Speeches

Mr President, dear Commissioner Kubilius, ladies and gentlemen, as a number of speakers previously have already pointed out, it is actually for the seventh time that Belarus is staging the ritual of electing Mr Lukashenka as President, in a climate of fear and repression against free media, civil society and genuine opposition. Over 1 300 political prisoners – including nearly all of Lukashenka's former rivals – remain imprisoned for challenging the fraudulent 2020 elections. Opposition has been eradicated and Belarusians abroad have been robbed of their voting rights. And still, hope is not lost. Belarusian democratic forces, led by Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, continue their tireless fight for freedom. I recall her words in this House: 'the EU, from Lisbon to Minsk, is a nightmare for Putin, but for us it's a reality we strive to live in'. The European Union needs to act as a multiplier of these efforts. On the one hand, we will financially and politically support the democratic forces. On the other hand, we will put Lukashenka and his henchmen under even stricter sanctions by mirroring those adopted against Russia.

Mr President, Madam Vice-President, ladies and gentlemen. With NATO's Baltic Sea summit in Helsinki earlier last week, the issue of the Russian shadow fleet has arrived at the highest political level, and that was also overdue. Because with a really terrible flood of marauding oil tankers, whose ownership is unclear and whose risks are also underinsured, Russia is deliberately circumventing international sanctions. According to a recent announcement by the German Press Agency, 12 billion euros are pumped into the Russian war coffers every month. The Shadow Fleet has become one of the most important financial lifelines for Russia in its war of aggression against Ukraine in violation of international law. Therefore, EU ministers should quickly consider what measures international maritime law allows to tackle the shadow fleet and hold Russia responsible for its aggression in Ukraine.

Madam President, dear Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, dear colleagues, as we have heard today during this debate, the United States is and remains our most important NATO ally and our biggest trading partner. This means, if we want or not, we need to proactively explore common interests with the new Trump administration, even when our priorities don't always align. And indeed, we witnessed yesterday that our positions differ on important issues, sadly. We need to prepare responses. The European Union should anticipate US foreign policy shifts and their potential challenges, preparing our responses more in advance. We need to rally partners. We are not alone here in Europe in our concerns about the next four years. We must rally our like‑minded partners to minimise disruptions and adopt a coordinated approach. And finally, we need to deliver on key goals. If there is any time for us as the European Union to act swiftly, it is now. And unity is key. Remaining transatlantic and becoming more European will be the way forward.

Mr President, thank you for giving me the floor. Madam High Representative / Vice-President, great to see you here sitting in the plenary. As we have heard this morning, the reaction to the fall of Bashar al-Assad has been relief, also at yesterday's Foreign Affairs Council, and rightly so. This dictator and his regime are responsible for the deaths of hundreds of thousands of people, far more than ISIS and all other so-called rebels combined. And indeed, the fall of Mr Assad represents a significant loss for Iran. Assad Syria was, alongside Hezbollah, a key component of Iran's so-called axis of resistance. Through Assad, it was the Mullah regime that was able to project its power across the Middle East. And the same far-reaching consequences apply for Mr Putin. Beyond the blow to this 'axis of terror', as my colleague Michael Gahler just named it, let us not underestimate the enormous new challenges the transition carries within Syria. The rebels are led by the jihadist militia HTS, which is an extremist group that has its origins in the Islamic State and was allied with al-Qaeda. Mr al-Jolani is now confronted with the enormous task of bringing peace to Syria in an inclusive process that respects the voices of all religious and ethnic minorities, whether it be Alawites, Christians, Druze, Shiites or Kurds. Relief and concern are not a contradiction, but rather the foundation for a reasonable policy towards the realities and uncertainties of the entire region. There is also room for hope. The European Union should not allow a vacuum in Syria. Let us engage and try to stabilise the country and constructively reach out to other powers which have sway in the country. Madam Kallas, I am glad to see you are already working exactly to this end.

Mr President, thank you for giving me the floor, Vice‑President, dear Margaritis Schinas, ladies and gentlemen. Last December, the European Council decided to grant the status of EU candidate country to Georgia on the understanding that necessary reforms will follow. The historic decision was an enormous opportunity for the Georgian Government. Unfortunately, recent developments in Georgia have raised serious concerns about the direction of the country and the intentions of the government in Tbilisi. The tense and polarised pre‑election environment and the numerous reported irregularities reinforce the increasingly authoritarian agenda pushed by the ruling Georgian Dream party. The Georgians have continuously demonstrated that they want a democratic Georgia with a European perspective. The Georgians do not want to be part of Mr Putin's orbit. All reported irregularities connected to the election must be investigated and addressed without due delay. They are a betrayal of the legitimate European aspirations of the Georgian people.

Madam President, dear Vice President / High Representative, dear colleagues, for decades, the transatlantic alliance has been the cornerstone of European security, and that means also of European freedom. The United States is a rock-solid NATO ally. The United States is by far our most important international trading partner. That is why it is in our key interest to develop further the transatlantic bond between the United States of America and Canada on the one hand, and the Europeans on the other side of the Atlantic. Europe is equally vital for America, as the Americans cannot face the global challenges alone. I would like to echo what our President, Roberta Metsola, said after the elections: 'Our mentality is no longer "America elects and Europe reacts", but "Europe acts"'. And indeed, the European Union ought to proactively explore common interests with the next US administration, even though our priorities might often not always align. And, as the Vice-President / High Representative said, we need action on ensuring our own defence and security in Europe. We need action on growing our economies and ensuring our competitiveness. It's action that speaks, not words. This is what we need to do, considering the huge challenges ahead of us. Let us remain transatlantic and in future become more European. This will be the right way forward.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen! Europe is ubiquitous in the Republic of Moldova. Anyone who travels in the country feels: Throughout the country, roads are decorated with EU stars, at bus stops, as flags in small towns or even on signs on rehabilitated trunk roads. There is even a stamp with the outline of the country in our European colors. Visitors to Moldova may even have the impression that the country is already a member of the EU. The official launch of the accession talks this June, just two years after the application, was an important, not just symbolic, act. President Maia Sandu can also see it as her historic success. In a few days now, on October 20, Moldova is facing a directional decision: Citizens decide whether the pro-European course will continue or whether the country will fall into a grey area – a grey area where Russia threatens to expand its influence on politics and society and where necessary reforms become empty words again. We all know that President Maia Sandu and her government are openly targeted by the Kremlin. Colleagues have rightly insisted on the massive Russian activities in this debate. So there is a lot at stake. We must and will continue to provide the Republic of Moldova with all the politically and financially necessary support. This week, the President of the Commission will travel to Chişinău and her message will be once again: Moldova's future lies in a united Europe.

Mr President, Mr High Representative, ladies and gentlemen! Two weeks ago, the mullahs broke all taboos. Israel is under acute threat. A new era has begun in the Middle East. Iran has finally stepped out of the shadow of its proxies. The only democracy in the region is struggling for its existence, and the danger of regional war is palpable. Worse things could only be prevented because Israel has excellent air defenses and because Israel has been supported by partners such as the US, the UK, Jordan and our Member State France. I believe that all this requires a consistent European response. The EU must finally find a policy on Iran that treats the regime in Tehran as what it is: He is a mastermind of terror in the Middle East. If not now, when? Mr Borrell, we were briefed on the situation in the Committee on Foreign Affairs on Thursday morning and I would like to summarise the discussion as follows: Many colleagues, including myself, have welcomed the fact that there will be further sanctions against Iran. They need to be implemented quickly. But many colleagues from very different factions have also expressed their regret that the Islamic Revolutionary Guards are still not on the terrorist list of the European Union. Here we must act urgently.

Madam President, I would like to raise to move oral amendments to two amendments, number 44 by the S&D and number 58 by the EPP, tabled to paragraph 77 of the annual CFSP report. Both oral amendments are factual updates taking stock of the fact that the Hungarian Parliament has now also ratified Sweden’s NATO membership. First, on Amendment 44, tabled by the S&D, it would say, ‘welcomes, in this regard, Türkiye’s and Hungary’s long-delayed decision to finally approve Sweden’s accession to NATO and urges the Turkish national authorities to cooperate closely with the EU’s Sanctions Envoy’. The second one, on Amendment 58, tabled by the EPP, it would say, ‘welcomes the decision of the Grand National Assembly of Türkiye and the Parliament of Hungary to ratify Sweden’s application to join NATO’.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, ladies and gentlemen, ladies and gentlemen, I would like to thank you all for this open and constructive debate. This morning it was not only a question of security and defence policy, but also of the European Parliament's annual report on the implementation of the common foreign and security policy and of Mr Sven Mikser's report on the implementation of the common security and defence policy. I listened very carefully to the two hours and found that there is a broad consensus in this House among the political groups that we need to further strengthen our common foreign and security policy, that we need to further strengthen our common security and defence policy, with the exception of representatives from the far left and the far right. Since this report is the last of its kind that we will adopt during this parliamentary term, it could also - and I would like to do so - be accompanied by Mr Mikser's report as guideline serve the next Commission, the President of the Commission and also the next High Representative and Vice-President of the Commission. One thing is clear in any case: We are witnessing a geopolitical epoch break. That is why it is all the more important – probably more important than ever – that the European Union finally learn global political capacity, as Jean-Claude Juncker once called it. As the European Union, we must finally live up to our external and security role in this world. I would like to thank once again all those present in the Chamber who contributed to this debate, the shadow rapporteurs and the team of the High Representative and Vice-President of the Commission, and in particular the Vice-President of the Commission, Maroš Šefčovič, who was here in the Chamber for the entire two hours today. Otherwise, I would like to fully underline what Commission President Ursula von der Leyen said today on security and defence policy. We must finally take concrete steps.

Mr President, Madam President, Minister, ladies and gentlemen, since we adopted our previous report on the implementation of the common foreign and security policy on 18 January last year, the world has changed significantly. While Mr Putin is relentless in his war of aggression against Ukraine, the horror terrorist attacks launched by Hamas against Israel on 7 October have set the Middle East on fire. In our external action, we need to adapt to these new circumstances. For too long, the European Union has been too cautious; we have not proactively defined and defended our interests in the world. This needs to change. I would like to fully underline what our Commission President, Ursula von der Leyen, has said this morning in this plenary and it was actually our Commission President, Ursula von der Leyen, who recognised this already back in 2019 when she spoke of a geopolitical Commission and a European Union that needs to understand the language of power. Listening carefully to all the contributions this morning, one thing is obvious: one logical conclusion can only be a strong defence portfolio. But what actually does that mean concretely? Yes, I would like to see a Commissioner for Security and Defence in the next European Commission. She, or perhaps he, should coordinate all EU and Member States defence initiatives and ensure that we are stronger by acting together. Yes, I would want to see EU Member States procure their defence products jointly to improve the interoperability of our armed forces and to reduce the costs for taxpayers. The EU defence industry reinforcement act, EDIRPA, was an important starting point, but it is far from enough. Yes, we must help the European defence industry to increase its production capacity to ensure that our armed forces are fully equipped. We must provide Ukraine with whatever it takes to win this war as long as it takes. Also, in that regard, we made a first step with the act in support of ammunition production. But we urgently, colleagues, need to go further with a future European defence investment programme and by establishing a well-funded Ukraine assistance fund under the European Peace Facility. Ultimately, it is about further establishing a single market for defence. The long-term goal, dear colleagues, is, of course, to develop a true European Defence Union, a fully-fledged European Defence Union. All our activities need to be closely coordinated with NATO, with our transatlantic partners, the Americans, the Canadians, the British. Let us remain transatlantic and at the same time become more European. That is the way forward. And I would once again like to address our Commission President, because since 2019, dear Ursula von der Leyen, you have taken the right approach. You are strengthening Europe’s global footprint and supporting the principles that inspired our own creation, development and enlargement. Since we have discussed my own report extensively in AFET, I will not refer to my own report. I would just like to thank all colleagues involved, especially the shadow rapporteurs, the involved staff members and also the team of the High Representative / Vice-President for the constructive and fruitful cooperation. Since this will be the final report on the implementation of our common foreign and security policy in this legislature, hopefully the next Commission and the next High Representative are invited to use this year’s CFSP report as a guide for their priorities.

Mr President, in a globalised world, trans—regional infrastructure projects have become an integral part of international relations, and we all know billions and billions of euros are lacking annually to meet the United Nations Development Goals. Indeed, it was Commission President Ursula von der Leyen who recognised the signs of the time and launched the prestige project Global Gateway in December 2021. With that, the European Union has started to fill the global infrastructure financing gap with targeted offers. I would like to thank Commissioner Johansson for presenting and naming a number of flagship projects all around the globe, which are examples that Global Gateway is starting to deliver. However, we all know there is plenty of competition. By the end of last year, 146 countries, including 17 EU Member States, had signed memorandums of understanding with China to become part of the Belt and Road Initiative. Not only do projects of the Belt and Road often come paired with allegations of corruption or environmental damage, they can also lead participating countries into a debt spiral. This is starting to cause serious mistrust in Africa, in Latin America and in Asia. The European Union must not squander this opportunity. The inaugural Gateway Forum on 25 and 26 of October 2023 in Brussels gave our partners a clearer idea of how this initiative functions and how they can participate in it. To match the political commitment, we now need to mobilise the firepower of the private sector. Public funds alone will not be able to generate the levels of investment needed. It will take time, patience and sustained political will to develop the Global Gateway into a successful global brand, but it is well worth it.

Mr President, late in the evening yesterday – actually just before midnight – we concluded the Trilogue on the Ukraine Facility. We can now provide Ukraine with predictable financing throughout 2024 and beyond. This is good news, and I would like to thank all colleagues – one of the co-rapporteurs Michael Gahler is present – engaged in these procedures. With a total of EUR 50 billion, to be complemented – dear Council and Commission representatives – by the proceeds of frozen Russian assets, the Ukraine Facility gives us maximum flexibility with regard to the annual distribution of loans, grants and guarantees. This agreement is a vital step in our support of Ukraine against the Russian aggressor. Despite seeming to be relentless, Russia is failing on multiple objectives. I can only underline what Commission President Ursula von der Leyen said in remarkably clear words. This war for Russia is primarily a military failure. Russia’s failure is also economic. Finally, Russia’s failure is also diplomatic. Ukraine can prevail, but we must continue to empower their resistance, especially now that Russia is stepping up its attacks on civilian infrastructure, trying to demoralise the brave Ukrainian people. In the EU, we must not lose sight of this sense of urgency.

Mr President, dear colleagues, transatlantic cooperation has been tried and tested over time, but our bond has proven itself time and again, most recently in the response to the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine. Here we have shown remarkable unity, not least by coordinating our military support within the Ukraine Defence Contact Group. The United States of America is and will be our most important partner and ally as the European Union. People are at the bedrock of this relationship. Bilateral trade and investment supports millions of jobs in Europe and the United States, respectively, and we are each other’s strongest geo-economic base. But indeed, we need to and can do more in order to maximise the added value of transatlantic relations by exploiting the opportunities for cooperation presented by the EU-US security and defence dialogue. I am convinced that on both sides of the Atlantic there is genuine interest to cement the foundations of a relationship so that we can meet the challenges of the years and decades to come. Let me thank the rapporteur and the shadows for presenting this very good report.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, dear colleagues, this free trade agreement negotiated over the course of four years and signed on 9 July indeed marks a significant milestone in our bilateral relations. It reinforces New Zealand Aotearoa as a valued trade and investment partner and it strengthens the European Union’s presence in the Indo-Pacific. All in all, as many colleagues have mentioned, this agreement removes trade barriers for companies on both sides, particularly when it comes to tariffs, public procurement and the protection of intellectual property. This promises legal certainty and, hence, ultimately incentives, investment and trade. Yet this agreement is not merely a trade and investment deal. It is a testament to shared values and mutual trust between two like-minded partners. Just like us, New Zealand adheres to the Paris Climate Agreement, New Zealand is committed to sustainable development and New Zealand is dedicated to core labour standards. In a world facing increasing protectionism, New Zealand and the European Union have together set a positive example and laid an important foundation for fair, rules-based and sustainable trade. I am glad that all our Member States have understood just how important New Zealand Aotearoa is in this process, and I trust that we will pave the way for the agreement to come into force in the first half of next year.

Mr President, as we have heard tonight, President Maia Sandu and her pro-European government are operating in constant crisis mode. And yet, they have succeeded in introducing key legislative initiatives tailored to the nine conditions set by the European Commission. These are tremendous efforts. Soon, the Commission’s upcoming enlargement package will testify to these reforms. It is now up to us in the European Union to live up to our own commitments at a political level. We need to introduce further permanent means of diplomatic engagement, sectoral cooperation and financial assistance. And we need to strengthen the new European Union partnership mission in Moldova. Moldova’s entry into the European Single Market would boost exports, attract investments and foster integration with the European Union. And colleagues, both parties would benefit from starting EU accession negotiations. The citizens of Moldova deserve the perspective of joining our European Union. Mulţumesc.

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, dear colleagues, as we have stated so often in this plenary, to this day, 80 % of defence equipment is procured at purely national level. Not only do we need to invest more in defence but we definitely need to invest better, and better means, of course, more European. Together we get better prices, profit from faster delivery times and avoid a regrettable lack of interoperability in our national capabilities. EDIPRA, as previous speakers have pointed out, serves precisely this purpose. This instrument will pool the demand of Member States and incentivise joint procurement by covering the administrative costs related to such cross-border cooperation. Small- and medium-sized enterprises are key enablers of such collaborative efforts. I am glad to see their contribution recognised in this instrument. But with a budget of EUR 300 million till December 2024, the envisaged financial volume, indeed, falls short of the actual needs that should not be dismissed. Yet the political will for the instrument itself is a historic step towards a European Defence Union, because for the first time the collaborative procurement of defence equipment is supported directly from the budget of the European Union. Well done, I say, to the rapporteurs.

Mr President, dear High Representative / Vice-President, ladies and gentlemen, look, we have all heard very good arguments from previous speakers. Most of us, apart from a few exceptions, will agree that the authoritarian regime of Mr Ortega and Ms Murillo has systematically undermined Nicaragua’s democratic structures, including the separation of powers, the electoral system and the respect for human rights. The European Parliament has, rightly so, strongly condemned the repression in Nicaragua, and repeatedly called for the liberation of all political prisoners, for the return to the rule of law and for a dialogue between the regime and the opposition. Indeed, the dictatorship of Mr Ortega and Ms Murillo maintained strong ties to the other authoritarian regimes such as Iran, Venezuela and Cuba. It has also been consistently outspoken in its support for the Kremlin, in particular in its voting record at the United Nations. High Representative, one point I would like to finally make. We need to make sure that our financial assistance supports the people in need and the country does not end up in the hands of the regime and its associates. European taxpayers hard-earned money must not be misused to legitimise the undemocratic and autocratic regime in Managua.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, dear colleagues, for months now, the current situation in Lebanon is extremely alarming. Lebanon has the largest per capita number of refugees in the world. The state is nearly collapsing due to the political, economic, social, financial and health crisis and in the end, a state of institutional breakdown. Since the last general elections in May 2022, which I was able to observe on the ground, a fully-fledged government has still not been formed. Lebanon needs to swiftly elect a president and break the institutional gridlock. Operational and functioning public institutions are urgently required to start pursuing long overdue reforms without any further delay, to strengthen accountability, to increase transparency, and to tackle corruption. Colleagues, it is regrettable that the municipal elections have been postponed again. Proper democratic and free local elections must be held without any delay. The European Union should provide technical and financial assistance to enable these elections to be held in the best possible conditions. And finally, almost three years have passed since the Beirut port explosion. A transparent, independent, neutral and effective investigation into this explosion must be a priority. Commissioner Lenarčič, given the dire situation in Lebanon, the EU must now engage to prevent the state collapse and to help alleviate the suffering of the Lebanese people with a strong, critical and demanding focus on delivering reforms.

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, ladies and gentlemen, Three weeks ago, the Foreign Affairs Committee discussed the lessons learned from 20 years of deployment in Afghanistan. And one thing was, I think, clear across factions: In the future, the European Union must be able to carry out an evacuation operation such as the one in Kabul itself in 2021. This is precisely the purpose of this rapid intervention force of the European Union. With up to 5,000 soldiers belonging to ground, air or naval forces as required, the intervention force is tailored to the respective crisis context. It is qualitatively and quantitatively different from the EU Battlegroups, which have been operational since 2007, but have unfortunately never been deployed due to a lack of political will and financial solidarity. So that the rapid reaction force does not experience the same fate as its predecessor model, some questions remain to be clarified. This applies in particular to cost sharing, the requirement for operational readiness in parallel with NATO Response Force and the command structure. Member States now need to define the precise modalities swiftly, ideally before the first exercise this year. In the end, ladies and gentlemen, the concept stands and falls with the real political will of the Member States. Measured against the hurdles that European security and defence cooperation has had to overcome so far, the rapid response force is a milestone. This can and should be built upon.

Mr President, Peru, as we have heard from so many speakers tonight, is a key partner for the European Union, and we want to deepen and strengthen our close and long-standing relations with this country on the basis of the memorandum of understanding that was signed in October last year. All of us are very concerned by the social unrest and the political instability that Peru has been going through since December. I deplore at least 67 killed people and more than 1 300 injured in clashes with law enforcement forces since the beginning of the protests. It is essential to end the violence and to investigate any possible violations of human rights. In this highly polarised and unstable context, only a constructive dialogue between the government and all political actors, including the participation of civil society and affected communities, can, in the end, pave the way to a swift political solution that preserves the constitutional order, the rule of law and human rights. Regaining trust in the democratic institutions is important to ease the current tensions. Therefore, I ask you, dear High Representative, to continue the EU’s full, committed support to the Peruvian efforts in this regard. As part of the EU election observation mission to Peru in 2020, I observed first-hand the electoral system, which has delivered free and fair elections for over 20 years. We as the European Union stand ready to support the democratic system also in the future.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, dear colleagues, as just rightly described by our three Presidents, the troubles in Northern Ireland were one of the darkest chapters in recent European history. For the longest time, deep historic rifts between unionists and nationalists made any negotiations for lasting peace seemingly impossible. With the 25th anniversary of the Good Friday (Belfast) Agreement, we are celebrating a historic development that remains essential to peace and indeed reconciliation in Northern Ireland. Dear colleagues, the true test of political leadership comes when it takes courage to lead against popular belief, and the peace process on the island of Ireland has known more than one courageous political leader. The Good Friday (Belfast) Agreement demonstrates it is possible to achieve great good in politics. Ever since 1998, we, as the European Union, we have worked alongside our UK and Irish partners to implement exactly this agreement. It was exactly in this spirit that we conducted the Brexit negotiations amid the rise of old questions of sovereignty and national identity. Preventing a hard border on the island of Ireland was and is an essential priority for the European Union. Particularly in times of serious geopolitical challenges, a stable cooperation with the United Kingdom is so crucial. Much more unites us than divides us. As just mentioned by the Commission President, the Windsor Framework: with this Windsor Framework, we have found practical solutions to the challenges in the implementation of the Protocol on Ireland and Northern Ireland while maintaining the integrity of our EU single market. Indeed, the Windsor Framework offers a united way forward, but it also honours the historic achievements we are commemorating today. Together with our UK partners, let us use this momentum to walk the talk and to implement the solutions reached on paper.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, dear colleagues, over the past two years of relations between the United Kingdom and the European Union were shaped by challenges that have indeed emerged in the implementation of the Protocol on Ireland and Northern Ireland. Particularly at a time of serious geopolitical challenges, a stable and trustful cooperation is crucial. For this reason, like many other colleagues, I welcome the Windsor framework that was announced on 27 February. This is a welcome and long-awaited step in the right direction which should allow us to open a new chapter in our relationship. Let me congratulate Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and UK Prime Minister Rishi Sunak. The agreement shows that practical and shared solutions to the challenges in the implementation of the Protocol on Ireland and Northern Ireland can be found. It highlights that joint efforts to find bilateral solutions to mitigate the consequences of Brexit can ensure stability and predictability for people and businesses in Northern Ireland, while at the same time maintaining the integrity of our EU single market. The Windsor framework also reflects the EU’s long-standing commitment to protect the Belfast Good Friday Agreement in all its parts. The timely implementation of the solutions identified in the Windsor framework is key now. As the European Parliament, we will deliver on the legislative procedures as quickly as possible. Let me also thank Vice-President Maroš Šefčovič and his team for the great work and for the excellent cooperation with Parliament. You can count on our continued support.

Mr President, Commissioner! In recent months, the Republic of Moldova has increasingly become the target of Russian interference. The economic situation is tense and the security environment is fragile. Moscow is restricting energy supplies and trying to destabilize the pro-European government through orchestrated protests. The objective is clear and many previous speakers have already mentioned this. The reform-oriented anti-corruption and EU-friendly course is to be undermined. Despite these most adverse circumstances, the government of President Maia Sandu has succeeded in advancing an ambitious reform programme. The candidate status granted in June 2022 is our promise to Moldova’s long-term European perspective. The European Union must and will continue to strongly and consistently support the Chişinău government in this difficult situation. It is about stabilizing state structures. It is about improving the economic environment and strengthening resilience to Russian disinformation. In this context, ladies and gentlemen, I strongly support the plans to swiftly deploy a civilian CSDP mission to the country in order to strengthen Moldova's crisis management structures. The next meeting of the European Political Community will take place in Chişinău on 1 June. This will be an important occasion to show the Republic of Moldova the support of all European partners.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, more than one year has passed since the Commission put forward the Global Gateway – let me thank President Ursula von der Leyen for her leadership. In that one year, geopolitics have changed significantly, as many speakers have pointed out. It is now more important than ever to ensure that the European Union provides an instrument and an investment alternative to partner countries, including those receptive to Chinese and Russian influence. The Global Gateway initiative offers long—term sustainable solutions to address joint priorities together with our partners. This is good for their development and it is also necessary to strengthen our own strategic sovereignty and competitiveness. Yes, the Global Initiative is an important geopolitical tool with large potential, but in order to make it effective, it is key to be geopolitically smart and strategic in our action and communication. The choice of projects should be driven by two guiding questions: first, where does our offer to countries entail both a qualitative high positive offer to the partner country? And second, when does it help prevent malign influence by authoritarian countries? I welcome the groundwork that has been done over the past year, but now it is important to deliver as Team Europe, the EU institutions, the Member States, the EIB, the EBRD and the private sector need to come on board with their financing and with their expertise. The European Parliament should continue to stand ready to help make Global Gateway a success.