Speeches

Madam President, the tragedy of Gaza seems to have no end. Just when it looks impossible for the suffering of Palestinians to increase, reality grounds us with children killed in a playground or with mass graves and the razed hospitals. No, the terrible massacre of 7 October should never have happened, and neither should the carnage in Gaza, a disproportionate response that may amount to an unlawful collective punishment. We have seen in horror how aid workers have been targeted and killed by the IDF, how desperate citizens trying to collect something to eat were gunned down, how more than 100 journalists were assassinated, how indiscriminate bombings caused massacres of innocent civilians and unprecedented destruction. We have seen severe restrictions on humanitarian aid that deprive civilians of what they need to survive, putting them on the brink of famine. International law and international humanitarian law have been trampled upon. No, Hamas atrocity atrocities can never be justified: it was a horrendous terrorist crime. But Israel’s conduct is unacceptable. International justice will have to rule on the possible war crimes committed by all the parties, and perpetrators will have to be held to account. The only way to truly weaken Hamas and ensure Israel’s long-term security is by granting the two peoples, Israelis and Palestinians, the right to have their country. By neglecting the conflict while keeping going with the occupation, today Israelis have less security and Palestinians less hope. So stop the war, release the hostages and restore a political horizon to achieve the only viable and fair solution: two states for two peoples.

Madam President, this is my last plenary session and, since we are talking about priorities for the coming years for the European Union, let me humbly place duties on those who are going to continue. Defend Europe, a stronger, more integrated, more cohesive Europe, more competitive and more able to decide and preserve its legitimate interests more autonomously. Defend a Europe that redirects globalisation and its less positive effects, with more commitment to social justice and also more – not less – commitment to sustainability. Defend a Europe that in its external action is effective and coherent and prioritizes human rights and the fight against the indecent inequalities that exist in the world. And I am going to express the last petition to you in Catalan, a language that incomprehensibly is not yet official of the Union. (The speaker speaks in an unofficial language.)

Madam President, it is very good news that we are moving towards European legislation to combat pollution caused by plastic pellets. In February 2021, I was able to verify on the spot the consequences of this type of discharge, which occurred repeatedly and on a large scale. I visited the Pineda beach, in Tarragona, near the largest petrochemical site in southern Europe, in Catalonia, and that day the beach did not look like a sandy beach. It looked like a plastic beach, with thousands of small plastic grains. And that was not punctual, it was not just that day, but it happened very often. And, although environmental organisations, the authorities of the area and the Government of Catalonia have worked to put an end to this pollution – often with the involvement of actors throughout the value chain – everyone knows that, without legislation establishing clear obligations and responsibilities, it is very difficult to prevent these losses and this pollution. That is why we must welcome this regulation.

Madam President, on behalf of our group, we agree to postpone this debate. However, we have to make sure that we can have a proper debate in our final session. It’s been over half a year that this terrible war is going on. The humanitarian law, international law has been shattered, the world has been shaken by this horrible conflict. There is ICJ provisional measures, there is a Security Council resolution asking for a ceasefire. We are still waiting for it. The hostages still have to be released and we need to have, again, a debate and a clear position of this Parliament that this war has to come to an end.

Mr President, the last annual report on the common foreign and security policy reminded us that the European Union must contribute - I quote - 'to global multilateralism, to the peaceful resolution of conflicts and to the development of democracy'. This, and not another, must be our main purpose. In this regard, we take note of the announcement of presidential elections in Venezuela on 28 July, but strongly condemn the systematic persecution and imprisonment of members of the opposition, as well as the repeated attacks on civil society and human rights defenders. Without opposition, there are simply no democratic elections. In fact, there is no democracy. The Venezuelan authorities must put an end to arbitrary arrests and disqualifications, immediately release the more than 200 political prisoners and allow the opposition – all of them – to run on equal terms in the 28 July elections. Venezuela will not emerge from the critical situation in which it finds itself without respecting human rights and the most fundamental democratic norms. We insist on it because we want the best for the people of Venezuela.

Mr President, at the next meeting of the European Council, governments will again talk about the war in Gaza. They have an opportunity to be more forceful and less erratic in responding to this terrible war. Will they take advantage of it or will they prefer to continue juggling language? After so much war and so many thousands of deaths – mostly innocent civilians – with an unsustainable humanitarian situation, with 130 hostages yet to be liberated, it is high time for the European Union to demand and push for a permanent ceasefire and a political solution to end the endless conflict in the region, because there will be no military solution. We do not accept that hunger is a strategy of war. The maritime corridor to bring aid to Gaza is a step forward, but the priority and most effective route is the distribution of much more aid by land. As the European Union, the response we have given to this tragedy has not been up to par. Too much internal division and too much double standards. Either we change or I'm afraid that when history judges us, we won't turn out well.

Madam President, the creation of a self-defence policy has always been a stone on the road to European integration. The Russian invasion of Ukraine will perhaps be the moment when we realized the urgency of changing our security and defence paradigm. In addition, we are rethinking – more forcefully than by conviction – some of the foundations that have largely underpinned our relative prosperity. If we really bet on the famous strategic autonomy, for being a normative power or for soft power, perhaps, it will not be enough for us. Because wanting more strategic autonomy means taking more responsibility. But the key question of a European defence policy is how we make better, more integrated and efficient use of our capabilities. And in the defence industry proposals I see, with concern, that the emphasis is on producing more, with a reckless logic of multiplying public spending, instead of spending better and with a genuine vision of integration, overcoming outdated national and mental frameworks. Spend better on traditional advocacy to further protect other dimensions of human security related to social justice, well-being and sustainability.

Mr President, almost 150 days of war in Gaza. Almost 30 000 people killed – mostly innocent civilians. How many more lives need to be destroyed until this bloodshed finally ends? I say it again: the atrocities committed by Hamas do not justify the massacre of civilians in Gaza, nor the collective punishment to which, as a matter of fact, its population is being subjected. And things can only get worse if Israel carries out the ground invasion operation in Rafah, where a million Palestinians are crammed with nowhere else to go. Let us listen to the ICJ. The risk of genocide is plausible if these large-scale operations do not stop, and if access to humanitarian aid continues to be hindered. The provision of measures ordered by the court are binding. However, the reality is that in February, compared to January, humanitarian aid into Gaza has been reduced to a half. This is just shameful. Speaking of aid, to all those governments who have decided to suspend funding to UNRWA, I asked them: what exactly is the viable alternative to immediately replace on UNRWA’s operational capacity? They know the answer as well as I do: none. So what sense does this decision make? Let all the necessary controls be carried out. Let all the necessary measures be taken. But don’t asphyxiate UNRWA, because this will have immediate and further tremendous consequences on the population. This tragedy must end now. We need an immediate and permanent ceasefire, and the release of all hostages. Let’s hope that the negotiations underway will lead to this result; the sooner, the better.

Mr President, Madam Commissioner, the participation of third countries sharing our core values and priorities in Union programmes has a positive effect both in the achievements of such programmes and in our cooperation with like-minded partners. This is especially the case in the field of research and innovation, where international cooperation plays a key role in tackling global challenges and fostering mutually beneficial relations. Therefore, association of third countries to Horizon Europe is something that we definitely welcome. However, as a single EU institution directly elected by citizens, we are also here to defend the Parliament’s democratic prerogatives. And as it happens, these prerogatives cannot be fully exercised with the Commission’s approach as regards the conclusion of international agreements related to the participation in Union programmes. The current procedures do not allow the Parliament to have meaningful consent. In our role of safeguarding the democratic and fundamental values of the Union, we should and we must have a bigger say in these agreements. The negotiation, approval and implementation of them is not just a simple administrative procedure without any political connotation. Issues like academic freedom or the need to uphold the climate targets and Green Deal objectives require parliamentary involvement. We welcome the proposal to enhance partnership through New Zealand’s association with the Horizon Europe programme, and the same goes for the agreement with the Faroe Islands. But we have to make sure that there is the proper parliamentary scrutiny under a meaningful consent procedure. The proposed joint committee circumvents the Parliament and undermines its capacity to fully exercise its powers. Therefore, we urge the Commission to finally launch negotiations on an interinstitutional agreement in order to allow for proper parliamentary oversight, democratic scrutiny and power of consent in association to Union programmes.

Mr. President, farmers and ranchers have many good reasons to take to the streets to protest: loss of competitiveness, stagnation of farm incomes, closure of farms. But let's not be mistaken. The problem is not the Green Deal, as we are constantly told by the conservative coalition, often with populist and demagoguery arguments. The problem is an economic structure contrary to small producers and an income that is not worthy. Because we all know that with a decent income farmers would be the first allies of the ecological transition. Why is the income not worthy? For the oligopoly of agribusiness, with whom the right wing has good friendships; pressure from intermediary groups, who force you to sell below cost and with whom you also have good relations; for unfair external competition from products that enter without meeting the same requirements as those produced in the Union, as a result of its free trade agreements, of which the agricultural sector is and has been a bargaining chip. Let's not be hypocritical. Let's explain the real reasons for the problems in the field.

Mr. President, the confirmation of the disqualification of María Corina Machado and other members of the Venezuelan opposition is contrary to the Barbados agreements between the United Platform and the Maduro Government and deals a severe blow to the hope of free and fair elections in Venezuela. Despite the many efforts made to reach elections on an equal footing, we see the persistence of political persecution of candidates from the democratic opposition and members of civil society. Elections are not a springboard for gaining international legitimacy or opening markets to oil. They are the basic mechanism for deciding and consenting to governments. They are also today a hope for change for millions of Venezuelans suffering from an absolutely precarious socio-economic situation. This basic mechanism should not be altered by traps. That is why we call on the Venezuelan authorities to respect the result of the Unitary Platform primaries, which yielded a strong result; to allow the participation of its presidential candidate in fair, competitive, inclusive and transparent elections; to release political prisoners and, ultimately, not to interfere further in the process towards normal elections.

Mr President, in Catalonia we are suffering the most serious drought since we have records. Today it would take nine months of rain to recover the reserves found in the internal basins by 16%. If the rain doesn't fall from the sky, we can't just stare at the sky. And that is why the Government of the Generalitat has been taking measures for two years, since when we were still at 70% of reserves, making a surgical management of the little water available and accelerating infrastructure works to optimize the water cycle, betting on desalination and regeneration. For months we have been, to a large extent, using water that has not rained. Citizens in general, but also economic activities and, in particular, farmers and ranchers have been making a significant effort to save. But all this has not been enough. We will have to continue saving, optimizing and investing in new infrastructure. Today it is Catalonia that suffers the most from drought. Yesterday it was Portugal. Tomorrow it will be another country of the European Union. The effects of climate change are there and this emergency requires both a long look, but also immediate action and European solidarity and support.

Mr President, Commissioner, one of the Digital Decade targets is that public services are 100% available online by 2030. At the same time, in the digital single market, digital public services should be provided and be accessible from anywhere in the EU without technical barriers. However, as we know, too many obstacles hindering interoperability persist today. The Interoperable Europe Act will be an instrument for removing such obstacles and will deliver smooth, cross-border, digital public services. It establishes a robust foundation for the use and sharing of interoperability solutions, including those based on open source. It fosters trust and cooperation between public administrations across the EU, as citizens called for in the Conference on the Future of Europe, and it will accelerate the digital transformation of Europe’s public sector at both local and regional level. This will be good news for citizens, for businesses and for a digital innovative Europe.

Mr President, all the support for the Galician people who, once again, suffer an ecological catastrophe in their seas and on their beaches, but also suffer the incompetence of their Government, of the Xunta, which reacts late and badly. In my country, in Catalonia, unfortunately, we also know the problem of pellet pollution on the coasts, a particularly serious situation on the beach of La Pineda, near the petrochemical estate of Tarragona. After having discussed with all the actors in the value chain and having proposed commitments of good practices, and also, it must be said, after a very relevant role of civil society, the Catalan Government has opened a file to eight chemical companies, and the Prosecutor's Office, just two days ago, has also decided to act. The point is that it must be possible to find the source of these discharges and penalize those responsible. In this sense, the new European legislation - which, Commissioner, we welcome - should give more tools, both to prevent discharges and, therefore, pollution, and so that they do not go unpunished if they occur.

Mr President, I would like, first of all, to express all our solidarity with the Ecuadorian people, who undoubtedly deserve to live in peace and security. I also condemn the serious acts of violence perpetrated by organized crime. The images we've seen these days are as creepy as they are unacceptable. Without a minimum of security, there is no freedom or prosperity. That is why we support the Government in its efforts to protect citizens and restore public order, always ensuring compliance with the rule of law and the protection of human rights. And this excludes any excessive use of lethal force. I also want to say that the situation in Ecuador's prisons is worrying. Control of prisons must be in the hands of public authorities and not organized crime. In this regard, penitentiary policies must be put in place that include the fight against corruption also as a central axis.

Mr President, 100 days of war in Gaza, 100 days of death, destruction and human failure. After the massacre of hundreds of innocent Israeli citizens on 7 October, the massacre of thousands of innocent Palestinian citizens in the 100 days that have followed. Violence breeds violence and international humanitarian law today lies under the rubble of Gaza. I do not question the need to respond to address atrocities such as the ones on 7 October. What I do question is that there was no way to respond other than the one that has claimed the lives of nearly 20 000 people so far. The one that has wiped out 1% of the population of Gaza: 10 000 children, entire families, journalists, doctors, teachers and workers from international agencies. You won’t convince me that there was no other way to retaliate against Hamas. This carnage must stop now. Both sides must cease hostilities and reach a permanent ceasefire. All hostages have to be released, and the EU should be using now fully our leverage to help stop this war. Let international justice take its course. Let the courts, including the ICJ, do their work so that war crimes and crimes against humanity that may have been committed don’t go unpunished. Let us insist again and again that this entire vicious circle of violence and hatred will never stop until there is an independent Palestinian state that guarantees the security of Israel and a state of Israel that is ready to live side by side with a viable, internationally recognised Palestinian state.

Madam President, dear Prime Minister, I’m sure you are fully aware of the importance of letting each and every EU citizen feel part of the European project. The more attachment it gets, the stronger it will be. I would like to call your attention to one unresolved issue that has been passed on to your presidency from the previous Spanish one, which is the official request to grant Catalan, Basque and Galician languages the status of official EU languages. I ask you to keep building consensus in the Council for this fair request, and bring it back to its agenda as soon as possible. There can be no legitimate reason to keep denying us Catalans, but also Galicians and Basques the same linguistic rights towards the EU than the vast majority of EU citizens already enjoy. Prime Minister, millions of Catalans count on your commitment towards diversity and equality of rights to deliver on this important issue.

Madam President, Mr President, we are in Strasbourg and we are going to talk about Europe. From his speech today, I share his Europeanism: the need to defend the unity of Europe, the achievements of Europe, especially at a time when we have an unbridled far right with the shameful complicity of the right. I don't know if I can share the optimism at the end of his speech. You and I are more or less of the same generation, but do you know what the difference is between our fathers and mothers and us? That they could be sure that they left a better world to their sons and daughters. I do not know if we can be so sure, when we see the rates of poverty, inequality, precariousness and lack of social cohesion in our societies. There is one thing that your Presidency has not achieved, which is the officiality of Catalan... (The speaker is speaking in an unofficial language.)

Mr President, at the time we welcomed the dialogue between the Maduro Government, the Venezuelan opposition and the United States, and the Barbados Agreement on the presidential elections to be held in the second half of next year. However, we are concerned about the uncertainties that still weigh on these elections and call for clear mechanisms to be established to ensure the participation of opposition candidates, including those that Venezuelan society has chosen to be representatives in these elections, and that, for the sake of Venezuelan democracy, the conditions are met to carry out these elections in a free and transparent manner. But, in the midst of this delicate process of political normalization and the growing unpopularity of his government, Maduro has thrown out a manual, reviving the old territorial dispute with Guyana over the Essequibo region, knowing that this issue unites practically the whole country, the entire political spectrum, and allows to divert attention on the serious problems that the country is going through, and who knows if it provides the excuse to postpone the elections. We must not underestimate the potential of this territorial conflict or Maduro's intentions to annex the Essequibo, much less in the hectic international context in which we live. Therefore, we must appeal to avoid unilateral actions in the negotiation to resolve the conflict with international mediation, within the framework of international law and letting the International Court of Justice do its job, respecting its jurisdiction. In this regard, we welcome the meeting that will take place on Thursday at the initiative of the CELAC presidency and hope that it will help to redirect tensions.

Mr President, without the abhorrent massacre of innocent civilians committed by Hamas on 7 October, this terrible war in Gaza today wouldn’t be happening. This is as true as the fact that that two months later, with some 18 000 Palestinians killed, many of them children and women, nearly 2 million internally displaced, and a catastrophic humanitarian situation unfolding, it has become evident that Israel’s response has been disproportionate and indiscriminate. One of the most sophisticated armies in the world, even in a place as densely populated as Gaza, could have chosen a more surgical response instead of one of the most massive bombing campaigns in living memory. Moreover, the response chosen might be ultimately counterproductive in strategic terms. This war is leaving a trail of hatred and desire for revenge in the population of Gaza and in the whole Palestinian people, which will again last for generations, further fuelling the vicious cycle of violence. What will happen in a devastated Gaza, possibly without Hamas, but certainly full of pain and hatred? Will this scenario really be a guarantee for Israel’s security in the long term? As difficult and unrealistic as it may seem today, everyone knows that the only possible way for achieving a lasting peace with security guarantees for Israel is with a viable, sovereign Palestinian state along the 1967 borders, and with a leadership unequivocally committed to peace. That is why I say again today, free all hostages, reach a permanent ceasefire and build peace and security once and for all.

Madam President, they allow unlawful detention of President Bazoum, and the coup d’etat by the military junta in Niger must be condemned with the strongest terms. We urge the military authorities to unconditionally release the legitimate President of Niger, together with his family and other officials detained, and to swiftly return to the constitutional order and to democracy. Meanwhile, while stopping budget support and security cooperation and implementing targeted measures against leaders of the junta, the EU has to ensure that humanitarian aid flows into the population in a country where, according to the UN, 4.3 million people remain in need of humanitarian assistance. Sadly enough, this concerning situation comes as a new step backwards in the already extremely unstable Sahel region. During the last years, several Sahel countries have experienced putsch that led to the establishment of military rule. Jihadist insurgencies, extreme poverty, major migration flows, the effects of climate change. All these are factors that aggravate the situation in the Sahel. Against this backdrop, and to better contribute to peace and stability in the region, the EU has to re-evaluate and update its Sahel perspective.

Mr President, it now turns out that right-wing and far-right groups are concerned about the rule of law in the Spanish state. Now. And where were your concerns when six years ago we were beaten up by Catalans for voting in a referendum? They applauded him with their ears. Where were they when the judges twisted the Penal Code to the extreme to aberrantly impose long jail sentences on nine Democrats? They celebrated it as if they had won another World Cup. Where were they when they put Pegasus in our cell phone to spy on us? Of course, the reason for the state is a carpet that covers everything. Where were they when the "Operation Catalonia" tried – with illegitimate and illegal means – to discredit the independence movement? Indeed, everything for the homeland: even sewers. Ladies and gentlemen of the PP, where was your concern about the rule of law when one of yours escaped in parliamentary headquarters that would control from behind the Second Chamber of the Supreme Court? Deafening silence. Maybe they haven't told you this, Mr. Weber. But now yes, now they worry because we are going to move forward with an amnesty law that is as necessary as it is just: a step forward to return to politics what should never have come out of there and advance the democratic resolution of a conflict that is political. Mr. Reynders, I think you can rest assured. Despite the pulse of the political, judicial and media right against the amnesty, it will be shown that it is neither against the Spanish Constitution nor against the fundamental values of the European Union. On the contrary, it tries to repair a democratic failure, the failure that has meant the police, judicial and economic repression against a democratic movement, legitimate and very alive - bad that despite some - such as the Catalan independence movement. However, there is one thing that should concern you: that in the demonstrations of these days Nazi symbolism has been exhibited and fascist proclamations and macho and racist insults have been made. That should worry us all.

Mr. President, today we see a small ray of light after almost fifty days in the darkness of war and death. We welcome the four-day truce with the exchange of hostages and prisoners. It's a step in the right direction, but it's not enough. We need a permanent ceasefire, the release of all hostages and the multiplication of humanitarian aid. After the abominable acts of Hamas on October 7, Israel had to respond. But the Israeli military response against Hamas did not have to become the war against the Palestinians in Gaza. The reality is being an indiscriminate and disproportionate response with the result that one in every two hundred inhabitants in the Gaza Strip has been killed, mostly innocent civilians, many of them children. This conflict, in relation to its duration, has already become the deadliest conflict for children in recent decades. International law and international humanitarian law impose rules that must be respected even in cases of genuine human bankruptcy, such as all wars. When the weapons have quieted, beyond reconstruction, someone will have to take care of the deep wounds of this horrible war, but also of this endless conflict between Israelis and Palestinians that, together, by omission, we have allowed to become entrenched. We have already seen where conflict management has led us that some believed was the solution. There is no level of violence that is manageable forever, because frozen conflicts always end up exploding. We must think of the day after, of a Gaza without Hamas, but also without occupation and without blockade, and with a legitimate and effective Palestinian government that the population can feel like its own. The post-war solution for Gaza cannot be separated from the solution for the whole of the occupied Palestinian territories, nor from the security guarantees for Israel.

Madam President, one month and one day ago, Hamas committed the most terrible of atrocities. Slaughtering innocent people isn’t fighting for freedom; it’s simply being criminal. Israel had the right to respond, but this response had to be proportionate, targeted and within the limits of international law. We do care about international humanitarian law, and everyone must uphold it. But one month into the war, we see thousands of Palestinian civilians killed, many of them children; a catastrophic humanitarian situation unfolding. We see forced displacement, unprecedented destruction, horror and suffering everywhere. More hatred is building up, and so the vicious circle goes on. We need a ceasefire, the unconditional release of hostages, and much more humanitarian aid flowing into Gaza. This conflict did not begin on 7 October, and this conflict does not have a military solution. When this bloodshed is over, it’s time to seriously think again about how to build a lasting peace. We have all allowed the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to linger on for too long.

Madam President, one month ago, the brutal Hamas attacks against innocent civilians, most of them Israeli citizens, unleashed a brutal war that has already claimed over 10 000 Palestinian deaths, 4 000 of them children, a huge humanitarian crisis, destruction of hospitals and other civilian infrastructures, and a vast amount of suffering that adds hatred where there was already too much of it. International humanitarian law is at stake. The UN Secretary-General has been under attack for insisting on upholding this law and calling for a humanitarian ceasefire. Meanwhile, the bulk of hostages keep being retained by Hamas rockets being fired against Israel, and a long and terrible battle in Gaza City is to be expected. This war needs to stop. It is time for a ceasefire. We need to work for peace, no matter how difficult, under such circumstances, it might be. This is why our group proposes a debate with the following title: ‘The attacks against Israel, the dramatic situation in Gaza and the urgent need for a ceasefire’.