Speeches

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen. The debates were interesting. As José Manuel said, I think there are some points that we agree with and some that we absolutely disagree with, including the last point you just mentioned. Nevertheless, I believe that the debates have shown that the European Parliament is largely united, mostly united behind its long-standing ambitions for Europe. Yes, we need more tax and social justice. Yes, Europe must have a budget that is independent of national budgetary constraints. Yes, we need to force states to respect the political commitment and legally binding commitment they made in 2020 to repay the recovery plan. Namely that it is not the European citizens who will repay this recovery plan, but it is those who do not pay their fair share of taxes: large polluters, foreign CO2 importers. And, Mr Van Overtveldt, when you say that citizens are not ready for this, do citizens not want the digital giants to pay? Do citizens not want financial institutions to pay? Do citizens not want foreign CO2 importers and big polluters to pay? Yes, they do. There is an expectation for this, and the European scale is the right scale to implement such measures. Through this report, we recall our responsibility. However, this responsibility is not limited to the reimbursement of the recovery plan alone. The European budget can be the solution to other challenges: the solution to the deregulation of cryptocurrencies, the solution to tax competition from below between states, the solution to extreme poverty in the world. But it also requires a change of practices, another way of thinking about the EU no longer as a club of nations that would be only the smallest common denominator between their differences, but as a level of shared governance that multiplies our power, in this case our fiscal power and our social power. This has already been said by some colleagues, it is illusory to believe that Europe will be able to deal with climate change, deal with the consequences of the war in Ukraine, or make the necessary efforts to ensure its strategic autonomy, our industrial autonomy, Commissioner, with a budget equivalent to only 1% of its GDP. So I call on all of you here to vote overwhelmingly in favour of this report and put maximum pressure on the states to give the EU the means to meet our ambitions.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, dear José Manuel. We are about to reconnect with the intention of Europe’s founding fathers. This firm, determined and inspired intention to make Europe autonomous. A Europe free of national budgetary constraints. A Europe that would not be forced to make the rounds with the states in order to be able to finance its policies. This is why, I repeat, Europe is not intended to remain dependent on national budgets, as was the wish of the founding fathers. And today, through this report, we are reinvigorating this project. This project that we have put back on top of the political agenda since 2019, when many had thrown in the towel. In 2021, together with José Manuel Fernandes and colleagues from pro-European groups, we obtained the first own resource since 1988: the contribution that requires states to better recycle their plastic packaging. The first resource in 33 years. And tomorrow the carbon tax at the borders and the rights to pollute will follow. Realize how far you've come. But we have to go even further, even stronger. And that is the whole point of our report: feed into the debate and launch work on additional new own resources. And always with a watchword: not to place the burden on Europeans, but on those who do not pay their fair share of taxes today. Because, ladies and gentlemen, if there is one entity that can tackle aggressive tax practices, the imperfections of globalisation and environmental dumping, it is Europe. That is why, Commissioner, we call on the European Commission to be bold. We want a fair border mechanism so that products produced here no longer face unfair competition from low-cost products produced in third countries. It is unacceptable to break prices on the backs of workers left in extreme poverty, in extreme poverty. To address this, Europe must ensure that products imported into our market are not made by workers paid below the poverty line. So, in the same way that we protect the climate with the carbon border tax, we will protect our social models and human dignity tomorrow with the fair border mechanism. But this mechanism is only one solution among others, because Europe must also adapt to the new economic realities of this century. Fragmentation of the taxation of large multinationals that allows them to compete with European states to lower taxes; the explosion of cryptocurrencies and financial speculation; the cynical practice of large companies that prefer to buy back shares to remunerate large shareholders rather than invest their windfall profits; the unjustifiable and unacceptable gender pay gap. These are all issues where Europe is better able to respond than the Member States alone. Colleagues, the founding fathers and their successor heads of state had the ambition of gradually replacing the contributions of member countries with own resources. This report is an opportunity to honour them by demonstrating that their convictions have not faded over the years. Thus, own resources will determine Europe's destiny. Either it will protect and regulate, or it will remain doomed to impotence.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, the EPP wants to build a wall on Europe's borders. Cement, concrete, wire mesh. These are the sectors in which the centre-right now wants to invest for the future of Europe. All this to build walls and barriers. Is this the new European centre of law? A group, a party which, in order not to lose the battle of the one who claims to be the most right-wing, begins to defend the most despicable and useless ideas of the extreme right. Colleagues, walls are useless. History has shown this to us all over the world. They do not discourage migrants any more than an entire sea to cross. So, what do you want to do? Building a wall in the middle of the Mediterranean Sea? Ladies and gentlemen, where is the centre-right that wanted to invest in innovation, to ensure a decent income for our farmers and to prevent the budget squandering of some? Instead of seeking to squander public money on inhumane, unnecessary and, moreover, costly projects, I invite you to come back to your senses. This cement, this concrete, this fence would be much more useful to build schools where we educate our young people in the face of populist ideas.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, the work done in two years to bring the texts to fruition is absolutely phenomenal. Many imagined Europe incapable. Unable to go so fast, unable to go so hard. Ladies and gentlemen, to Europeans, we have not only promised climate neutrality, we have also promised them a recovery plan whose debt would not rest on the shoulders of households, but on the shoulders of major polluters, foreign CO2 importers and all those who do not pay their fair share of taxes. However, I note that States procrastinate, again and again. There is an urgent need for revenues from the carbon border tax and the carbon market to be allocated to the EU budget. We have a recovery plan to pay back. And own resources are the key. There is no longer any excuse: the figures are available, the texts will be voted on. It is the credibility and responsibility of States to reach an agreement as soon as possible.

Mr President, Minister, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, it has been eight months since our American partner launched its major investment plan, the IRA. Eight months since Europe procrastinated. But large industrialists have no time to waste. Northvolt, Safran, Volkswagen, these flagships of our industry are giving up projects on our continent to benefit from American subsidies. So yes, the Commission is right to present the Net-Zero Industry Act. But it is late. It is late and, as we know, it will not be enough. We also need to address other issues related to our strategic autonomy. We must again produce in Europe so that we are no longer dependent on unreliable or belligerent states, as is the case, for example, with China for our medicines and rare materials, or Russia, of course, for our fertilisers and our energy supply. That is why, Commissioner, we are waiting in this Parliament for a broad-based European sovereignty fund that can help us get out of all our critical dependencies. Without it, Europe will be doomed to pay hundreds of billions, again and again, to adapt to the next geopolitical turmoil. And we know that these turbulences, they will come sooner or later.

Madam President, Mr President, Commissioner, the United States, as we speak, continues to aspire to our major European industries, Northvolt, Volkswagen, BASF, Solvay. It is deindustrialization that awaits us. And if we want to meet this challenge, it will take more than just a diplomatic visit to ensure the only sale of our electric vehicles across the Atlantic. We need a general exemption and, above all, we will need tangible investments at home in Europe. Everyone here has understood this, except perhaps the EPP, President von der Leyen's own political group, which has done everything to block the European Parliament from responding to the IRA. But the real issue, in essence, is Europe's place in the world, in this world so upset. This is how Europe emerges from all these strategic dependencies that make us weaker, energy, medicines, fertilizers or photovoltaic panels. That is why, Mr President, Commissioner, the European Union, if it wants to become a real power, must stop suffering the decisions of others. It must become forward-looking and for that, the Heads of State and the Commission must stop procrastinating. Today is our future.

Madam President, Commissioner, Minister, ladies and gentlemen, I will recall here a reality that will not please the National Assembly here. This reality is that the far right remains, alongside the jihadists, no more and no less, the greatest threat associated with potential terrorist and extremist attacks in Europe. I am not the one to say it, it is a Europol report. In other words, the far right is hardly less violent than jihadism. And who could make this claim wrong? For more than a decade, our democracies have been facing this threat, which we thought belonged to the past century. Charleston, Charlottesville, Christchurch. But also at home. We all remember with horror the massacre committed by Anders Breivik in Norway a little over ten years ago – 77 dead. In France, with Claude Sinké, a former Front National candidate who is trying to burn down the Bayonne mosque in 2019 before shooting two worshippers. In Paris last month, where a man shot members of the Turkish community. Just two months after LGBTI people were shot dead in Bratislava at the exit of a bar. Colleagues, the far right has been carrying nauseating ideas for decades. These ideas instill hatred and lead to drama – when not to death. So here I am speaking to the EPP: No longer court the far right. Where you could win an ally, you would lose your integrity.

So, dear colleague, if you had listened to me, you would have assumed that I raised the issue of State aid, but not only. I deeply believe, and I have been carrying it with my group for more than a year, that we need to speed up the issue of the sovereignty fund, which we called for last spring, in order to have coordinated action at EU level, in order to effectively avoid the issue of the fragmentation of the internal market as well. As for the action of the United States and China, we must act, not wait for the decision of the Americans. As I said, China and the United States are not concerned about what we do. So let us act to protect our jobs and industries across Europe.

Madam President, Commissioner, Minister, ladies and gentlemen, in 2023, our industries meet Europe. And in the face of inflation and the energy crisis, Europe must be at the rendezvous, otherwise it is across the Atlantic that our car manufacturers will leave. Our batteries and photovoltaic panels will continue to be built in Asia. The situation, ladies and gentlemen, is brutal, but it is very real. The health crisis and the war in Ukraine have been a powerful reminder of how dependent we Europeans are on other states in the world. And one thing is for sure, none of them are waiting for Europe. For years, China has been placing its pawns on the world stage with subsidies to boost its exports. The United States has just launched a comprehensive plan to support the economy to relocate. It is the Made in America First, a very attractive plan for American companies, of course, but also for European companies. Some European companies have already announced that they are abandoning their project in France, Spain and Germany to benefit from this US plan. Who could blame them? Inflation is weighing on our economy and our companies are making choices that are in their best interests. So how can we empower them to continue to invest in Europe? How can they be empowered to continue to create jobs in Europe? By reacting together, fast and strong. An extraordinary impetus is being created today, ladies and gentlemen, with the President of the Commission, Commissioner, the States: all agree with the European Parliament’s call to strengthen our industries. In particular, this call must include more flexibility in State aid so that the rules foreseen for ordinary times do not prevent us from facing the challenges of extraordinary times. But 30 years after the creation of the single market, which has brought us prosperity and opportunities, we must avoid fragmenting it. In this context, the European Sovereignty Fund, which we have been calling for almost a year here in the European Parliament, is an absolute necessity to maintain the competitiveness of Europe as a whole, but also to establish our strategic autonomy. Our ambition must therefore be global, as you said, Commissioner, to invest forcefully and without taboos in our own industries, in our health, in our defence, in rare materials, in industrial components, in ecology, in the environment. Made in Europe. Let's not waste that momentum. (The speaker agreed to respond to a blue card intervention)

Madam President. Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, if there is one lesson we learn from the Russian war in Ukraine, it is that our dependencies are our weaknesses. Energy is one of them. Chips, batteries, raw materials, photovoltaic panels and chemicals are others. However, these dependencies cost us a little more every day. The reality, ladies and gentlemen, is as follows: Northvolt, a Swedish battery group, the Spanish Iberdrola, one of the largest energy companies in the world, the French Safran, one of the main suppliers of aircraft engines, and the German chemical giant BASF are all cascadingly announcing their intention to redirect their investments to the United States. The reality, ladies and gentlemen, is that our industrial fabric is tearing apart. It is torn apart by energy prices, which are of course the result of our energy naivety, which has led to our dependence on hydrocarbons from the Urals. Our industrial fabric is also torn apart because of our inability to play equal with the greats of this world: with the United States, which is launching a large subsidy plan, and with China, which is overprotecting its companies. So I have a question for everyone here in this Chamber: When are we going to get out of our naivety? When will we recognise that it is not by reapplying, over and over again, the same old revenues that led to our dependencies that we will make Europe stronger, better able to grow its businesses, but above all better able to keep its businesses at home? Commissioner, propose an ambitious revision of this multiannual financial framework; offer us this sovereignty fund; I beg you, however, to provide it with real resources, because further redeployments will not fool anyone, neither our entrepreneurs nor our investors.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, our Parliament is the target of interference. In November, Russia launched a cyberattack after it was called a state financing terrorism. Today, we discover that others here in Qatar are bribing our members in order to receive the favours of their votes and networks. This is nothing more or less than corruption. For the sake of gain, a few here have denied the moral requirement of our mandate. Yes, justice must do its job, and the European Parliament will be transparent about this case. Colleagues, however pernicious the acts of interference we suffer, the actions of a few individuals or states cannot undermine our Europe and our institutions. Corruption has no place in our institutions. That is why I will not have my hand shaking if we have to lift immunities. As you will have understood, in the face of corruption, our Renew Group will be intransigent, as it will be intransigent in the reforms it will carry out so that these acts never happen again. Let's create this high authority for transparency that my group has been carrying since 2019. Commissioner, this was a promise from President Ursula von der Leyen. We're ready.

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, today, for the first time, we are defining clear steps to collectively make our European digital ambition a reality. This is the ambition of a digital world built around people, respecting fundamental rights. An innovative world, accessible to all. A world based on enhanced competences across Europe. Ladies and gentlemen, if we are to make this digital revolution a success, we must meet two imperatives. First imperative: the digitalisation of our societies must go hand in hand with our climate commitments. We need sustainable infrastructure and greener digital. But we also need to develop digital technologies that will reduce our emissions in agriculture, energy and transport. Second imperative: We know we will need substantial investment if we are to reach our 2030 targets. This effort should be carried out in a fair manner between the main digital players concerned. This is an important point. This is specified in the European Declaration on Digital Rights and Principles for the Digital Decade. We will have the opportunity to discuss this very widely.

Madam President, Commissioner, Minister, ladies and gentlemen, President Zelenskyy’s appeal is unequivocal. In order not to collapse, Ukraine needs €3-4 billion per month. Without this money, all public services, from hospitals to schools, are at risk of disappearing. It is the infrastructure destroyed by the Russian bombs – bridges, roads, the electricity grid, sewage treatment plants – that cannot be repaired due to lack of resources. In short, the whole country would be in blackout, human lives in danger, economic and administrative life blocked. Colleagues, if Ukrainians are not supported, the consequences will be serious. They will be serious not only and above all for Ukrainians, but also for the rest of Europe. Because an abandoned Ukraine is a strengthened Russia, it is a weakened European Union. So here I turn to the far right, to the National Rally and its pro-Putin friends. If you vote against or even abstain on this €18 billion aid, never say again that you are for the freedom of nations.

Mr President, Commissioner, I would like to thank all the colleagues who have spoken and, of course, to thank José Manuel for the partnership and the relationship of trust and the quality work we are doing together on this very engaging issue of own resources. What I take away from our exchanges today is that Parliament is united, that it is united and that it will not give in to those who would like to be backtracked on own resources, either by using the revenue for other purposes or by simply preventing these instruments from being put in place. I would like to mention, for example, Viktor Orbán, who continues to block the agreement on the taxation of multinationals by pure political blackmail, even though Hungarians are also calling for more tax justice. So yes, it is justified that the polluting rights bought by major industries on the European market should go to Europe and that, as a result, this money should come to repay the loan that has enabled our industrialists not to shut down, but also to decarbonise their production. So yes, it is justified that ArcelorMittal pays duties to pollute the ultra-carbon steel that it imports from India to resell at home and that, consequently, this money makes it possible to repay the loan that made it possible to maintain European demand on the world market. And yes, it is justified to involve the large multinationals that are thriving thanks to our internal market but do not pay their fair share of taxes today and that, as a result, again, this money repays the loan that has maintained consumption in Europe and, therefore, has protected their activities. So, ladies and gentlemen, let us be firm, let us be determined, let us go all the way. And let’s keep up the pressure every day, in every negotiation, until these own resources are on their feet. Because nothing, no unanimity rule, no ideological reservation must stop us in this quest for more tax justice and more social justice.

Mr President, Commissioner, Minister, ladies and gentlemen, in 2020 we set up the recovery plan, an unprecedented project in the history of Europe, with unprecedented economic spin-offs across the continent. Money to isolate our buildings, develop our digital champions, create quality jobs. This recovery plan, it protects Europeans, it protects our prosperity. And this recovery plan, ladies and gentlemen, we backed it up with a second plan, a repayment plan. Repayment plan which was an absolute necessity to reassure both taxpayers and investors. We are committed to Europeans. We, the Members of Parliament, the Commission and the Member States, have made a commitment. We made a commitment that this would not happen by raising taxes or cutting programmes, because it was also the risk that we would run if we did not think, as early as 2020, about how to repay the debt. Because at the time, there were two simple options for states. Option 1: increase their contribution and, as a result, direct taxes on citizens, businesses and SMEs in our territories. This is even as we were setting up this instrument to prevent these actors in the territory from paying the broken pots of the COVID-related economic crisis, which has plunged everyone into the difficulties we are experiencing. Obviously, this option has been discarded. Option 2: We have to resolve to draw on our European programmes, withdraw aid from farmers, reduce the number of young people who can go to Erasmus, and lower our target for research and development expenditure. All this to make room to repay the loan. And, of course, we rejected that option as well. It was with responsibility that we agreed to rule out these two hypotheses and decided on a third path. No, ladies and gentlemen, the Europeans will not bear the debt burden because we have collectively decided that the big polluters, the foreign CO2 importers, the big multinationals that do not pay their fair share of taxes, the financial speculators, that all these actors would contribute to this repayment. And it is not only a budgetary issue, it is also, and above all, a matter of fiscal and social justice. And Europeans will be right to think that the recovery plan will be a full success, provided only that we also respect this repayment agreement until the end. And there, I would have turned to the minister representing the Member States today, but there is no one left. So, I would like to remind everyone and also the Member States of this common debt, we will have to repay it from 2028, that is to say in five years’ time, that is to say tomorrow. It is a matter of delivering on our commitments as policy makers and credibility with investors. That is why, at a time when we are finalising the negotiations on the carbon market reform, on the carbon border adjustment mechanism, Parliament will, through this vote, reconfirm this mandate with pride and strength. And this report is only the first before others that will have to pave the way for even more own resources, as we agreed already in 2020, again. Europe will repay its debt by making those who do not pay their fair share of taxes contribute, not by taxing European taxpayers more.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, first of all, yes, indeed, like José Manuel, I would like to thank all the colleagues who have spoken in this debate and to thank the Commissioner. Some elements of reaction: This is a lesson that I have not heard and which I would like to share with you this evening, and then, of course, an update on one of our favourite topics with José Manuel, namely own resources. Interventions have shown to a large extent how successful this recovery plan is in many respects. It must also be borne in mind that this success is proof that getting out of our budgetary dogmas can pave the way to a better world. This must even be a necessity when it comes to protecting and asserting Europe in a world in crisis. If I say otherwise: Let us not rule out the possibility of taking out other European loans, in particular to get out of our dependencies, which weaken us every day. This is what is at stake in the future European Sovereignty Fund, which we have been calling for since last spring, Commissioner, and we are awaiting concrete proposals from the Commission following the announcement made by President von der Leyen last September. Second element, indeed, own resources – this has been recalled by many of you. Let us remember collectively that Europeans will only see the recovery plan as a full success if we respect the repayment agreement. We have collectively decided that it is the big polluters, the foreign CO2 importers, the big multinationals who do not pay their fair share of taxes, the financial speculators, who would bear the burden of this loan. It is not only a matter of tax and social justice, it is also a matter of respecting our collective commitments and our credibility with investors. We promised them, we MEPs, committees, Member States, we promised them that this would not be done by raising taxes or cutting European programmes such as aid to farmers or Erasmus. So yes, let us be happy to see our economy re-established, but let us not consider that the work to make Europe more powerful and independent is over. We still have a lot of work to do.

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, two years ago we launched the first major recovery plan for the European Union, a concrete achievement creating de facto solidarity, as promised by Robert Schuman in his time. De facto solidarity through the award of grants that have made the project unprecedented in history. I say unpublished. For which regional groups in the world can boast so much solidarity in recent history? Can we imagine the countries of Southeast Asia or South America borrowing together? No, no. This is why the creation of this common loan that binds Europeans to emerge stronger from the crisis is absolutely remarkable. Remarkable as was our Union in the purchase of vaccines to end the pandemic. No forgotten state, no European put aside. So will this recovery plan be a single chapter in all European history textbooks? Undoubtedly. However, what we are trying to determine in Parliament’s first report assessing this large loan is whether it will also be part of the economics textbooks. After more than a year of implementation, we say it bluntly: yes, the recovery plan has allowed states to relaunch. Yes, investors trust the EU. Yes, the common loan is a success. Some predicted that Europe, by borrowing $150 billion a year, would disrupt markets, that investors would turn away from sovereign bonds, undermining Member States’ strategies to meet national needs. That is not the case. States have come out stronger, with always the same interest of investors for their national bonds. But in addition, these investors had a demand for European bonds ten times higher than what was available. Europe has thus been put on an equal footing with other major European and international issuers, but without ever jeopardising states and their national needs. In addition, the EU has become the largest supranational issuer. As a result, it has a positive impact on the stability and liquidity of capital markets. It has improved the continent's economic prospects. It complemented the macroeconomic architecture of the euro area. And it has strengthened the international role of the euro. Finally, ladies and gentlemen, the EU has also become the largest issuer of green bonds in the world. Claimed by many for years, these green bonds have finally become a reality. For €250 billion, the equivalent, dear José Manuel, of Portugal’s GDP – €250 billion, just in green bonds. As the COP has just ended, it is an extraordinary fact that many nations around the world would do well to take inspiration from in the fight against climate change. Now, as the world leader in green bonds, it is up to our Union, Commissioner, to set benchmarks for sustainable investments around the world and for the Commission to continuously ensure that any attempt at greenwashing is ruled out. But our work does not stop there. That is why we are making a number of recommendations in this report, which we are about to vote on. And one of them is particularly close to my heart, Commissioner, and you know it well: we need to allow Europeans to directly acquire European bonds, as is possible in some states around the world. Let us give Europeans, you, me, the opportunity to hold European debt. Let’s not just let central banks, managers of large international funds, hedge funds and pension funds invest in Europe. Let us also give every European the right to have a piece of the history of our integration, whatever the technical difficulties.

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, there is a short rumour that the Commission is about to give in to the blackmail of Viktor Orbán by offering him EUR 12 billion to redeem his veto. Orbán despises everything the EU stands for and represents, except its money. Commissioner, this rumour does not reassure anyone in this Chamber, let alone the taxpayers. So can you confirm that the 17 reforms are already in place, that they have solved all the corruption problems in Hungary and that they are irreversible? Can you guarantee that the independence of judges and the media will be restored after 10 years of dismantling democratic principles? Because, as it stands, no one here believes in it. Commissioner, the responsibility of the Commission is great, as you know. We expect the Commission to protect the rule of law, not to bow to apprentice dictators, who use and abuse European money. We expect nothing from the Commission and its President.

Mr President, Mr Vice-President, ladies and gentlemen, in the face of the energy crisis, Europe is once again present: gas price cap, price corridor, joint purchase of natural gas from our partners... The Heads of State confirmed measures that my political group, Renew, had called for. So yes, since the beginning of the crisis, Europe is moving forward and Europe is here. But, it must be said, the temptations of withdrawal too. And we must respond with de facto solidarity and demonstrate once again that Europe stands with Europeans. This was the case during the health crisis, it still has to be in the face of the energy crisis, and we need to speed up measures to protect Europeans. I am thinking of the energy shield, the reform of the electricity market or the strengthening of the mechanism. (inaudible name). So, Mr. President, Mr. Vice President, the ball is in your court. Expectations are high, and you will always find the European Parliament at your side to build this Europe that protects. But beyond these measures, to address the immediate challenges we face, we must also be clear-sighted. It is our independence and strategic autonomy that is at stake. President von der Leyen mentioned this in her State of the Union address, and my group and I proposed it at the beginning of this year: we need a real European fund dedicated to the strategic autonomy of our Union, a fund to stop relying on fossil fuels, to ensure our food security, to invest in rare materials and the technologies of tomorrow, and to support key sectors such as defence, cybersecurity or space. So let’s not wait any longer! We do not have that luxury. As President von der Leyen said, this may be the last wake-up call before it is too late. On this issue of strategic autonomy, Mr Vice-President, we expect concrete progress, well beyond the announcements.

Mr President, Commissioner, Minister, ladies and gentlemen, every day we are now confronted with the words and ideas of the extreme right, on social media, in particular, in the form of insults or . Ms García Pérez is no longer present in this Chamber, but I would have liked to have answered her. I would have liked to reply that on social media, these insults are of the same caliber as the shameful insults of former Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico to President Čaputová, never condemned by Socialist Vice-President Monika Beňová, who kept her company. I would have liked to have told Ms García that we did not wait to dissociate ourselves from the Swedish Liberals. While some of your parties are protected despite their business, such as the Maltese Socialist Party or the Bulgarian socialists close to the Kremlin, well, your president's words were unworthy. I come back to my original point, ladies and gentlemen. Unfortunately, it has become commonplace to read or hear homophobic theses. Theses lead to the worst, like the murder of two men in Bratislava a week ago. The untruths are rife, from the alleged deadly effect of vaccines to the harmless nature of COVID, to the so-called Nazi Ukraine. And I don't think I'm the only one here, unfortunately, to make this observation. These ideas and lies always come from the same networks serving the extremes and in particular the far right. So I appeal to all pro-Europeans and to you too, socialists. Let's wake up, let's wake up together! It is high time to fight these shameless lies, to restore the truth. Let’s defend our values, let’s defend our journalists, let’s defend the right to love whoever we want, let’s defend the right to dispose of one’s body, let’s defend the right to protection of people fleeing war or oppression. Let’s not be ashamed! Let's defend the planet, let's not give in to climate skepticism. Let us defend the independence of the judiciary, the freedom of our media. Let’s defend our Union and everything it stands for. Let us be proud, let us be confident, let us be courageous and let us send these ideas back for good to the past, to the past to which they belong.

Mr President, Commissioner, Minister, ladies and gentlemen, October 2011, Marine Le Pen states, I quote: I admire Vladimir Putin. February 2014, Putin invades Crimea. Marine Le Pen states, I quote again: Crimea has always been Russian. September 2014, seven months later, Marine Le Pen receives a €9 million loan from a Russian bank. She eats in Putin's hand. February 2022, Putin invades the rest of Ukraine, Marine Le Pen campaigns against sanctions. I'm talking about Marine Le Pen here, but unfortunately, I could mention others. Matteo Salvini, Viktor Orban, again he, women and men who relay lies and propaganda, whether in their speeches or on social networks. Women and men who act in the interest of Russia long before the interest of their homeland. In short, let's say it false patriots. These false patriots, they bear the responsibility for our insecurity, an insecurity that they feed by trying to divide the Europeans in the face of the invader. It is therefore our duty, ladies and gentlemen, as democrats, to defend our values. No compromise with the pro-Putin, no alliance, no excuse.

Madam President, Minister, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, the best childhood friend who becomes the richest plumber in Europe, the son-in-law who receives a juicy public market for Christmas. Cases of corruption have become legion in Hungary by Viktor Orban. Systematic corruption, in the European Commission's own words, corruption against which the judiciary does not want to do anything, I mean, does not want to do anything and not can do nothing, because judges and controllers have been placed in strategic control bodies by Viktor Orban and his party precisely to control nothing and precisely to close their eyes. So I call for an end to impunity. Either Orban restores the rule of law in what has become an electoral autocracy, or we cut off European funds. And I'm alerting you here, Commissioner. That Fidesz deputies adopt reforms on paper is one thing. That they effectively put an end to breaches of the rule of law is another. It is therefore in the light of the results that we will have to decide whether or not to thaw the funds. The same goes, of course, for the recovery plan. Europe's money and by extension, Europeans' money, cannot support anti-democratic projects, slip into the pockets of apprentice oligarchs. If we do not suspend the funds, we are complicit in building a corrupt state within our union. And that, of course, is out of the question.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, it has been Russia that has been driving up energy prices for more than a year. Putin is cutting off our gas. And yet, no blackouts this summer, neither in France nor elsewhere in Europe. Thanks to what? Well, thanks to our European energy market. So, to the National Rally and its pro-Putin allies, I say it unambiguously: Russia is responsible for the energy crisis, not Europe. The truth is that Europe is still protecting us and will protect us tomorrow, because we will contribute the energy giants that are making extraordinary profits in these turbulent times: 4 billion for ENI, 5 billion for Total, 11 billion for Shell. It is time for them to stand together. It is time for these superprofits to be donated to the most vulnerable. So indecency would mean abandoning everything, as some are advocating on the far-right or far-left side of this Chamber, to the delight of their friend Putin. But as far as we are concerned, we will remain on the side of Ukrainians and Europeans.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, over the years, Europeans have come to forget our Union's greatest success: peace. This peace has allowed us to build our prosperity. This peace that has led to academic exchanges, which has been the fertile ground for our freedoms, freedom of movement, freedom to exchange, freedom to undertake, freedom to live in peace. This freedom that no one today would want to do without. This model has made us attractive. And by wanting to prevent Ukraine from marrying him, Vladimir Putin has only strengthened his willingness to join. Colleagues, the far right can promote the end of the Union. The extreme left can find any pretext to discredit it and oppose any progress. But we know what we owe Europe and what remains to be done to make it independent and sovereign in an increasingly uncertain world, to make it a stabilising power. We will do this for Ukraine, for Moldova and for all states that share a desire for peace.

Mr President, Madam, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, we have done so. In less than a year, we managed to negotiate the most ambitious texts in the world to regulate the digital giants. Faced with the hegemony of Chinese and American companies, the model muzzled by an authoritarian state or surveillance capitalism, we are building a fairer, more transparent and more protective internet for Europeans. "Great speeches," some will say. Well, no. No, Amazon will no longer be able to allow counterfeit products to flood our markets. No, Facebook will no longer be able with impunity, through its algorithms, to help promote calls for violence and radicalization. The digital giants are weighing on the functioning of our democracies, so they must bear the right responsibility: This is what protecting Europeans is all about. Colleagues, Europe is moving forward. We must now ensure that our institutions have sufficient means to enforce these new regulations, otherwise we would have failed.