Debate contributions by Elio DI RUPO

Mr Oliveira, dear colleague, my solution: peace and negotiation. But you and your party have the art of turning things around and telling lies that appear to be truths. We don't want to prolong the war. We don't want to help the Russians. We want the Russians to lose, but there are international rights and laws. Maybe it escapes you, but fortunately, the day when the European Union itself does not respect international law, then it is really over.

Mr Bystron, dear colleague, you have to know what you want in life: Either you want to be European and all countries – or at least as many countries as possible – stand together, or there is no Europe. I would like to point out what Mrs von der Leyen said: on the one hand, it proposed conditional Russian assets and, on the other, a European loan. And it is clear that it is the European loan that is the safest way to avoid any legal difficulties. Finally, I would remind you that there is international law and I invite you to read the history of the rights of frozen assets, especially when they are frozen by decision of the United Nations.

Mr President, Belgium does not want Russia to win, but the vast majority of the frozen Russian assets are in Belgium, at Euroclear. Using them without the guarantee of risk sharing by as many European countries as possible would expose Belgium to a major legal and financial risk. In case of litigation won by Russia, Belgium could be forced to repay up to €185 billion, or almost 30% of its gross domestic product. Such a financial shock would have serious consequences for Belgian citizens and businesses. This is simply unacceptable. Such a decision cannot be made without an intergovernmental agreement ensuring the fair sharing of risks between as many Member States as possible. Let's be clear: taking a decision in the Council without Belgium’s agreement would really be a big mistake, and the European borrowing option is the most appropriate and legally secure.

Mr President, Commissioner, I, my party, my country, want peace, and peace above all else, but we must have a European deterrent force, otherwise we are not credible. In military mobility, there is something very important: it is a civil mobility and military mobility. That is to say, our citizens will benefit from it, be it for bridges, roads or railways. I would like to draw your attention to three points. First, it has been said: they are sensitive infrastructure. There are cyberattacks. There is also sabotage. You have to be very careful. Secondly, do not underestimate the administrative difficulties, they are very long. Political goodwill is not enough: it sometimes takes five years, seven years, to complete the work. There are public procurement, there are redress systems – all this should be compressed, I think, by a regulation – and, of course, enforcement. Finally, thirdly, let us also think of transport workers, because without them there would be no transport.

Madam President, Commissioner, even with my opponents, even with my enemies, there is one democratic principle that I have always wanted to put at the forefront of what I do: the presumption of innocence. And so I'm not going to change. Only what is said and written in the press deserves a thorough examination, and I am delighted to see M.me Loiseau getting ready. She is chairing the special committee on the European Democratic Shield, and I think it could be this committee that is trying to understand and see whether or not we have tangible elements, testimonies that would allow us to go further. If it makes it possible to go further, under these conditions, and the Commission, on the one hand, and perhaps Parliament with a committee of inquiry, on the other, and/or where justice must absolutely be concerned. If it is not true, it is not true; If that's true, it's extremely serious, and then we have to go as far as suspending the country. But I think there is a methodology, there is respect for the procedures that we absolutely have to implement.

Madam President, the press is reporting on a spying mechanism attributed to Viktor Orbán and his friends, through the Permanent Representation and the Commission. If this were true, it would be one of the biggest scandals we would have known. I would ask you to clarify the situation through an ad hoc committee. Moreover, if a committee of inquiry of the European Parliament confirmed, after a preliminary analysis, the veracity of these facts, this would mean that the current Treaties would, once again, be unsuited to the current realities of the European Union.

Madam President, Prime Minister, dear neighbours, it has been said to the requisite extent that our countries have made a tremendous contribution to the development of the European Union. But today, what our fellow citizens are asking for is serenity: financial serenity and physical serenity. As you said, the challenges facing the Union are enormous: ensuring a genuine industrial policy, ensuring dignified and cost-of-living incomes for citizens, combating poverty, ensuring everyone's physical security and having a voice on the international stage. You said that we need to rethink Europe, and I congratulate you on that speech. But how, at 27, do you think this is possible? You indicated very quickly that there may be other formulas. Which ones? What do you see? How are we going to do this? Because at 27, I think it's impossible. However, we need to recreate a dynamic if we want to get out of it. Your attention today – the group presidents are here, everyone applauds you – shows the extent of our confidence in you, Prime Minister.

Madam President, Commissioner, as President von der Leyen has pointed out, there are deep differences with China: fundamental freedoms, support for Russia, unfair economic practices, monopolies – particularly as regards critical raw materials –, sanctions against MEPs... But China is a key global player, and it would be irresponsible to curb the dialogue with Beijing. Of course, the European Union must defend its values and assert its interests while intensifying an honest dialogue, without giving the impression of being a lesson, and in full mutual understanding. But, Commissioner, I also think that we must be firm and show China that the European Union is a vast market and that, if we lock ourselves in, we could enter a circle that would be a truly negative circle, of course for us, but also for China. I really invite you to re-establish a renewed dialogue with the Chinese.

Madam High Representative, the war in Iran is mediating Gaza and it's accommodating Mr Netanyahu. We must distinguish Mr. Netanyahu and his government from all the people of Israel and all the Jews of the world. I have fought, always, against anti-Semitism and I will do so until my last breath. But what is happening in Gaza is really genocide and I have studied the legal clauses a lot: Everything is reality today. I sincerely believe that the European Union cannot remain silent. We need to save the Palestinians. They have the right to live with dignity, even if they are under the control, for some, of Hamas. We need to free the hostages. And what instruments do we have, if not for the moment the association that exists with Israel? I think we need to show our determination, in the name of humanity and our humanist values.

Madam President, Madam High Representative, my country, with a strong defence industry in both Wallonia and Flanders, is committed to a Europe of defence that would be strengthened, including through an increased budgetary effort. But I want to be clear: I want peace and not war. The world is shaking in Europe. The military threat, it must be said, is also a moral threat. If we weaken, it is also our values that are in danger: values of freedom, equality between men and women, protection of minorities. In this context, industrial coordination between Member States is essential and the Commission wants to play a leading role in accelerating it. I'd just say bravo. Strengthening the European Union's military autonomy will strengthen NATO, not the other way around. Then let us be lucid only; not all Member States will be able to spend 5% of their GDP on defence. As has been said, for Belgians, this represents 6,000 euros per inhabitant. There are also other priorities: health, poverty alleviation, employment, purchasing power. Finally, High Representative, I am convinced that this will not be achieved in 2027. And I believe that we must take the example of Schengen or the euro zone, move forward with a core of countries and leave the door open to other countries.

Mr President, Commissioner, first of all, your greatest merit tonight is to stay so late. So I'll try to be brief. I could just say that I share 100% of what you just said, but if I did not say that, for television, it would be nothing: So I'm going to have to say a few words. We observed the organization of the elections and I must say that they were very well organized. This is a really significant element of improvement. However, there are still difficulties, as you said. First, the implementation on the ground of the measures taken legally. There is a difference between what is in the law or in the provisions and the reality of the terrain. Secondly, the press, pluralism and freedom remain a major issue. There is also corruption, cancer of any diet. I personally felt the weight of religion, which, for me, is a worrying element. Finally, there is Serbia: We need an absolute dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia. In short, Kosovo is making progress and moving forward, but I think they must continue to work to join the European Union, and of course we remain open.

Madam President, Mr President, like you, I do not want war. I do not want war, but turning our backs today on the realities we live in would be a serious mistake for all of us and our fellow citizens. So we have to do what you propose. Europe urgently needs to take its destiny into its own hands and, let me tell you, Mr President, not necessarily at 27. In the field of defence in particular, we could find other formulas. In any case, we must move forward to protect our citizens. We could also find other options in the economic field, with an industrial strategy, in the field of medicines or in the field of energy. We could also make sure that, socially speaking, our citizens live better lives, with jobs and incomes. This is fundamental. The money we will invest in defence must be invested in our territories, our businesses, our jobs, our engineers, our workers and our researchers. We must no longer depend on anyone. I believe, Mr President, Commissioner, that you have the capacity to do so. We're counting on you.

Mr President, Commissioner, the history of civilisations teaches us that there is no respected political power without a military force capable of defending its people. In your strategy, I believe that every euro invested in defence must be invested in favour of our companies and SMEs, as well as our workers, employees and engineers working there. People's security also means social security. Defence and social security go hand in hand – fighting poverty, housing, health, pensions, and so on... Finally, Commissioner, do you really think it is possible to build a Europe of defence with 27 countries? Given the urgency, should we not encourage a small group of Member States to move forward on this issue, as we did for Schengen?

Madam President, in addition to what my colleague Wouter Beke has just said, I must give you the facts. On 1 August 2023, the President of the Democratic Republic of Congo asked Dr Lusadisu Kiambi to take over the leadership of the Congolese secret services. He was a teacher, a surgeon and had attended military school. This gentleman, this doctor, asked Jean-Jacques Wondo, himself a professor at the Royal Military School in Brussels, to come and assist him. Of course, when Mr Wondo went there, he found himself in a crocodile pond. Events, which were described as an attempted coup d’état, subsequently took place, and were said to involve it. But, as Mr Beke said, we have no credible evidence that this is the case, and he is sentenced to death. What we are asking for is his release, for lack of credible evidence that can be verified.

Mr President, Commissioner, I looked a little bit at who was dealing with these ships and I noticed that a lot of intergovernmental agencies were being mobilised. Of course, the European External Action Service is responsible for coordination, but these are also internal EU issues. Indeed, the consequences concern the internet, for example: There are 1.3 million kilometres of underwater Internet cables. Gas and oil issues have an immediate impact on the price of these resources and on domestic security. I wonder to what extent, at European level, in parallel with NATO, we could try to make this clear. For example, at the initiative of your department, with a structure whose coherence and capacity for action would be felt.

Mr President, Commissioner, Elon Musk, as you know, has more than 7 000 satellites orbiting the Earth, which is more than 60% of all satellites in space. Only one man has exorbitant power. He owns X and he can manipulate algorithms to impose his truth. Today, however, our digital connections have become existential. The question is simple: Can public authorities leave this power unchecked? In Romania, much has been said about it, TikTok has propelled a plotter to 9 million users. These facts are not exceptions. They reveal a dizzying drift. Disinformation and misinformation seriously gnaw at our democracies and freedoms. For me, Commissioner, the transparency of algorithms and the way they are used must become an absolute requirement of the Union. And for that, we are counting on you!

Mr President, Mrs Kallas, you have certainly seen the shocking images from CNN where journalist Clarissa Ward enters a prison in Bashar al-Assad. She released a prisoner who had been locked up in total darkness for three months. This man, at first visibly frightened, finally understands, by rediscovering the light of day, that he was in fact recovering freedom. Despite the tyrant’s flight, as has been said, nothing has yet been settled in Syria. But one thing is certain: We Europeans have a great interest in supporting the transition. It is crucial to neutralise Daesh, to ensure fair and stable inclusion for all – including, of course, ethnic and religious minorities – to grant real freedoms to women and, whatever sceptics say, to open a constructive dialogue with Ahmed el-Charaa and his Prime Minister. It is in our interest, it is in the interest of the free world; it is a new challenge for peace; it is an obligation for us and a heavy task for you, High Representative.