Debate contributions by Valérie HAYER

Madam President of Parliament, Madam Minister, Madam President of the Commission, the forthcoming European summit will be decisive. Determinant for Ukraine and for the credibility of the European Union. Our leaders have an obligation to assist Kyiv on the central issue of frozen Russian assets. So, you know it: Renew has been asking the Council for months to make progress on this solution. First of all, I would like to commend the work of the Commission in removing any legal and reputational risk from Europe on this issue, and I would obviously like to commend the efforts of the President of the Council, Antonio Costa, and the efforts of the Danish Presidency. I would like to thank you very sincerely for the six months that have also allowed us to make progress on these key files; You have all our gratitude. I say to Belgium: yes, the loan must come with all the guarantees necessary for a European approach. And I tell our leaders: Don’t have your hand shaking. Mobilise this €210 billion of assets to secure a repair loan to Ukraine. This is about our credibility, but above all it is about helping Ukraine at a key moment for it. Because we know it: If Ukraine falls, if we fail to impose sufficient security conditions, our security is also at stake and our independence will be at risk. This European independence must be at the heart of our relations with the other powers, and in particular our transatlantic relations. This has been demonstrated by the new US National Security Strategy. We're a problem for Donald Trump. We are a problem because we have rules that protect our business model; because Musk is required to comply with our laws; This is because the Kremlin and the White House are being prevented from wiping out Ukrainian sovereignty. We are a problem because our Union, 27 states have decided to organise together to influence world affairs. But we are not yet an actor capable of speaking on an equal footing with the United States. So, Madam President, our appeasement strategy with Trump is not working. We must assume the balance of power because that is what the new US administration has written in its national security strategy: It wants to ruin our regulatory sovereignty. And it does so with the help of the far right here in Europe. It even wants to go further and destroy the European Union, destroy everything we have built. So, yes, I say it with strength and conviction: our strategic autonomy is no longer a choice, it is a necessity. This is the condition for our independence. Colleagues, in 1776, the United States broke with British colonial power and declared its independence. So today, of course, I am not calling for a break in transatlantic relations: It would make no sense. But I call for a rejection of vassalage. What the next European summit must devote to is this European independence. Being independent means implementing the Draghi and Letta reports for our competitiveness; defends a more ambitious multiannual financial framework, based on own resources; it means investing in our security with genuine European defence; it means developing our trade relations to diversify our supplies; it means defending our democracies against all threats, including internal ones. But being independent also means having appropriate institutions and strengthened European governance, capable of acting in times of crisis. So, let's not waste a second. What I am talking about this morning is not a partisan issue, it is not Renew against another group: it is Europe facing all its challenges, facing all our challenges and in the face of all those who want to harm us. So, Madam President, the current US administration is not eternal. Another will succeed him, but the problem will remain the same: US disengagement will continue, and we will be alone, whether we like it or not. We have an appointment with history: It is now. So let us declare our independence, European independence.

Mr President, dear Amine Kessaci, drug trafficking has taken away two brothers from you and, with your immense pain, you have fought a battle: a fight against traffickers, a fight against omerta, a fight for consciences. Like Roberto Saviano, you take on the sacrificial role of whistleblower. Your dignity and courage honor you and compel us. We hear your pain, we share it. We also hear your call to action. Ladies and gentlemen, we must be very frank: the fight against drug trafficking does not occupy the place it should have in this Chamber. However, if there is one issue that goes beyond national borders and requires a European response, it is drug trafficking. So yes, we are taking action and, moreover, a lot has been done at national and European level: the law against drug trafficking in France, strengthening the mandates and resources of the relevant European agencies. But we are not doing enough yet. On November 13, 2025, dear Amine, your little brother Mehdi was murdered by drug traffickers. This murder marked a tipping point. It was a murder of intimidation, similar to those of the Italian mafia. It must be followed by a revolution in the fight against drug trafficking. So, in order for these tragedies not to happen again, the European Commission must present its anti-drug strategy and its regulation on organised crime as soon as possible. We will of course be demanding on the revision of the mandates of Europol and Eurojust in 2026. We owe it to Mehdi, we owe it to you, dear Amine, and we owe it to all those Europeans whose daily lives are eaten away by drugs.

Madam President, we have simplification: a text expected by our companies, a text resulting from a compromise reached by a pro-European majority in the Committee on Legal Affairs. This compromise reduces 70% of reporting obligations and removes 85% of companies from its scope. We will continue to defend this compromise until the last second, because it is good, because Renew stands by the economic world. With this compromise, we have both this predictability and this simplification demanded by companies. We also have legislation on due diligence and reporting that remains strong. And I say it, because we tend to forget it: the people who make our t-shirts and sneakers on the other side of the world for a miserable wage, in atrocious conditions, it still exists, and these products come to flood our markets and kill our businesses. Those who do not vote for this compromise today only perpetuate this system. Whose fault, then? The fault of socialists who did not want to vote three weeks ago. The fault now lies with the EPP, which plays a maximalist position contrary to the interests of Europe and those of European trade. No, this noon, we will not vote for simplification. We will vote on what will be the majority of the European Parliament in the next four years: a pro-European majority – the one that elected you, Madam President – or a majority made up of a union of the right, including, of course, the far right in this Chamber. So yes, this morning I have to tell you about my misunderstanding, because we have nothing in common with extremist populists, enemies of Europe, agents of hatred and division. As for the substance, our companies need predictability; they need an adequate regulatory framework and the swift implementation of the Draghi report. So I ask the EPP: Who will implement this Draghi report? Do you think you will adopt it with the far right? Who will implement the simplification of the internal market, the 28th regime or the reform of the capital markets? Who? We are pro-Europeans. Colleagues, the centre alliance is the heart of the European project. This is how we have always worked. If we are unable to find the way back to this compromise, we are ruining the credibility of the European Parliament and wasting precious time defending our independence. Madam President, your coalition is political stability, and political stability is the primary source of prosperity for all the economies of the world. What your group has done today is undermine that stability.

Madam President, Madam President of the Commission, Madam Minister, ladies and gentlemen, Mrs von der Leyen knows this – Mario Draghi told us: We have an investment gap in Europe. However, the budgetary framework for the next seven years is precisely designed to plan public investment. Because simplification is one thing, but if we do not create the right framework, the right business environment for businesses, they will go anyway. As you know, Renew has the Competitiveness Fund as its first priority: Thank you both for including it in your proposal. The Competitiveness Fund is a fund to invest in the technologies of the future: AI, cloud, quantum, a fund that should enable us to boost research and finally ensure European preference in our public procurement. Competitiveness, ladies and gentlemen, is also our independence, it is our sovereignty. And we will not accept any questioning of Europe’s first sovereignty: agricultural sovereignty. It is as strategic as the others, and therefore a robust CAP is strategic. I am talking about investments in our regions. Madam President, Commissioner, your proposal was not good. It was not good because it gave a hand only to national governments to determine what was good for the regions or for our farmers. And even if we have achieved victories on the rule of law or simplification, governance needs to be reviewed. Because, Madam President, PNR plans are one thing, but I will tell you: this term, which it covers, no one is aware of it outside this Parliament and outside the Berlaymont building. On the other hand, I can tell you that the rampant corruption in Hungary or the imprisonment of political opponents in Bulgaria, that, the Europeans, they understand. Then the Renew Group will be uncompromising about not giving a single cent of our budget to the corrupt and autocrats – more and more autocrats, who are undermining our values without ever complaining about cashing the Commission’s cheques. Moreover, these cheques are not just about signing them, but also about having the funds to disburse them. As you know, it is imperative for us, as you mentioned, that real progress be made on own resources, and this will be decisive in our position on expenditure. So, Madam President, Commissioner, you will have understood: for us, the discussions are just beginning, as you have rightly said. We approach them in a constructive but demanding spirit.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, ten years ago, on 13 November 2015, at 21.17, France fell into horror. Within minutes, Islamist terrorists murdered 132 people at the Stade de France, on Parisian terraces and in the Bataclan hall. Everyone here remembers these attacks. Everyone remembers the shock and dread that gripped us. Ten years later, this emotion remains intact. Today, I want to salute the memory of all the victims, to salute the immense courage of the survivors, who live with profound physical and psychological consequences, to salute the dedication of all our security forces and medical staff who, at the risk of their own lives, have saved many others, to salute all those who, in Europe and around the world, have given their support to the French people. What the terrorists sought on 13 November was to divide us through fear and hatred. But they failed. France has faced, united, determined. She found all those responsible for the attacks. She neutralized them. She tried them. And, with the help of the European Union and our international allies, we have hit Daesh hard and strengthened our fight against terrorism. The threat remains strong, and we must continue our mobilisation by leaving no hold on Islamist ideology and losing none of our democratic values and principles. This is the best tribute we can pay to the victims of this Black Friday.

Madam President, dear colleagues, dear Commissioner, dear Minister, a democratically elected mayor is jailed for no reason. Blagomir Kotsev, along with others, becomes a political prisoner inside the European Union. This is a warning for all of us. The Mayor of Varna was elected by the Bulgarian people to bring reform, transparency and hope. Today, he sits in a high-security cell without credible charges, without fair process, without daylight. He is jailed for what he represents: a new generation that refuses corruption and Kremlin-style power. This is not about a single politician. This is a European story, and it is a disgrace for us as a free and democratic European Union. We won't turn a blind eye on Sofia. This is a test. This is a test of our values, of our credibility and of our courage. Because if justice can be twisted for one, it can be twisted for all. And when we stay silent, we become partners in crime. Colleagues, Europe cannot be strong abroad if it is blind at home. We cannot preach democracy in Kyiv and Tbilisi while ignoring injustice in Sofia. This is the moment to show that Europe still stands for democracy and justice – everywhere and for everyone. Let's not fool ourselves. What we witness in Bulgaria happens not by accident. It happens in a country where justice has been captured by oligarchs and where those who stand for reform are treated as enemies of the state. This is the corrupted world of Delyan Peevski and his ally Boyko Borisov. Their despotic system silenced judges, prosecutors, security services, media. Delyan Peevski is a danger for democracy. One by one, he is taking control of the existing political parties. One by one, those political parties are used as tools to silence opponents, while in the past they used to struggle for democracy in the country. Let me be clear: the dimension is huge. Bulgaria is part of NATO's Black Sea strategy – a cornerstone of our collective defence. When corruption and political persecution take root there, it weakens Europe's security and gives power to those who wish us to decline. We urge the European Commission to send an urgent fact-finding mission to Bulgaria to assert the rule of law and the detention of opposition leaders. To enforce conditionality, we call for the suspension of all Recovery and Resilience Facility payments linked to judicial reform until political prisoners are freed and until Bulgaria demonstrates true separation of powers. Dear colleagues, it is our duty – as liberal democrats, as Christian democrats, as social democrats – to intervene. Your parties in the EPP, in the Socialists, might be part of the current government, but your honour and values must prevail over party politics. So move on. Use your European families to apply the necessary pressure. Our duty is to act with clarity, unity and courage. We call for change in Bulgaria now.

Madam President, Minister, Madam President, I have chosen this morning to focus on defence, but I would obviously like to react at the heart of your speech this morning, the link between competitiveness and decarbonisation, because it is sometimes necessary, often, to recall in this Chamber that decarbonisation and competitiveness are not opposed. Quite the contrary. Decarbonisation is the key to our competitiveness. Decarbonisation is the key to our economic security and strategic autonomy. So this is certainly not the time to slow down, and you will obviously find the Renew group by your side to develop and consolidate this agenda. Colleagues, "the strong do what they can and the weak suffer what they must": This quote from Thucydides reminds us that the debate in the European Union today is not new. This is the one that all powers have faced since antiquity. How to protect yourself? How can we ensure the security of our peoples? Is preparing for war really the condition for peace? The threats against Europe show us that yes. Yes, we must prepare for war in order to have peace. And yes, we must assume this responsibility ourselves. What I am stating here as self-evident has not been for too long. Because, ladies and gentlemen, we have failed on two essential points. First, we didn't see the Russian threat coming. Out of ignorance and weakness. And because we believed that responding to provocations would only make things worse. We were wrong. Secondly, because our security has depended too long on the United States or on the capabilities of our members. However, reality, in this more brutal case, reminds us: If we give up power, we give up our freedom. So yes, ladies and gentlemen, it is time for Europe to assume its power. So yes, of course, we obviously support the Commission's 2030 defence agenda and what we are proposing is total European sovereignty on the subject: control over the use of our weapons, more investment in infrastructure for the deployment of military equipment, air shield over the European Union and Ukrainian territory, mobilisation of frozen Russian assets as a guarantee of repair loans for Ukraine. These are the sine qua non conditions for a true Europe of defence, a guarantee of our independence. Colleagues, one last thing. Europe will only protect itself from the outside through its unity. But Mr Orbán's Hungary has become an unacceptable threat to our own interests. We have had revelations about an espionage scandal in our institutions and we all know that Viktor Orbán is the Kremlin's Trojan horse. So I say it again here: Peace in Ukraine will be decided only by the Ukrainians, with the Europeans, and without in any way bowing to the conditions of Vladimir Putin.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, finally, this document that was expected with the Renew Group, a working agenda for the year 2026, a positive agenda, an agenda of power, independence and sovereignty to be conquered and preserved for Europe. Finally, we will be able to move forward, to produce results for European citizens. And I'm saying, it's more than time. So yes, ladies and gentlemen, when it goes in the right direction, it must be said and it is said. On the table, we now have a working agenda on competitiveness, with the implementation of the Draghi report: 28th regime, innovation, European preference, simplification of the single market or Capital Markets Union. A work agenda to respond to the energy crisis that weighs so much on our purchasing power. A working agenda on a real European defence, the strengthening of Europol's mandate and again, finally, the recruitment of the 30,000 border guards that had been expected since 2019. A work agenda on housing, the protection of our children on social networks or the defence of our farmers against unfair commercial practices. A working agenda also on simplification for citizens. Much has been done on simplification for businesses, but nothing really has been done for citizens. With the Renew group, we've been working on it for the past few weeks. We made proposals to you last week and thank you, Madam President, for including them in your work agenda for 2026, which is a very important signal. Ladies and gentlemen, I am not going to list all the texts that await us here, but I would like to tell you one thing, to tell you one thing again: Thank you, Madam President, for playing the game of listening. To have listened to the Renew group and to have played the game of a real consultation. I would also like to highlight your presence today, the fact that you yourself are presenting this work programme of the European Commission. This is a very strong signal from your political leadership, especially for this year, which will be crucial for the future of the European Union. A very big thank you also for that. This agenda is good, it is good for Europeans and it is supported by 1 000 %. And it must also be said between us – as has been mentioned by some of my colleagues – that it will give us new momentum in this Parliament. When I say us, I think of your majority, Mrs. von der Leyen. Since our election in June 2024, this majority has experienced some dysfunctions, it must be said, and I have had the opportunity several times in this Chamber to recall the importance of this majority. That's why the Renew group has always worked hard to bring it to life. Because for this agenda on European independence to live, it is not on the extreme right or on the extreme left that we must count. It is we, the pro-European forces, who will implement it. Then I'll only have one watchword here: responsibility. Our voters, ladies and gentlemen, look at us and everywhere in our Member States, I see that our democracies are in crisis. I see that Europeans have the impression that things escape them, that their representatives are not acting in their interest, that power is elsewhere, in other countries or even in the hands of certain multinationals. Colleagues, this responsibility I am talking about is that of action. It means assuming that Europe is a fundamental scale for responding to problems that are becoming too great for our Member States. That's when it's played out. Elections were a year and a half ago. Then let's go.

Madam President, Minister, ladies and gentlemen, we are at a moment of truth for the European Union. We are no longer at peace. We are not at war either. We are in this in-between, which is called hybrid warfare. Every day, Russia leads meddling, cyberattacks, sabotage against us. It flies over us with drones and fighter jets. We know these threats. I'm not teaching you anything. But our reactions are still not up to par. Ladies and gentlemen, we must face up to the confrontation with Russia. We need to step up a notch in our response – I would even say, in our response. Because, ladies and gentlemen, if we want peace, Putin understands only one thing: strength. If we want to be free, we must be feared. And to be feared, you have to be powerful. To be powerful is to increase the defence budgets of our Member States. They pledged to do so in record time by 2030. But I ask the Council: Minister, when will we fully emerge from our dependencies? We must have control over the manufacture and use of our weapons to finally lay the foundations of European sovereignty over defence. Being powerful means increasing our investments in infrastructure for the deployment of military equipment. To be powerful is to erect an air shield over the European Union and Ukraine. It's strengthening our air defense capabilities and surveillance of the eastern flank. To be powerful is to be able to shoot down any drone that would carry an immediate danger against us. It is also sanctioning Viktor Orbán who sends Hungarian drones into the Ukrainian sky. This is outrageous! Being powerful means using the total value of frozen Russian assets to support Ukraine. I speak to Ukrainians, Moldovans, Estonians, Poles and Romanians. Whether or not you belong to the European Union, you are not alone, because your security is the security of all Europeans. I am also addressing those who claim that we are exaggerating and that we are going to war. The threats concern all of us, all of our member countries. Madrid to Narva, Dublin to Gołdap. It is for this reason that Putin's Russia must have a certainty: stop the provocations and its hybrid war against us. Because we're stronger than her. Much stronger.

Madam President, Prime Minister, welcome to this Parliament. Your country has always been a great European country: from the birth of Robert Schuman the European, to Schengen, to the signing of the ECSC Treaty, and even today, with the presence of strong European institutions in Luxembourg. Luxembourg has marked the history of our Europe. Your country has marked our common history by those men and women who believed in this project and built it, but also by the stability that Luxembourg has always represented in all stages of our construction. This stability is reflected in the coherence of the positions and messages that your country carries through your voice, but also through that of your predecessors. Here I would like to pay tribute to Xavier Bettel, who was before you a great Prime Minister, a worthy and proud representative of the Liberal family, and who is still a member of your coalition today. Indeed, today you are at the head of an EPP-Renew coalition, resolutely pro-European, in line with Luxembourg's historic commitment. At a time when Europe is under attack, threatened by a military war on our doorstep, a trade war, a cultural war, we need your commitment more than ever. Your commitment to the coalition of volunteers for Ukraine and for peace in the Middle East with the two-state solution. Your commitment to continue fighting climate change. Your commitment to carry the flag of freedom, our values and respect for the law. Your commitment to regain competitiveness and implement the Draghi and Letta reports. Your commitment to European agriculture – and I would also like to welcome Commissioner Christophe Hansen. Your commitment to a strong multi-annual budget, and also to moving forward, Prime Minister, on the harmonisation of corporate taxes and on new own resources. Your role will be key in the next package that will be put on the table; We're counting on you. Your country, Prime Minister, has a beautiful motto: We want to stay who we are. Remaining who we are, committed to liberal ideas, democracy and our social market economy, is the challenge of the European Union. We have to lead it and win it together.

Madam President, Madam President von der Leyen, two new motions of censure. Two more. Two motions tabled by the two extremes of this House, but which coincide on many points. This has been said by my colleagues: extremists and populists allied with Europe's worst enemies, engineers of chaos who want to bring down the European Union from within. They manipulate the concept of freedom of expression for the sole purpose of multiplying hate speech. They create session incidents that they relay immediately on their social networks. They use the power of censorship to offer themselves a platform. Proof of this is the hypocrisy and dishonesty of the two authors of these motions of censure. Your hypocrisy and dishonesty, Mr. Jordan Bardella, when you complain about Donald Trump when you were one of his first supporters. Your hypocrisy and dishonesty, Mrs. Manon Aubry, as you say that we have done nothing against the government of Benjamin Netanyahu. Mrs von der Leyen proposed actions three weeks ago and you did not support the resolution we negotiated and voted on in this Parliament in the last plenary. This is their true face, this is the true face of populists. They're provocateurs, they're trolls. And there's a simple rule with trolls: We do not feed them, we do not give them the opportunity to exist, we do not compose with them. So, Madam President von der Leyen, of course, Renew will not vote on these motions of censure, but that does not mean that everything is going well. Because, since the first motion of censure last July, we cannot say that we have really made progress in this Parliament. The pro-European majority that elected you is not working well. Still so bad. So it is time, Madam President von der Leyen, for you and your College to invest more in relations with this Parliament. But that's not all. And I say this here to my colleagues from the EPP and the Socialists: Don't look at your extremes, stop giving them credit by voting on their amendments. Look at the center. That's where it happens. Because, Madam President von der Leyen, ladies and gentlemen, we have work, we have existential emergencies. There is a war of aggression in Ukraine. There is a cultural war besieging our democracies. There is a trade and economic war being waged against the European Union. Ladies and gentlemen, we must continue to face Putin. We must regain our unity to protect our democracies. We must regain our unity to meet the challenges of our competitiveness. Madam President von der Leyen, what we want now is action, action and results for Europeans. I'm telling you: again this weekend, I have business leaders who say to me: But how come we're so slow? How is it that Donald Trump, in less than a year in office, has managed to do so much? How is it that we, in one year in office, have implemented only 11% of the recommendations of the Draghi report? So now we want, as I said, action, positive action. 2026 must be the year of the Draghi report, and of the entire Draghi report. 2026 must be the year of the 28th regime, of the Savings and Investments Union, of European preference in our public procurement. 2026 must be the year of the creation of a European Semester for the rule of law. 2026 must start our discussions on reforming our institutions. Our group, Madam President von der Leyen, is ready to unfold this agenda. The responsibility is in this Parliament, it is ours. We're that close to being blocked by Viktor Orbán, Andrej Babiš or Robert Fico. Let's wake up. We are at a historic turning point. Either we make the right decisions or we condemn ourselves to erasure. And this choice of weakness, Renew will never accept.

Madam President, I outlined to you earlier the priorities of my political group. I would like to make one remark. One thing that struck me in these debates is the hypocrisy on the far right in this Chamber, on the far right, which is teaching us today about Donald Trump, which is twisting our arm to impose tariffs on us, which is forcing us to buy American, which is undermining our economy. But who are we laughing at? You were Donald Trump's first supporters. You are the first to relay MAGA propaganda here in Europe. So, if you really care about your voters and the fate of European citizens in each of your countries, start by stopping being Vladimir Putin's spokespersons. Start by stopping being Donald Trump's spokespersons. You pretend to defend the people, you betray them.

Madam President, Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, Madam President, we are losing Europeans. We may be among the richest in the world, we may have the highest social standards on the planet, we may be champions of individual freedoms, but we lose Europeans. We lose the Europeans because the Europe that was supposed to protect them seems weak to them. Weak in the face of Trump. Weak against Putin. Weak against China. Weak on the climate. But, Madam President, there is no inevitability. With the Renew group, we refuse fatality. Weakness is a choice and it is not ours. Colleagues, it is time to move to Europe based on: a more integrated Europe, a more sovereign Europe, a more federal Europe, a Europe that protects. Today we face an existential threat. The world is reorganizing before our eyes and world powers want to marginalize us. Russia is at the borders of the European Union, and the war it is waging against Ukraine is a moment of truth for Europe. This moment of truth has been seized, particularly on the issue of security guarantees. But we need to do more. Give all the tools to Ukraine to strengthen its army and finally make concrete this Europe of defense. What happened this morning in Poland with Russian drones confirms that the security of Ukraine is our security. Let's protect Ukrainian airspace, let's show the muscles, because it is by our strength that we will deter our enemies from attacking us. Colleagues, this new world is hostile to us. This is a cultural war that we have to face. This cultural war threatens our way of life, our values, our freedoms and our independence. And this cultural war doesn't just come from the East. So, in the face of the reactionary international, we have no choice but to be the bulwark of democracy and freedoms, but to assume to have a strong voice in the world. In Europe, Madam President, we also expect concrete action on the democratic shield. We have a major issue. Elections will be held tomorrow in the Czech Republic, Ireland, the Netherlands and Portugal. It is now that we need strong tools to combat interference. It is an issue of sovereignty. In this regard, Madam President, it is very good that you have reaffirmed that the Digital Services Act and the Digital Markets Act will in no way be exchange currencies. You know that this is an absolute red line of this European Parliament. Then hold the arm wrestling. Madam President, another point that I think is absolutely essential is the defence of our values. No one here in this Chamber has forgotten the atrocities of 7 October. No one should leave any space for Hamas. But no one is blind to the inhuman war that Benjamin Netanyahu is waging in Gaza. And certainly not, I tell you, our European youth who are now living a moment of generational identification. What is happening in Gaza – and our response – will determine the commitment of all our youth to our European project. Today, the disunity of our States prevents us from acting. It's a disgrace. A shame for Gazans, a shame for Israel's security, a shame for the values of our youth. So yes, Madam President, the Commission must act. And we will be by your side for the proposals you put on the table this morning. We will even be ready to go further to put an end to this catastrophe. Madam President, Europe's sovereignty also depends on our competitiveness. And we, with the Renew group, have a deep conviction: 2026 must be the year of the Draghi report. Frankly, I'm telling you, it felt good to hear from you about the economy this morning, because we've been waiting for it for a year. Because, ladies and gentlemen, we are facing an economic emergency. If we don't act, all our prosperity risks collapsing. So let's measure the urgency. So, yes, Madam President, less communication, more regulations. Yes to the 28th regime, yes to European preference, yes to the Capital Markets Union and yes to your calendar for 2028. I want to tell you: If we can go faster, then let's go faster. We will be by your side again. Ladies and gentlemen, we have acted on simplification, which is very good. But this cannot be our only legislative agenda, because the Draghi report is concrete: jobs, growth, a better life for all Europeans. The Draghi report is also a hope, the hope of a Europe that makes its citizens dream, with major industrial and technological projects. We must regain on a European scale the pride of the Concorde, the Airbus, the Ariane rocket. So let's put the package on space and let's put the package on for the next artificial intelligence giant to be European. We have all the assets for this. We have intelligence, we have technology. What is missing is European investment for European companies. What is missing is also the vision and, perhaps even worse, the political capacity. In the same way that the economy changes, the world changes, our rules of governance must change. We can see it today, we are too slow, we are not efficient enough. We have immature institutions at the service of an unfinished political project. What is needed is an institutional big bang. And I tell you, institutional reforms are not to please us, they are simply to serve Europeans better. What the Renew Group is asking of you, Madam President, is a major emergency convention: End of unanimity in the Council on sanctions and tax issues; transnational lists; more powers for the European Parliament, more powers for you, Madam President, more powers for the President of the European Commission elected by direct universal suffrage by European citizens. But until then, let it be said, that it does not clear anyone. Because with constant treatment, you can do things. We have tools that exist. What is lacking today is political will exclusively. One last word, Madam President. Your words this morning were right, I tell you, now we need action. And I also tell you, this is the last chance for this pro-European majority that you are calling for. This plea for a more integrated, more federal Europe will largely depend on your leadership. It will also depend on the stability and goodwill of the pro-Europeans in this Chamber. I have already had the opportunity to tell you, it is now that it is played. Now. We need you. Because I, with my group, have been struggling for weeks, months to hold both ends of your majority, to make it work. I think of the people who are in the stands around. I think of the people who look at us, who follow our debates and who see the pathetic spectacle of our divisions. So get in the game, Madam President. That is the sine qua non for the agenda you presented to us this morning to become a reality.

Madam President, Madam President von der Leyen, Mr President Costa, ladies and gentlemen, one word has come up in recent years: that of crisis – cgeopolitical rise, trade crisis, democratic crisis, but also climate, economic, social, health or migration crisis. Fortunately, it is said that Europe advances only in crises. This has been demonstrated in recent years, with the way we have responded to Brexit, COVID-19 with vaccines and the historic recovery plan, the war in Ukraine with the deployment of defence Europe and the strengthening of our energy independence, and global warming with the Green Deal. The Renew Europe Group has been the driving force behind these concrete achievements, with an obsession: protect our middle and working classes, the hardest hit. But today, ladies and gentlemen, the European Union must do even more. That is what we felt at the end of the last summit, Mr President. I welcome, of course, the progress made by the 27: on unanimous support for European defence, on strengthening our competitiveness and on supporting the Commission in trade negotiations with the US, in order to reach a swift and pragmatic agreement. But on many other subjects, ladies and gentlemen, let us go further! Let us not forget, of course, Ukraine; Let us not lose sight of the danger that Russia poses to our own security. As regards the lack of unanimity on the 18th package of sanctions, let us say: this is a failure. As we know, Fico’s Slovakia and Orbán’s Hungary are two supporters of Vladimir Putin and they are thorns in the foot of Europe. Let us also not forget what happened during the presidential election in Romania, where Russian interference was clearly demonstrated. Vladimir Putin’s Russia has only one objective vis-à-vis the European Union: to encourage agents of division in the Member States to instil doubt about the necessary support for Ukraine, to influence our decisions here in this Chamber, thanks to relays that are now perfectly identified, and to encourage the lack of unanimity in the Council. The time we are wasting here has only one consequence: to favour the Russian forces in their work of undermining the Ukrainian resistance. Today, Europe is Ukraine’s biggest supporter. Ladies and gentlemen, on this subject and on all the others, there is an elephant in the room: Donald Trump's United States. America is a challenge for us today: Who has global leadership? Ladies and gentlemen, Europe has everything to enforce itself (a market of 450 million consumers, rules that protect us...), but it must be at the initiative, not to suffer, not to be shy in the implementation of its legislative agenda, to preserve its unity on Ukraine, to strengthen its partnerships with allies who share our values – and I am thinking, in particular, of the United Kingdom. That is why, ladies and gentlemen, we must act, propose and move forward. My group, Renew Europe, will always be on the side of Europe’s architects, and what I propose here is a triple plus: faster, stronger, further – because we need Europe!

Madam President, Madam President von der Leyen, we have just listened to Nicola Procaccini. We can see that Mr. Procaccini is embarrassed, because half of his group wants to bring you down. Then there are the Patriots. So there is no ambiguity, because they, for their part, want to bring down Europe. But what world do they live in? A world without the horrors of Ukraine and the Middle East? A world without Trump or Putin? A world where Europe has not already proven its worth? Of course we need Europe, and we have never needed Europe so much! Today, Madam President, you are witnessing the impasse that is yours and that of your political family, who have allowed the EPP to make ad hoc alliances with the far right. So I ask you clearly: Who are your allies in this Parliament? Your true allies? Because you have to choose: A year ago, we elected you head of the European Commission. Today, none of our Members signed this motion of censure. None! I hope this has been noted. At the same time, I must say that this debate comes at an opportune time, because Parliament has things to say to you, particularly on transparency and governance. I'm sorry to say that, but it's still the hospital that doesn't care about charity! Before giving lessons, it would be a good idea for the far right, but especially the EPP, your own political family, Madam President, to stop blocking the establishment of the ethical body. Beyond transparency, it is the institutional balances that are now being undermined by this cooperation with Europe’s enemies. Answering them on ecological claims, Madam President, without respecting our rules, has been a major mistake, a symptom of everything that has been dysfunctional for a year and must stop. There is one thing I also want to say to you, Madam President: What is Europe doing? What's up with the Draghi report? What about the Capital Markets Union? What about the protection of minors on social networks? What about sanctions against platforms that relay false information and interference? The statement today, Madam President, is clear: the Commission is too centralised and sclerotic, and the European Parliament is totally unstable. With Renew Europe, we defended the majority that elected you, Madam President, on a pro-European programme, the same programme that is now slipping because of a break in the method. It is skating because ideology prevails over political agreements. It is slipping because Parliament's balances are poorly calculated and anticipated by the Commission. So, Madam President, I must now tell you: nothing is taken for granted. Bring order back to your political family! We are waiting for you to get your hands on it so that, at last, the political agenda that we are carrying, both substantively and with you, can come to fruition.

Madam President, High Representative, dear Kaja, ladies and gentlemen, we owe Europeans a truth. The global balance between great powers is often based not on understanding, but on fear. And in international law, this fear has a name, deterrence. To quote Raymond Aron, deterrence is based on the certainty for the opponent that the risks he takes are greater than the benefits he could hope for. Deterrence, ladies and gentlemen, is peace, it is the guarantee of the balance of powers. Yet, for decades, Europe has denied this reality, even treated it in the United States, in NATO, with a guilty form of strategic naivety. Article five, this promise of collective defense, was always the others, it was never us. Today, ladies and gentlemen, the consequences of this attitude are catching up with us. We have not only underinvested in our defense, we have hidden the possibility of being under threat from a foreign army again. And here we are. We lived in the certainty that the peace dividends would never cease. 24 February 2022 was a complete shock. We were not ready, not ready to help Ukraine militarily, not ready to defend ourselves, not ready to produce, to supply, to deter. NATO, ladies and gentlemen, is the most powerful pillar at the disposal of the allies today, with its dual posture of reassurance and deterrence. Burden-sharing has been unbalanced since the alliance was founded. And this sharing can no longer remain a promise on paper. It must finally become a reality. Not to please Donald Trump, no, for our independence, for our security, for the security of Europeans. And setting a number is obviously an important step. Going to the 5% is the right direction. But let's be clear, this does not yet answer the question of our strategy. This does not say how to finally create a single military market that Europe urgently needs. This does not answer the strategic question of Ukraine's accession. Ladies and gentlemen, after three years of war on European soil, we must decide and act. What are we Europeans doing for our own safety? My group, ladies and gentlemen, Renew Europe, calls for concrete measures to equip Europe with real defence capabilities. The European Parliament has adopted a concrete programme for the European defence industry. We call on the Council to implement it without delay, to close the current strategic gap, to create a genuine single market for defence, to streamline procurement and to strengthen industrial cooperation in Europe. It is also high time to take forward discussions on European deterrence. No more taboos! We are advocating for an expanded French nuclear umbrella. We advocate the development of a military culture between Europeans with a European military academy. We call for a European Security Council for this new defence matrix. These are the issues at stake at the next NATO summit.

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, "global warming is a hoax invented by the Chinese to harm American industry", "the noise of wind turbines causes cancer", "the European Green Deal is a communist manifesto", "a disinfectant is more effective than a vaccine against COVID-19", "cod liver oil reduces measles-related mortality", "teachers are the enemy, we must aggressively attack universities". These statements are the work of Donald Trump and his administration who have made science and scientists enemies of America. Ladies and gentlemen, it is not only in the United States, but everywhere in the world where extremes are on the rise, that scientific freedom is under threat. The Choose Europe for Science initiative promotes this scientific freedom. It aims to increase the attractiveness of scientific careers in Europe. It wants to accelerate innovation by facilitating the transition from basic research to the market. Commissioner, the Renew Europe Group fully supports this initiative. He is at your side to make Europe this pole of attraction for science. He stands by your side to defend our identity, that of a European democracy that protects us from obscurantism. So let's work together to give more resources to European and foreign scientists and to facilitate the return of European expatriate researchers. I tell scientists around the world: Hear this call and choose Europe to continue working. Financing, a favourable environment, administrative facilities, the mobilisation of a budget of EUR 500 million, as well as unconditional support for freedom and scientific excellence are there for you. Europe is generous because it needs scientists. Ladies and gentlemen, without research, without innovation, we will not be able to meet the challenge of our competitiveness. This is one of the conditions for making the European Union a full political power. The equation is posed. So let's move on.

Madam President, I would like to raise a point of order regarding the Rule 11 on the Rules of Conduct, on integrity and transparency. Dear colleagues, last week, the Bulgarian party Revival, of the ESN Group, signed a cooperation agreement with the party United Russia, of Vladimir Putin. Secondly, we were informed that some extremist MEPs in this House – again – may accept an invitation to attend the military parade of Vladimir Putin this Friday. Dear colleagues, these are blatant attacks to our common values, but also to the Parliament's integrity and reputation. Renew Europe asks you, Madam President, to investigate whether the three members of the Revival party sitting in this House receive any financial contribution or donation from United Russia to influence our parliamentary work in their favour, and we ask you, Madam President, to make sure that no trip to Moscow on Friday is financially covered by the Parliament in a way or another. Thank you.

Mr President, Mr Vice-President, Mr Minister, ladies and gentlemen, 'the old world is dying, the new world is slow to appear and in this darkness monsters appear': This quote from Antonio Gramsci is the perfect metaphor for the challenge posed by Donald Trump's trade war. This trade war questions the very identity of the European Union. It is, beyond the immense danger it represents for our economies, a political challenge, a confrontation between two models, the model promoted by this new American administration – protectionism, brutality, populism – and our European model – freedom, the force of law, democracy. The "Make America Great Again" is a frontal attack on multilateralism. It is a frontal attack on a Europe in which 27 countries play the game of cooperation. It is a frontal attack on what we built together in the aftermath of World War II. Yes, ladies and gentlemen, regulated world trade is a tool for lasting peace, the most powerful we have ever known. Yet Donald Trump has decided to launch a trade war on the whole earth; all over the world, except Russia, Belarus and North Korea. So, I would like to say three things to the American president: First, the trade war does not benefit anyone and in no way the American consumers who are the first to pay the price. Secondly, Europe will always be a fair and reliable trading partner, in line with international rules. Thirdly, if we have to play the balance of power, then we are ready for it. As you recalled, Mr Vice-President, we have all the trade defence tools to protect our citizens and our businesses. That's our position. Without ever closing the door to negotiation, the European Commission must be ready to seize these instruments. Colleagues, the cultural battle imposed by Donald Trump forces everyone to position themselves, including in this Chamber. Some of you were in Washington the night he was elected. Many have called for a Trumpism, French or European. Some, by the way, are very embarrassed today, as was the case with the speakers who preceded me. They are the same people who dream of a retreat on national borders and a return to economic protectionism. I want to tell you: Open your eyes, it doesn't work! See for yourself that it can't work. What we stand for here is regulated global trade. They are trade agreements concluded on the basis of reciprocity that do not jeopardize our farmers or our industries, trade agreements that on the contrary allow us to diversify our supplies of raw materials or our economic opportunities. This is the guarantee of our prosperity for years to come. At this time, ladies and gentlemen, Europe is anything but weak. We have a market of 450 million Europeans, attractive to many countries that want to strengthen their relations with us. We have a legislative and regulatory framework that provides reassuring visibility for many investors. So let's not let the monsters come out of the chiaroscuro. Let us not allow Europe to deviate from its path. Let us build the foundations for a new world where the European Union meets the challenge of its sovereignty.

Madam President, Madam President of the Commission, Mr President-in-Office of the Council, ladies and gentlemen, the world is flickering. In the West, old alliances are being challenged. In the East, aggressiveness supplants diplomacy. At home in Europe, some are attacking what is the foundation of our society: our democratic model. The moment we live in is decisive for our future. Attempts to destabilise Europe must be guided by three principles: unity, credibility, boldness. Unit, first: unity is our strength at 27. Unity means standing with all those who are fighting to be free. This means standing with Ukraine. It also means taking sanctions when hostile actors manipulate the internet and pit our compatriots against each other. It is the unity of states, public opinion, our economic fabric and our armies. This is how we will weigh in on this unstable world. Credibility, then: We are a global power and we must assume this status in the face of those who seek to intimidate us. I want to have a word here about our ability to defend our interests, especially in the face of the new American administration. The priority is unity and solidarity, including with Greenlanders, who are under unacceptable pressure. I want to recall an intangible principle: the self-determination of peoples. Greenland is not for sale and it is up to the Greenlanders alone to decide their future. Beyond the territories of its Member States, Europe must react if it is the target of trade attacks. The work that you are currently doing, Madam President, to identify the sectors to be targeted and to ensure the coordination of States is crucial. Our countermeasures must be credible and strong to deter even higher tariffs. But when the time comes for negotiation, Madam President, our rules, which have been established and voted on here in this Parliament, should not be the adjustment variable. I am thinking in particular of our laws, those that aim to end the digital far west: the Digital Services Act and the Digital Markets Act. They are the emanation of our values and they can in no way be undermined. Finally, audacity. Together with my group, we welcome the new efforts proposed for our military capabilities: the White Paper on the future of European defence, the European preference finally firmly anchored in the Council conclusions. But we need to be even more ambitious. The audacity is to look for new avenues of financing, such as Eurobonds or Europeans’ savings products. These avenues will be essential for a change of scale, to really give a boost to our industrial fabric, in addition to the simplification work already underway. For all these initiatives, Madam President, Mr President, Renew Europe will be a support. We need to keep up as long as the situation demands, because the course is good, but, let us be clear, everything remains to be done.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, our farmers needed it. So thank you, Commissioner, for your vision this morning on agriculture and food. I'll tell you right away: I'm going to say hello to her. The challenges of the agricultural world are immense: climate change management, geopolitical instability, generational renewal and, what our farmers have been demanding for a long time, fair prices and clear rules that are easy to apply. Agriculture is one of the biggest strategic issues in our Europe. You were therefore expected to have an ambition in terms of food sovereignty; She's in there. We expected a willingness to develop the resilience of our farms; She's here. The demographic challenge was expected to be addressed; He's in there. The issue of reciprocity was expected; That's the case. It was expected that the remuneration of farmers would figure prominently; I read "attractiveness", I read "innovation", I read "access to land", and I can only welcome it. This work, as we all know, is only the start of a project as colossal as it is essential. He now asks that together, in responsibility, we raise our sleeves. I will take care of this with my colleagues, in my priorities as President of the Renew Group. This is an issue that our group is pushing hard to make concrete progress, starting in particular by strengthening the weight of farmers in the value chain, including by strengthening the Unfair Commercial Practices Directive. The hardest part remains to be done: set all this to music, set it down in our legislation and ensure the consistency of our policies and choices, without forgetting, of course, to devote the means of our ambitions to it; The nerve of war is money.

Madam President, Mr President, Madam President of the Commission, ladies and gentlemen, Minister, who could have thought a few weeks ago that the United States would support a Russian resolution against Ukraine at the UN, together with China and North Korea? Who would have thought that his president would one day say that he would recover Greenland, a European territory, ‘in one way or another’? What is happening across the Atlantic is not a simple disengagement; it is a complete reversal of alliances. I did not think I would say that one day, but today the facts are as follows: In a world where, for 20 years, Russia and China have massively increased their defence spending, the White House, under Donald Trump, is no longer our ally. Our world is increasingly hostile, and we must draw two consequences. The first is that we must know how to defend ourselves. So, Madam President, let us buy European, let us invest European and let us produce European. Yes, a hundred times yes, to this €800 billion, to get defence out of our fiscal rules and even to a common loan. Yes to a European preference, otherwise our money will go to other economies than our own. Without European preference, no strategic autonomy and therefore no sovereignty. However, we must also say the following: We'll need more. It will therefore be necessary to work very quickly, Madam President, on the European obligations proposed by Parliament and by a number of governments in Europe. It will also be necessary to work on ways of mobilising Europeans’ savings. The strategic issue, of course, is money, but not only. Coordination will be key. Our armies and our million European soldiers must be able to work together. We must also move forward on the European benefit of nuclear deterrence, without, of course, calling into question the national sovereign decision to activate it. Only then will we preserve peace for our citizens. To ensure our security, it is also urgent to continue to support Ukraine, because the security of Ukrainians is also our security. Donald Trump’s decision to stop arms deliveries and intelligence sharing reminds us of only one thing: we must take back our destiny, continue to try to convince the US administration that it is making a mistake, of course, but, meanwhile, accelerate our aid to Ukraine and be a force of proposal to offer security guarantees to Ukraine – and to ourselves. This includes sending European peacekeeping troops once an agreement has been reached. We must deter the Russian threat once and for all. The second consequence is that our democratic model is under attack: in the east by Russian interference and in the west by the Trump camp and the allies of this reactionary international, right here in this Chamber. Mr Procaccini, when you claim that the United States has given more money and support to Ukraine than Europe, that is not true. You know this perfectly well and you take up in this sense both Trump's propaganda and the Kremlin's propaganda. We stand by Ukraine, we have stood by Ukraine from the beginning and we will continue to stand by Ukraine until peace is achieved – peace is by no means capitulation. Madam President, the democratic shield must be a cornerstone of this mandate, and we look forward to your proposal as much as we need it; But let's start by applying the laws that already exist. What is the status of the DSA investigation? The fundamental principle of law is that when rules are violated, there is a penalty, and it is your responsibility to ensure that they are respected. Colleagues, Europe is a stabilising power. Our goal is peace, international order and the promotion of democracy. We have the strengths to be a political and military power. It is time to assume ourselves as such.

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, Commissioner, thank you for presenting the Commission's work programme. You know that my group will support you, but the subject I am going to talk to you about this morning is the method. I could have reminded you this morning of my group's position on European defence, on simplification, on competitiveness, on the Green Deal, but you already know these positions. For me, the only question worth asking today is: When are we finally going to take the measure of urgency? The stall is here and it will settle permanently if we do not take the necessary measures very quickly, now. The figures speak for themselves: In 2008, we were at the same level as the United States and now we are at 15 trillion GDP when the United States is at almost 30 trillion. This trend is observed over 20 years. It is not new and it is accelerating. Meanwhile – unfortunately the Council is not represented – we feel a form of inertia. Let's just take a little perspective. The Draghi report was six months ago. The Letta report, a year ago. Their proposals, which we also supported with my Renew Group, had basically been known for years and even decades. The US Inflation Reduction Act was three years ago, in 2022. The Russian war of aggression in Ukraine and the need to strengthen our European defence three years ago in 2022. And where are we today? Where are we on the Energy Union? Where are we in the Capital Markets Union? Where are we on European defence? Where are we with own resources? So, of course, we have done things and we must salute him, but, as we all know here, we are very, very far from the answers adapted to reality, the stakes, the challenges and the threats. When will states finally get out of their inertia? When will they finally give the final necklace, so decisive? And then there's us. I must tell you, Commissioner, this has already been pointed out, many of us here are asking why President von der Leyen is not here this morning. I know that it is customary for you to be the Commission's voice in this debate on the work programme. But really, I think it would have been helpful if Ursula von der Leyen had been here, in person, this morning. We are in a turning point, potentially a year of tipping if political leadership is not assumed. Symbols matter, but not just symbols. If Ursula von der Leyen had come, I think she could have heard, she could have perceived that there are many questions in this house. Among the questions: What is the working method of the European Commission? Why does one group seem to have more information about the European Commission's work programme and ambitions than others? There are also many concerns about the majorities that will emerge. However, the only majority that is worthwhile is the majority of Mme von der Leyen. And the President has a responsibility to sustain this majority, this majority that elected her. This majority is the only one through which a positive pro-European agenda for Europeans can be achieved. So, of course, we too will play our part here in the European Parliament. I say to the Socialists, as I say to the EPP and the Greens: responsibility, it must also come from here. The moment is too serious to divide. Stop the postures, because we have to find compromises. We will get down to it, otherwise it is a sure failure for Europe. Now we all need to get started.

Madam President, Commissioner, Prime Minister, I am returning from Poland. I went to Warsaw last week with the members of my group. And what we have seen on the ground is that, indeed, Prime Minister, every day, with your coalition, which includes members of Renew, you are mobilised to restore the rule of law, which has been unravelled for years by your predecessors. We know how difficult this is and we will be by your side, day after day, to restore this rule of law, which has been trampled on by the PiS. You also know this - and I have already had the opportunity to tell you this - in this Chamber, among pro-Europeans, even though we obviously have differences of opinion, there are enormous expectations of your presidency, Prime Minister. Because, yes, you brought Poland back to Europe, and for the mandate that is opening, everything has to be done. If Parliament is in order, our expectations of states are immense. Prime Minister, as you know, we are living in unstable times. So, a question about our global leadership: Do we want to keep chasing the car or do we finally decide to drive it? To do this, in the coming six months, you must succeed in the bet of our security, of which you have made it a priority. The bet of our economic security first, in the face of competitors from all over the world competing for attractiveness and trampling on trade rules. The challenge of our physical and military security, so that we can finally defend ourselves as Europeans. The bet of our energy security, at a time when we are moving away from Russian fossil fuels. I would also like to tell you, Prime Minister, that we will have no future if we bring down the Green Deal. The Green Deal is the key to our energy independence. The Green Deal is the key to our sovereignty. The Green Deal is the key to our future, to the future of our children and their children. So yes to simplification, to real, concrete simplification, which facilitates the life of our companies, to allow them to gain competitiveness. Yes to pragmatism, but no to the questioning of our climate objectives. The challenge of our political security, finally: that of our democracies, in an era where the far right thrives, in an era of disinformation and hybrid interference. We must respond to these destabilizations. And one of them, as you mentioned, is the instrumentalisation of migration. Yes, Prime Minister, we have heard, and yes, in front of her, in front of this migratory instrumentalisation, we will help you. But I would like to remind you of one thing: the priority of the priorities in this area is the implementation of the New Pact on Migration and Asylum, and I regret that you did not support it. So yes, Europe will be by your side, but if we want to get there definitively, we need to work together, including in the implementation of the Pact. One word: 'Effectiveness', Prime Minister. Liczymy na was!