message in these uncertain and challenging times, when Europe is affected by the war in Ukraine, migratory pressures and economic challenges. Donald Tusk pointed out that "Europe exists as long as we live" – this phrase of the Polish anthem reflects well the importance of keeping one. We need to strengthen our security in cooperation with the US, Canada and NATO. And when US President Donald Trump says at this point that Europeans need to take more responsibility for security, we should see this as a positive challenge. Only allies can challenge other allies. And the Member States of the European Union should be the most valuable allies for Washington. A lot has been said about 5% of defence spending on internal security, but the key point should be that we must not save on security. If we do not want to spend even more in the future, then the 5% step must be done now. The European Union cannot be competitive unless we think about the economy. Where necessary, the provisions related to the green transition also need to be amended to strike a balance between environmental sustainability and competitiveness. We also need to think about energy prices. Our farmers need less bureaucracy, because it is very important to maintain food security. Our future is in our hands and we can shape our destiny. We must remain creative, courageous and united. This is an important moment in which we must not lose time.

Madam President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, Europe's digital future depends on strong and secure networks. Without networks, there is no digital economy, no security and no competitiveness. I come from Estonia, a small country, but a digital one. We know that digital networks are not abstract infrastructure. Global competition is increasing and they are strategic assets. The Digital Networks Act comes at the right time. Our networks are under pressure. Demand is growing and global competition is increasing. Europe must act together. We need investments, we need resilience, and we need fair and predictable rules. Private investments alone will not be enough. But regulation must not punish those who invest. Network operators need certainty. This act must strengthen connectivity in all regions, in cities and in rural areas. It must support 5G, fibre and future technologies. Let me be clear: Europe cannot afford digital dependence – not on hardware, not on software, and not on networks. Digital sovereignty is not a slogan; it is a responsibility. So, my question to the Commission is simple: will this act truly empower Europe to lead, or will we once again move too slowly while others move faster?

Dear President, dear colleagues, Commissioner, Dear guests! We cannot remain silent as the democratic crisis in Georgia deepens. A crisis that threatens the stability of the whole region. We see the government suppressing civil society, restricting independent media and silencing the opposition. The Georgian people have repeatedly shown that their choice is Europe. They have stood on the streets and risked their freedom. I fully support them. Unfortunately, the current government of the country is moving in a different direction, in the opposite direction, increasingly inclined to Moscow's sphere of influence. Russia's influence deepens the polarisation of society and concentrates power in a narrow circle. This is not just an internal political dispute, but an attack on democracy. As an Estonian, I know well how fragile freedom is and how expensive democracy is. That is why I say very clearly: Europe must send a clear message to the Georgian Government that the European way will not be possible without the rule of law, without free media. At the same time, we must assure the Georgian people that we will not leave them alone. Georgia's future must be the future of Europe and it is our duty to defend it clearly and with dignity.

Dear President, Dear colleagues, Commissioner, What the Belarusian regime is organising at the Lithuanian border is not an accidental incident or a single country problem. This is a conscious, hostile and cynical hybrid attack on the European Union. I say quite unequivocally: All of Europe is under attack. Lukashenka uses people as a weapon, deliberately violates international law and tests Europe's weakness. Let's be honest: Every time Europe hesitates, it gets more courage. That's unacceptable. We cannot watch in silence, hoping that it will subside on its own. When one Member State is under attack, we are all under attack. The Lithuanian border is also to a large extent the external border of the European Union. If we do not react clearly and decisively, we will send a signal to the aggressor that our unity can be tested with impunity. Europe must defend its borders and strengthen sanctions against the Belarusian regime. Today, Lithuania will be attacked, tomorrow some others will be tested. Europe must show that we are not being blackmailed or brought to our knees. This is our common security and our common responsibility. Hybrid attacks must never become the new normal.

Dear President, Dear colleagues! Dear Commissioner, The subject of fur farming is complex, and it is polarising. I believe that in all Member States. These discussions concern ethics, certainly animal welfare, but also socio-economic impacts, so these decisions must always be made in a thoughtful way. My home country, Estonia, decided to stop fur farming nearly five years ago, in 2021. And it was at that time that we in the Estonian Riigikogu were mainly guided by the expectations of society, but also by ethical considerations. The content of the law at the time was very specific. It stated that the keeping, breeding and reproduction of animals for the sole or main purpose of producing fur was prohibited. Our situation at the time was such that the largest farm had already stopped its activities at that time and only a few small chinchilla growers remained. Unfortunately, I think that this economic impact was in the background of the debate at the time. For many families, it was their main source of income. Therefore, a transitional period was also introduced in Estonia at that time, and this transitional period will then be until 1 January 2026. It is in the light of this experience that I would really like to address my question to the Commission. How will the Commission ensure that possible future decisions take into account animal welfare, but also the livelihoods of operators, as well as social and economic sustainability?

Mr President, colleagues, Commissioner, COP30 showed that the world's understanding of the climate transition is changing. Our goals should stay ambitious, but they also need to be realistic and fair. The deal to increase adaptation funding and strengthen climate finance up to an expected USD 1.3 trillion per year by 2035. It is a real step forward. It shows that global cooperation is still possible. At the same time, the conference could not agree on a clear roadmap to phase out fossil fuels. This is more than a step back. It is a signal – a signal that the transition, as it stands today, is too hard for many countries to implement. And if the rest of the world cannot follow us, Europe will not achieve its own goals either. A credible climate policy must be ambitious and workable. We should focus less on what the world must do and more on how to make it possible. If we want other countries to stay with us, we must be ready to adjust our path when reality demands it. COP30 reminded us that the transition is a journey, not a slogan. Responsible leadership means correcting our course when needed so that we will all reach the destination together. Europe must remain a leader, but a leader who listens and adapts.

Mr. President. I'll say hello. I welcome the new Sustainable Transport Investment Plan, which will help bring more clean and renewable fuels to aviation and maritime transport. By 2035, we will need close to 20 million tonnes of alternative fuels and around EUR 100 billion of investment will be needed to produce them. The Commission pledges to mobilise at least €89 billion until 2027. It should also give companies the courage to invest. I would like to emphasise three things here. Firstly, investments must not be concentrated solely in large industrialised countries. Small countries like my home country, Estonia, must also have a real opportunity. We have strong universities and companies that develop smart solutions. Secondly, it should be borne in mind that some peripheral regions of the European Union are more dependent on air and maritime transport. If new fuels become too expensive, people and businesses without strong land connections will be more affected. The transition must be fair and affordable for all. And thirdly, we need a framework that does not stifle operating companies, but opens new doors. Clean fuels must be born here under Europe's own industry and science.

Madam President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, the violations of European airspace and the sabotage of our critical infrastructure are no longer isolated incidents. They form a growing pattern as Russia and Belarus test Europe’s readiness, unity and resilience. We all recognise that a drone is no longer a harmless device. A single machine can disrupt an electricity line, interrupt communications and disrupt a logistics chain. A device that can cost almost nothing can trigger damage worth millions where critical infrastructure must be repaired or rebuilt. Military drones have become a tool for killing innocent people. The EU’s response cannot rely on diplomatic protests alone and must include concrete measures such as coordinated air defence actions and real-time intelligence sharing. Every violation – whether a military jet crossing borders or any other disruption traced back to Russia or Belarus – is an attack on shared European security, not just on individual Member States.

Dear President, dear Commissioner, dear colleagues, In fact, I think that only one sentence would suffice and that sentence is such that it is easy to reach a decision between Member States. This means that all countries will remain in their geographical time zone and the clock changes will stop. But if a little longer, changing the clock may seem habitual and at first glance may not seem like the most urgent topic when the world is facing wars, crises, economic hardship. But in fact, it directly affects the health, sleep and daily lives of millions of people. The aim of clock changes at the time was to make better use of natural daylight and save energy, but today's research clearly shows that these alleged benefits are actually negligible, while the negative effects are significant. Research from Harvard and Stanford universities confirms that changing the clock violates a person's biological rhythm, i.e. our inner clock. This means sleep disturbances, decreased mood, reduced ability to work, and even higher risk of cardiovascular disease. Studies have shown that immediately after the clock changes, the number of traffic accidents and deaths increases because our body cannot adjust in one hour. The biological circadian rhythm actually lags behind. This leads to sleep deprivation, difficulty concentrating and slower reactions, which in turn increase the risk of accidents and health risks. Spring time changes affect us more, autumn less, but both bring unnecessary stress. The European Union has been discussing this issue for years. Now is the time to turn words into action. Dear colleagues, I think there are enough reasons to stop this clock change. People expect determination from us. Thank you!

Mr President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, it has now been three years and eight months since Russia launched its brutal war of aggression against Ukraine. And yet, Europe still continues to import Russian energy. This is unacceptable. Stop importing all forms of energy from Russia! Every single euro paid to Moscow helps fund its war machine. Since the start of the war, EU countries have made more than EUR 210 billion for Russian fossil energy. It is almost as much as Russia has spent on the war itself. This means that even today, European money continues to finance the Kremlin's aggression against Ukraine. Together with the EPP Group, I firmly stand for ending all Russian energy imports as quickly as possible and for closing energy loopholes through third countries. Words and half measures are not enough. We must take bold action.

Madam President, dear Commissioner, dear colleagues, in just a few weeks, world leaders will meet in Belém for COP30. This will be an important moment for global climate action. The European Union has always been a leader in setting strong climate goals, but our credibility depends on what we can truly deliver. We need to make sure that economic growth, innovation and climate responsibility can go hand in hand. Even inside the EU, it is not easy to find a common position. Some countries are moving faster, others are still catching up. We have different levels of innovation and technology. When we speak about clean industry, it is not only about the environment. It is also about a fair, realistic balance, where moving towards our climate ambitions is driven by a strong economy, innovation and new technologies – not working against them. How can we make sure that this balance is a real part of European climate strategy, so that the green transition supports competitiveness, create jobs and keeps Europe as a leader in global innovation? One question more: how can we bring other major economies to join us on this and share this responsibility?

Dear President, dear Commissioner, dear colleagues, Europe needs a budget that supports economic growth, contributes to innovation and strengthens our defence capabilities. And the budget for 2026 must be a definite step forward from here. Our main priorities are clear. Firstly, strengthening the competitiveness of the European Union, because this is the foundation of our economy, which creates jobs for people and drives us forward. Secondly, to ensure our security, because only a strong, secure and united Europe will protect and provide a sense of security and prevent the outbreak of war on European Union soil. And thirdly, continued support for Ukraine on their brave path to freedom. It is a European investment for our common and stable future. This shows that we stand firm for our values and beside our friends. We cannot allow partial solutions or weak compromises. Every euro, every euro, must work for our people, for our businesses and for our safety. Thank you!

Dear President, dear colleagues, Dear Commissioner, We cannot talk about the competitiveness or energy independence of the European economy without a strong, modern and resilient energy network. If grids are the backbone of our energy system, then it must be said that this backbone is still too fragile at the moment and will not withstand the burden of the future. Electricity consumption is increasing. The share of renewable energy is also rising, and people expect Europe to be able to manage it all. Unfortunately, we are still seeing delays, bottlenecks and investment gaps today. Europe cannot afford to leave its electricity grids behind. EUR 584 billion is not a cost. It's an investment. Investing in our security and our economic future. As an Estonian, I know very well how dangerous energy dependence can be and what it means to break out of it. We have already taken major steps: joined the Nordic electricity market, built connections with Finland and Latvia and desynchronised from the Russian network. But it is not enough for the rest of Europe to get stuck. Today, the load of the Estonian electricity system is fluctuating and the price varies greatly during the hours, for example, compared to Finland. This is neither fair nor sustainable. Thank you!

Thank you very much, Mr President. Dear colleagues! High Representative Kaja! It is a pleasure to wish you good luck and strength here in Estonian. For more than ten years, Estonia has contributed two per cent to its military national defence. This has meant less money for us in healthcare, roads, living environments, but we have realised that this is the most important thing. It has guaranteed our independence, it has guaranteed our democracy and our security. Now, ahead of the NATO summit, we need to raise our ambitions and we need to contribute 5%. This is definitely the right direction, which I consider important as a Member of the European Parliament, but also as an elected politician from Estonia. I continue to believe that the European Union and the United States are strategic partners, but the European Union must also take its feet off its stomach. It's like a schoolboy going to the exam, and half of it won't help. There's a whole setup to be done here. I believe that to survive in such a dynamic security environment at all, everyone must contribute to military national defence, because, ultimately, European security is at stake. Thank you!

Dear President, Dear colleagues, Commission. I strongly support the idea that science must be at the heart of European policy if we are to ensure our future and competitiveness. Science is like a flowing river that feeds our entire society, our economy and our future. If we do not take care of this river, it will dry up and with it our progress will be blocked. We cannot allow this issue to remain an empty slogan in the European Union. We need to get things done quickly. European science is important for our competitiveness, security and prosperity. Europe must become a leader in science. We must be at the forefront of innovation and also support researchers from other countries to operate in Europe. I also know this from the Estonian experience. Our science landscape is world-class, but our researchers, universities and research institutions need stronger support, more investment so that they can continue to develop cutting-edge solutions in Europe and realise their dreams here. Thank you!

Mr President, colleagues, Commissioner, gas storage is not just a technical issue; it is a strategic pillar of our energy security. For countries like Estonia and our Baltic neighbours, the level of gas storage and connectivity can often mean the difference between stability and vulnerability. In recent years, we have seen the crucial role that storage facilities have played in times of crisis. Thanks to strong EU coordination by the previous Energy Commissioner, we reached over 90 % of our storage capacity before last winter. That effort helped keep our homes warm and our industries running. Gas storage must remain part of a broader security framework. We must fully eliminate Russian gas from our energy system, while increasing LNG imports from renewable and trustworthy global partners. We need continued investment in cross-border infrastructure, especially in Central and Eastern Europe. But security alone is not enough. Our gas policy must also reflect market principles and find the right balance between security and flexibility in order to bring down gas prices in Europe. Storage, LNG terminals and interconnectors must function as a coherent system, supported by smart regulation.

Madam President, dear colleagues, High Representative, the people of Greenland are not asking for much – simply to remain who they are. They do not want to become Americans, they want to stay Greenlanders. In recent years, geopolitical interest in Greenland has grown rapidly, not because of its population, but because of its land, which is full of minerals and rare earth elements that are vital for green technologies. But land is not just a resource to be acquired – it is home. And sovereignty is not something to be traded. As Europeans, we must stand firmly in support of the rule-based world order, and that means respecting the right of Greenland to determine its own path, free from pressure, influence or ambitions from any great power. As an Estonian, I know what it means to live under the shadow of a larger power. I also know what it means to resist the shadow. Let us not forget, small nations have voices too. And those voices must be heard.

Dear President, Dear colleagues and Commissioner, Trade relations between the European Union and the United States have been an integral part of our strength for years. Last year, bilateral trade in goods reached an impressive eight hundred and sixty-five billion euros. We are also bound by common values: democracy, the rule of law and the market economy. Potential tariff-setting threatens to crack our cooperation. There is still a lot of confusion at the moment, but offense and emotions must not dominate at the moment. Europe must remain united and firm. As a representative of Estonia, a small open economy, I will say clearly: We need rules-based trade, not arbitrary customs walls. At the same time, we cannot allow our companies and workers to come under unfair pressure. I support the European Commission's efforts to find the best solution through negotiations. At the same time, we need to strengthen our internal market, reduce strategic dependencies and build new international partnerships.

Mr President, dear colleagues, Commissioner, Russia's brutal and illegal war against Ukraine has continued for the fourth year, but Europe still depends on Russian gas. It is unacceptable that imports of LNG from Russia to the European Union have even increased, reaching record levels earlier this year. By continuing to buy Russian cars, Europe is giving the Kremlin billions of dollars that it can use to finance its evil deeds against humanity. It is well known that Moscow is using the money to bomb Ukraine, its cities and villages, its homes and people, hospitals and infrastructure. Those EU countries that continue to import Russian cars are also responsible for this. This must stop. We must do whatever it takes to weaken the Russian war machine.

Dear President, dear colleagues, Commissioner, I have been Prime Minister of Estonia for 4 years and have repeatedly spoken with pride about how much is good in Estonia. Smart and well-educated people, fierce digital solutions, open to innovation, rapid economic growth. The last three years have been difficult for Estonia. The war in Ukraine, Russia's hybrid attacks and insecurity. Energy prices have multiplied, consumer prices have increased by forty-four per cent in four years. This has undermined the competitiveness of our companies. I am convinced that our industry needs a positive boost. A clean industrial plan can provide the necessary impetus. I strongly support ensuring affordable and secure energy supply for Estonia. This is essential for Europe. Faced with the threat of war, we need a tremendous effort both to build a common European external border and to develop the defence industry. And thirdly, Estonia needs more smart and well-paid jobs. Smart, skilled and well-educated people are our contribution. Europe must be able to harness this resource. Estonia needs more investment and no country in the European Union must remain on the periphery of our plans.

Dear President, Commissioner, Dear colleagues! Russia is using the shadow fleet to finance its war machine. Recently, these vessels have increasingly damaged the infrastructure of the European Union countries at the bottom of the Baltic Sea. The Russian shadow fleet poses an increasingly clear threat to the security, economy and environment of the European Union. These ships operate in the shadows, but they must bear the consequences. The intentional destruction of cables, gas pipelines and other infrastructure objects is a criminal offence and the commission of such a criminal offence must be precluded. Sabotage and attacks in the Baltic Sea must stop. NATO is already protecting critical infrastructure in the Baltic Sea in a targeted manner, using more patrol planes, warships and drones. The European Union must also increase its control capacity. We see that these ships often change names and flags. Let's all be vigilant about what they do at sea. They don't have insurance. The risks associated with their activities are significant. We will increase our ability to respond to such threats.

Mr President, I would like to thank you very much. Dear Commissioner, It is my pleasure to speak my own language for the first time. Georgia belongs to Europe, but we are losing Georgia. What is happening there is worrying. The democratic principles that Georgia was on its way to respecting are under serious threat from aggressive Russian influence. The parliamentary elections, which were supposed to confirm the will of the people and Georgia's pro-European course, have unfortunately exacerbated the country's withdrawal from this path. We cannot ignore such a situation. We must ask whether the European Union should continue its support for Georgia in a situation where democratic values are collapsing. Restoring the visa requirement must be considered and we should do so selectively – targeting sanctions against oligarchs and abusers of power, but not punishing ordinary citizens. The European Union must not leave the Georgian people alone, but we must not allow our support to go to those who abuse power and turn Georgia away from European values. For the same reason, we must suspend all development cooperation with the Georgian authorities, but continue to support, for example, independent media.

Mr President, honourable Members, dear colleagues, in 2022, Moldova took the important step of becoming a candidate country for EU membership. It was a bold move by a nation that has long-faced manipulation and pressure from Russia, with parts of its territory still under occupation. Moldova's European path is not just a political choice, but a commitment to freedom and democracy. The EU has a crucial role in supporting Moldova's path. The war in Ukraine also directly affects democratic and independent Moldova and its road to EU accession. What Moldova is facing right now is not an isolated attack. It is a threat to all nations striving for democracy and peace. As we approach Moldova's presidential elections and referendum, we can be certain that Russia escalates hybrid warfare tactics. Russian propaganda, disinformation campaigns and attempts to disrupt democratic processes will increase in the coming weeks. The responsibility also lies with Moldova itself to ensure that the upcoming elections and referendum are free, fair and democratic. As Moldova navigates a crucial period, we must be more ambitious with our assistance.