Speeches

Mr President, democratic elections are very serious because, in democracy, elections are the basis of the legitimacy of the rulers and, for this legitimacy to be indisputable, elections must be free and fair. When opposition candidates are thrown in jail, parties and candidacies are invalidated, voting in a climate of persecution and disregard for human rights, these elections can be called anything but democratic; For example, farce elections, and winning farce elections, for those who come to them by controlling all the mechanisms of power, has no merit, has no merit. This is what has happened in Nicaragua and this is what will allow the Ortega-Murillo tandem to continue abusing power until there is really no national dialogue to end the repressive and authoritarian drift; As long as this does not happen, we demand the release of political prisoners and we call for a rethinking of the EU's relations with Nicaragua, and we also call for more efficient sanctions.

Madam President, using migrants as a retaliatory weapon and playing with their lives is deplorable. Marching them to the EU’s external borders and leaving them stranded is inhumane. All this deserves a clear and prompt response from the EU. The dictator in Minsk must know he won’t get away with it. But, regretfully, on our side, we only see wire fences going up. More and more troops being deployed to watch over the borders. We see pushbacks and we see people cramped together, hardly getting any assistance, freezing in hunger, or even dying. As much as this is a crisis caused by a vengeful dictator eager to put pressure on us, it is a humanitarian crisis, and it must be addressed according to our core values and to international law. No response based only on security concerns. No EU money for new walls. There has to be a European way to make things right when it comes to migration.

Madam President, the European Council will hold, amongst others, a strategic discussion on EU trade policy. This is one of the most important tools we have at our hands to advance globally our agenda on human rights and fundamental freedoms in accordance with international law. Now, this is exactly the opposite to what the EU has done with its fisheries and agriculture agreements with Morocco in relation to Western Sahara. The European Court of Justice has once again ruled that these agreements were illegal because they ignored its status as an occupied territory to be decolonised, and the Commission failed to secure the prior consent of the Sahrawi people. I hope that the EU institutions responsible for trade relations finally learned the lesson that also when it comes to trade policy, the European Union remains a community built on the rule of law. We will remain vigilant so that the EU does not yet again collide with internationally recognised rights, such as the right to self-determination, because of its desire to develop and maintain close trade relations with certain partners.

Madam President, President Saied’s decisions since July have shaken the democratic foundations of Tunisia, the country where the Arab Spring was born. It isn’t clear yet whether these highly controversial decisions will end up being a parenthesis in Tunisia’s democratic journey or represent a turn for the worse. Fighting corruption or pushing for reforms to improve the socioeconomic situation are commendable goals. What is not commendable is that this becomes the excuse to close the Parliament, concentrate powers around the President and govern by decree. The apparent popular support for the President is also not a reason to justify all this. We welcome the designation of the new Prime Minister, the first woman to lead a government in the Arab world, as a positive step, but we must remember that the powers of her executive remain very limited. President Saied has yet to present a clear roadmap towards the full restoration of the constitutional and democratic order, including the Parliament. We would have liked to see more pressure from the European Union in this sense. The democratic aspirations of the Tunisian people and the defence of fundamental freedoms deserve a bolder European response.

Mr President, Paul Rusesabagina, known for saving thousands of lives during the Rwandan genocide, was sentenced to 25 years in prison. Groups that independently monitored the trial denounced his judicial journey, as it was marred by numerous violations of his rights, including the illegal circumstances of his transfer from Dubai to Kigali, his enforced disappearance, his subsequent incommunicado detention, the interception of privileged and confidential communications between Rusesabagina and his lawyers and finally, public statements – including by President Kagame – that may have influenced the accused’s right to be presumed innocent. Victims of armed attacks deserve justice. The perpetrators must be held accountable in a fair trial; but the trial against Mr Rusesabagina was politically motivated, in a context of persecution of political opponents, activists and journalists, including with the use of the infamous Pegasus spyware, and in a country where respect for human rights, freedom of expression, democracy, the rule of law and the separation of powers are far from being achieved. In this context, the European Union’s reluctance to publicly denounce human rights violations in Rwanda is a mistake. The socio-economic progress that the country has undoubtedly made in recent years cannot be an excuse for not implementing all the measures provided by the Cotonou Agreements, and soon by the post-Cotonou agreements, with regard to human rights. The EU and Rwanda should intensify their dialogue so that the opposition and dissenting voices can be fairly heard and represented. The Commission must ensure that EU support to the Rwandan government is linked to the full promotion of human rights. In view of the lack of guarantees of a fair trial and in view of his poor state of health, we demand, on humanitarian grounds, the immediate release of Mr Rusesabagina.

Madam President, the huge increase in the price of electricity is worrying. In Spain, for example, the megawatt hour has increased fivefold in a year. The causes are multiple, but the main factor is the rise in the price of gas and not, as some claim, the emissions trading system. Pointing out the Green Deal as primarily responsible for the increase in energy prices is simply a fallacy. The best way to lower prices is to accelerate the deployment of renewables, which produce electricity at a more competitive, stable cost and without being subject to geopolitical veleities. Improving energy efficiency will also lower bills because we will consume less. Promoting local energy communities will certainly help as well. In turn, governments must put in place more social measures and resources to protect the most vulnerable households from skyrocketing prices. However, these interventions should be well targeted: to help those who really need it without giving rise to a covert subsidy to the fossil fuel sector. And finally, we are also concerned that price escalation will increase the predominant market position of large energy companies, since it may lead to the disappearance of small companies in the sector, reducing competition and further strengthening oligopolies. The solution to this price crisis must go hand in hand with green, social and competition-enhancing measures.

Mr President, it’s been one year since brave Belarusians took to the streets to demand democracy for their country, and the dictator is still there. He and his illegitimate regime keep suffocating the democratic revolution, whilst our response so far has failed to make much of a difference. What is happening at the border between the EU and Belarus is completely unacceptable: the instrumentalisation of migrants by Lukashenko’s regime, but also the response of some Member States, particularly Poland. It should not overshadow the fact that in Europe, in our immediate vicinity, there are 700 political prisoners in jail for defending democracy and freedom, that human rights defenders, opposition politicians, civil society, independent journalists keep being systematically repressed, and that people live in fear and under oppression. The question is: have we, the EU, done everything possible? To be effective, sanctions must target the economically crucial sectors and companies supporting Lukashenko. The international approach must be consistent. Is it reasonable that while we adopt more sanctions, the IMF grants Lukashenko’s regime USD 1 billion? Stepping up our efforts may not immediately achieve the goal of a democratic Belarus, but it will show the Belarusian people that the EU, with its entire means, stands with them and with their struggle for freedom and democracy.

Madam President, I believe that those who resist condemning the repressive response to the biggest protests that the island of Cuba has recently experienced are wrong, in the same way that I also believe that those who refuse to condemn the blockade and its repercussions on the living conditions of Cuban citizens are wrong. I believe that the violation of human rights must be condemned wherever they occur, whatever the country where they occur and whatever the sign of the government that produces them. I believe that we must always demand the protection of the right to legitimate protest and freedom of expression and demonstration, and we must do so consistently and without double standards. It is not worth doing it in some cases and not in others. And, by the way, it must also be done when violations of fundamental rights occur here in the European Union. The protests of 11 and 12 July, in some 50 localities, were mainly due to deteriorating living conditions, the difficulties of the pandemic, the lack of medicines, food, electricity and inflation, and the lack of freedoms on the island was probably also a reason for part of the protesters. There are a combination of factors and you have to take into account these concerns that are absolutely legitimate. The Díaz-Canel government should take good note of this malaise, engage in an inclusive national dialogue and continue with reforms that can and should help alleviate this situation and, of course, release all those who are still detained for political reasons. But I also believe that the US blockade must be condemned, as a total of 184 States once again did in the framework of the United Nations General Assembly on 23 June. The economic, commercial and financial embargo has obvious dire consequences on the Cuban population, on their living conditions, on relations with the diaspora, and the Biden Administration should lift it immediately. And finally, I insist, once again, that the European Union's strategy towards Cuba, the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement seem to us today, in the current circumstances... (the Chair withdrew the floor to the speaker)

Mr President, I say to the President of the Commission: the pandemic has shown that when European institutions take the lead in facing common challenges, the EU can deliver results: vaccine development and purchase, the COVID certificate, Next Generation EU. Despite some initial flaws, what has been achieved so far is truly remarkable. With the terrible contradiction though, that we now have millions of doses waiting in the freezers while in many other countries vaccination has hardly begun. So we need to step up our solidarity. If we were to face all the big challenges with the same leadership and determination, then as a Union we would achieve much more. And we don’t lack challenges. For instance, many of our European companies are in a race against time to maintain their competitiveness despite growing demand. They face rising energy and raw material prices, shortage of components, unfair competition from third countries. And we cannot achieve the goals of the Green Deal without them. Let’s support our industry with an ambitious strategy. Let’s translate the strategic autonomy into something more than just fancy words. On another note, Ms von der Leyen, today the Catalan and Spanish Governments are formally resuming negotiations on how to solve the ongoing political conflict between Catalonia and Spain. I know you will argue that this is an internal matter, but we both know this is not entirely true. The EU should follow this negotiation and embrace it as much as it can, because in a democratic space, as we want the EU to be, conflicts on sovereignty require a democratic and negotiated solution. Other, authoritarian-like responses, have no place in our Union.

Madam President, the Taliban takeover has certainly been a blow for the West but, after our chaotic withdrawal, what cannot be further defeated are the values we stand for, and solidarity is one of them. This means providing humanitarian assistance, keeping up efforts for evacuation, and using our levers and instruments to help protect human rights as much as we can, but this also means not turning our back on those Afghan citizens most at risk of persecution by the new regime, especially women. We need safe and legal pathways for vulnerable people to find protection in Europe. Resettlement pledges must be part of the EU’s efforts, not just shifting the responsibility for the protection of refugees to neighbouring countries yet again. We must uphold our international legal obligations, including on the right to seek asylum, if we want to be taken seriously as a reliable player in a rules—based international order.

Mr President, a year ago, almost to the day, the National Security Law entered into force. Our concerns and those of the people of Hong Kong proved to be right. This law is a pretext for restricting human rights, silencing dissenting voices and dismantling democracy and freedom in Hong Kong. The case of the forced closure of Apple Daily is the latest regrettable example. The once vibrant democratic civil society in Hong Kong that should have been protected under its basic law, as well as its high degree of autonomy, are, as a matter of fact, being destroyed at full speed. It has to be remembered, over and over again, that all this is happening in breach of international commitments undertaken by China by which Hong Kong’s existing system and way of life had to remain unchanged for 50 years. It is commendable that, despite the crackdown, Hong Kongers still demonstrate support for human rights and democracy, as happened a couple of weeks ago when, despite the police ban, hundreds commemorated the anniversary of the Tiananmen massacre outside Victoria Park. We need to cooperate with like—minded countries to halt the erosion of Hong Kong’s freedoms, and we reiterate that, as long as human rights violations continue in Hong Kong, Xinjiang, Tibet, Inner Mongolia and elsewhere in China, and targeted sanctions against individuals – MEPs amongst them – and entities of the EU are in place, no further steps on the EU—China investment agreement should be taken. The Council should take good note of that.

Mr President, since 2009, achieving the European research area (ERA) has been an explicit Treaty objective. Nevertheless, progress is still needed today to accomplish many of the ERA objectives. For instance, on the level of research and innovation expenditure, we are still lagging very much behind other countries such as Israel, South Korea, Japan or the US. Research and innovation (R&I) are essential to enable Europe’s recovery in a fair and sustainable way, bringing forward the green and digital transitions while at the same time enhancing our competitiveness and resilience, in particular taking into account the lessons learned from the COVID—19 pandemic. The EU, its Member States and regions have to redouble efforts and significantly increase R&I expenditure and to align these efforts with a more ambitious EU industrial policy that is consistent with the European climate law and the goal of climate neutrality. Furthermore, Member States should take full advantage of the Next Generation funds in order to boost their R&I efforts, making them a real driving force for advancing the twin transition. After all, a well—developed ERA is essential for promoting both fundamental research and the more applied research, enabling us to find faster and concrete solutions for the pressing challenges ahead. Academic freedom is a fundamental pillar in the ERA and has to be promoted internationally, but also in the EU, especially in the light of some internal threats, as pointed out in the European Court of Justice (ECJ) ruling on Hungary and foreign higher education institutions. Finally, yet importantly, we have to acknowledge the role of regional governments in promoting R&I policies and developing and connecting R&I ecosystems. There are some very successful experiences of that which significantly contribute to the excellence of European research.

Madam President, Mr Borrell, there is no more revolution or democracy in Nicaragua. Only betrayed ideals remain and an increasingly authoritarian regime that spreads fear and repression to ensure survival in power and, of course, the economic benefits that this entails. The latest strategy is to bust the November elections by detaining candidates so that nothing or no one endangers Ortega-Murillo's third re-election. Nothing that was not foreseeable seeing the dictatorial drift of recent years. The repression of the student uprising of 2018 left more than three hundred dead, thousands of exiles, hundreds of political prisoners, and, after the failure of the peace dialogues, tailor-made laws came to reduce the space of civil society, alter electoral norms, intimidate, persecute the opposition, historic Sandinistas, journalists, businessmen and activists. In the face of this repressive escalation, the European Union must react with new sanctions and agree with like-minded countries on a stronger and more committed strategy for democracy, dialogue and human rights in Nicaragua.

Mr President, let me congratulate the Slovenian people for the 30th anniversary of its independence, but let me also recall that there are still other European countries struggling to vote on our independence, struggling to exercise our right to self—determination, as you did 30 years ago. Let me also hope that during your presidency, you can show that small, performing nations like Slovenia can take the helm in an efficient and constructive way. But in this crucial moment for the recovery of our economies and societies and for building a more resilient and cohesive Union, the last thing the EU needs is more division on fundamental values, entertaining conspiracy theories, or siding with those who put at stake the very values on which our Union is based, and which by no means are imaginary. We cannot and we will not accept either double standards or relativism when it comes to fundamental rights.