Speeches

Mr President, President Michel, Commissioner, colleagues, I reiterate our strong condemnation of the Hamas terrorist attacks on 7 October and repeat the call we made as the European Parliament for the immediate, unconditional and safe release of Israeli hostages held in Gaza. Nothing can justify the deliberate torture, killing, injuring, kidnapping of civilians. Terrorists and their supporters must be stopped. However, the European Union must act now against the massive attacks that destroy civilian housing and infrastructure in Gaza, which come at tremendous cost to human life. International humanitarian law is based on the distinction between civilian and military objects. Understandable right of self-defence and international law cannot cover such indiscriminate attacks. UN sources tell us that attacks on targets within Gaza have destroyed or damaged 45% of all housing units, internally displaced about 1.5 million and killed over 10 000 people, including over 90 UN staff. 67% of all fatalities are reportedly children or women. The call for a humanitarian pause adopted in the recent European Parliament resolution must be followed by concrete measures. We also support the pressing call of UN Secretary-General António Guterres for a humanitarian ceasefire, which is more urgent than ever. The EU’s credibility is at stake here. We also need, as Europeans, to help pave the way of lasting peace and a two-state solution for Israelis and Palestinians.

Madam President, Mr High Representative, dear colleagues, we are again witnessing severe geopolitical turmoil leading to horrible atrocities with political consequences. There are several reasons why the European Union has to live up to its geopolitical ambitions. The division of power is clear: unlike last week’s statement on the attacks on Israel by the Commission’s representatives, we need political coherency. We also need continued efficiency, and we need to rebuild trust among our partners. Dynamic times call for vigorous reaction, particularly when adopting decisions. Our decisions on Ukraine have proven we can. We need to work on credibility: our most significant leverage is in our immediate neighbourhood with the countries that aspire to join the European Union. Most importantly, we have institutional limitations that we need to overcome, as our decisions can be vetoed and blackmailed by one hand. It is high time to make our foreign, security and defence policies truly common, and not the weakest link in our integration.

Mr President, first of all, I would like to explicitly condemn the brutal attacks of Hamas on Israel 11 days ago. That was the deadliest day for them since the Shoah. Sincerest condolences to the families of the victims and full support for all efforts to release the hostages. Terror must be stopped, but this debate would not be complete without a broader context: an important distinction between Hamas and other terrorist groups from Palestinians deprived of most essential resources and used as human shields in this brutal conflict, as even hospitals are being attacked. International law must be applied and the International Criminal Court should be in charge. Most urgently, we have to do our best to ensure that humanitarian corridors are functional and to support the work of the UN, UNRWA and all humanitarian workers there. It is essential, of course, that the European Union starts speaking with a unified voice, thus beginning to live up to its geopolitical ambitions.

Dear Chairman, a few final sentences. Indeed, as the European Parliament's standing rapporteur for relations with Montenegro, I am indeed satisfied with the very high level of coordination by all political groups represented in the Parliament, of course relevant, pro-European, whose representatives have participated not only in the negotiations on this report, but also in previous years. Thanks again. I think that with this report we managed to cover with our views a dynamic year, which for Montenegro, unfortunately, in contrast to the great internal political turmoil, was still a year of stagnation on the European path. I hope that in the coming period Montenegro will develop all its capacities and manage to overcome internal divisions in practice, and not only declaratively and truly commit to the realization of everything it wants. Not because of the European Union, but above all the citizens of Montenegro. Candidate countries for membership in the European Union, and Montenegro, especially because of its role as a leader in the process, must not primarily find themselves in the gap between ambitions and the capacity to achieve them. Because there is only one historically important date when we talk about the path to membership. This is the date of entry into the European Union. It is a process in which the path is as important as the goal, and Montenegro needs to wish all the best on that path.

Dear President, Dear representatives of the European institutions, colleagues and colleagues, by taking up the position of standing rapporteur for Montenegro four years ago, I expected and hoped that my last speech on the situation in the country during this mandate would start with congratulations to Podgorica on bringing the long, demanding and exhaustive membership negotiations to an end and that together we would celebrate the closing of all negotiating chapters. Unfortunately, the real situation as it is today has largely denied my, but not only my expectations. Montenegro has, admittedly, opened all negotiating chapters, but none of them have been closed in the last six years. It remains formally at the forefront of the European enlargement policy process. In practice, the enlargement of the European Union has gained new political relevance. Following Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, the list of candidate countries has expanded, but almost all other countries have progressed from previous positions, while Montenegro is missing out on opportunities. Meanwhile, the political situation in Montenegro is continuously burdened by blockades, and the political scene is dominated mainly by internal conflicts and political turbulence. Support for progress towards membership was often maintained only on formal declarations, while some elected political representatives were spokespersons for foreign interference policies. Here I want to make it clear that the European Parliament welcomed the results of all elections held in Montenegro in the meantime and we respected the legitimacy of all elected officials entrusted to them by the citizens of Montenegro. Equally, we respect the will of almost 80 percent of Montenegrin citizens who unequivocally support their country's accession to the European Union. This should bind all political actors in Montenegro and could serve as a cohesive factor in a highly polarised society. I would like to stress this in particular in the context of the formation of a new government and the expected vote in the Assembly next week. I also emphasize the role of the Serbian Orthodox Church, which, unfortunately, is an active political factor in Montenegro and is often used as a means of foreign interference in domestic political processes. As for the content of the report itself, positive things should be praised. Montenegro is fully aligned with the common foreign policy of the European Union, including in terms of sanctions against Russia, and we certainly appreciate this. We also welcome the appointment of three new judges to the Constitutional Court as a step towards resolving the constitutional crisis. We take note of the improvement in the prevention of corruption and the positive trend in the work of the Agency for Prevention of Corruption. We also welcome the adoption of the new Public Administration Reform Strategy 2022-2026, but regret the lack of progress in its implementation. We welcome some positive steps, such as the introduction of stricter penalties for attacks and threats against journalists and the establishment of ad hoc the Commission for the Monitoring of Violence against Journalists. We take note of the signing of the urgent agreement between the European Union and Montenegro on operational cooperation on border management with the European Border and Coast Guard Agency. We support the improvement of economic parameters and particularly welcome the decision to discontinue citizenship-by-investment schemes. All these positive steps would mean much more if we worked in parallel to solve systemic problems, primarily detected in the criteria in Chapters 23 and 24. In order to eliminate any doubts about census, we are not talking about its boycott, but we support the implementation of the list as a contribution to the development policy of each country. What we propose is that the list should not be used as another political tool to further polarize society. Removing political blockages would be a constructive precondition for maintaining it in an open and transparent manner, without any political interference. Finally, despite the fact that the vast majority of us sincerely wanted to hear better news from Montenegro in this mandate, I stress that it has been an exceptional honour for me to serve as the European Parliament's standing rapporteur for Montenegro over the past four years. I would like to thank all my colleagues for their continuous and unequivocal support for European Montenegro and my work. My main goal was to help Montenegro with its own experience in order to achieve as soon as possible the convincing desire of most of its citizens for full membership in the European Union.

Mr President, despite the horrible atrocities happening now in the Middle East, we cannot and must not turn our attention from the ongoing Russian aggression in Ukraine, which entered its 601st day. We need to continue pressuring Russia by all means possible. We should also continue with further measures on Belarus – a Kremlin puppet regime whom we must also keep accountable. Sanctions are taking place in economically challenging times when our citizens are increasingly anxious, but we have to keep them going as a justified response to brutal aggression. Sanctions do work, but the efficiency of sanctions needs to be strengthened, including through a shared approach with our allies. There are still too many loopholes that need to be addressed, particularly regarding fossil fuels, energy imports through third countries and price caps. Finally, I share the view with many others that Russian frozen assets of today can be used to rebuild Ukraine of tomorrow.

Mr President, Commissioner, the latest events of 24 September are evidence of pertinent tension always on the verge of escalation. So far, we have witnessed severe incidents with the attack on KFOR forces, the abduction of Kosovo police officers and the latest terrorist attack. With great concern, we monitor news on the location of the Serbian army along the border. Formally, on paper, things look better than they are in practice. There is a political appetite for enlargement, the Ohrid Agreement was reached. But in reality, there is no real movement forward. We have seen restrictive measures on Kosovo. At least the same, or even more extensive ones, should be applied to Serbia after the latest events. For real success, our policy needs to be coherent. We cannot have such divergent policies towards Serbia and Kosovo among our Member States. Finally, we can stop funding infrastructure projects if there is no improvement in fundamentals and dialogue provisions.

Madam President, nine months of blockade of the Lachin corridor were a clear warning of what, unfortunately, followed last month. We should denounce in strongest terms Azerbaijan’s use of military escalation, preceded by deprivation of essential goods as a means to force the exodus of the local population. This unfortunate course of events also uncovers the Russian peacekeeping forces’ real political agenda in the region. We need a credible peacekeeping mission, and more humanitarian assistance and political support to Armenia as soon as possible. We also support urgent sanctions against all wrongdoers and their facilitators. Furthermore, a thorough assessment of our policy towards Azerbaijan is a must. If we are so keen on making human rights a fundamental pillar of foreign affairs and trade policy, then we should reconsider our ‘special partnership’ and suspend all the ongoing negotiations. Otherwise, we once again continue falling into the trap of selling our values for gas and oil.

Madam President, dear colleagues, on behalf of the S&D Group, I would like to request the addition of the resolution to be voted on in October II linked to Tuesday’s debate, Council and Commission statements: recent developments in the Serbia-Kosovo dialogue, including the situation in the northern municipalities in Kosovo. Colleagues, you very well know the recent developments, even during the past days in northern Kosovo, and we think it is important to adopt a resolution also on the matter in the next plenary, in two weeks, to give groups time to prepare.

Mr President, Madam Commissioner, colleagues, I support the opening of the negotiations on this agreement while fully underlying the questions that have been formally asked as an introduction to this debate. I commend the Commission for its efforts and results, and hope that all the existing EU acquis on trade, development and forced labour will be entirely respected with this agreement. Furthermore, this agreement has the potential to address many of our concerns and provide a framework for building sustainable value and supply chains. Still, it’s not a solution, but a step forward to mitigate the consequences European companies face since the adoption of the Inflation Reduction Act. We must build upon this agreement and cooperate with the countries where those critical minerals originate, while reducing unwanted strategic dependencies. Our common foreign and trade policies, as well as our geopolitical ambitions, are intertwined and can reach full potential only when they are coherent.

–Madam President, Commissioner, colleagues, we are witnessing yet another form of blackmail, yet another stunt by the regime in Moscow. The so-called facts that Kremlin propagandists forge are false, but keep serving its manipulative narrative, thus disseminating disinformation. Putin’s recent actions in Africa are particularly important in this context. As usual, he accuses the West of everything, trying to double-cross public opinion in the countries of the Global South where most of the wheat under the Black Sea initiative was exported. On that note, I welcome the agreement between Ukraine and Croatia. It means that Croatian ports can be used as an alternative route for the grain export. Anyway, it is essential that the Commission provides feasible and durable solutions for the issue which protect the interests of EU farmers and which take Ukrainian needs into account. To conclude, this crisis has shown us that ensuring food security should be accepted as an essential and long-term priority for the EU’s global strategy.

Madam President, our House definitely is not the same place since Qatargate arrests and revelation took place. It is up to us to make a better place, not only European Union or world, but European Parliament in the first place. The damage has been made, but we must learn valuable lessons from it. On the other hand, foreign interference, changed geopolitical circumstances and all disinformation happening before our eyes and our ears, like a couple of minutes ago, threaten not only our House, but whole of the European Union. That is why we need to be careful but attentive and robust. Having said that, I do hope that the legacy of INGE and ING2 Committees will be inspiring and long lasting. It is crucial to continue the work on these crucial topics for the sake of our democracy and our values. The upcoming European elections will be a challenge in so many ways. We got to show our strength, integrity and resilience to confront any kind of interference, while keeping our citizens’ safety as one of the key priorities.

Mr President, it was a Council meeting of strategic importance on how we see the role of the Union when facing emerging global threats and challenges. On Ukraine, our commitment continues strong, and we have shown in practice that we stand for Ukraine politically, militarily and economically. One million rounds of artillery ammunition for Ukraine before March 2024 is a welcomed and concrete commitment. Now it’s time to take forward the work on Russia’s frozen assets to be used for the reconstruction of Ukraine. As we follow the summit in Vilnius, it is of crucial importance that we continue to bolster the EU’s defence capabilities. More money for EPF is a good step, but we need more ambitious leaps. Finally, about enlargement: after the measures adopted against Kosovo, I hope and call for the same effectiveness in the adoption of sanctions against Milorad Dodik for the much more toxic actions he has been taking for years.

28 years ago, there was a genocide in Srebrenica. Victims should never be forgotten. Justice must catch up with all criminals, and politics must prevent such a crime from happening again anytime and anywhere. But today Milorad Dodik denies the genocide in Srebrenica with the same ease as the existence of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a state. He persistently provokes to divert attention from the legal violence he is perpetrating in his entity. The political situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina is the best indicator that progress cannot be made without consensus and without respecting the constitutional order. That is why we need to consistently apply the conditionality policy that is part of the IPA III agreement and the recommendations on the strategy for a new enlargement of the European Union. The Commission should submit its evaluation as soon as possible and Bosnia and Herzegovina must finally fulfil the main part of these commitments. Time is running out as the country loses 1.5 percent of its population annually and ranks first in the world in terms of population decline. Bosnia and Herzegovina is a place in the European Union. Any real move on that path will have our full support.

Dear Chairman, Dear colleagues. Russia again proves that it does not choose the means to achieve the objectives of its aggression against Ukraine. A kada su ti ciljevi ugroženi, njihove zločinačke akcije imaju sve brutalnije posljedice. The destruction of the Nova Kakhovka dam, with its humanitarian, social and economic consequences, is accompanied by an environmental disaster. That is why they are fully supporting the Ukrainian forces in the counter-offensive they have launched. We hope for good news from the battlefield in the coming days and weeks. In the meantime, it is of utmost importance to discuss and take concrete actions for the reconstruction of Ukraine. I support the Council of Europe’s initiative to establish a register of damages caused by Russian aggression. I hope the other two members of the European Union will also recognise the value of this initiative. I also join the calls for a legislative framework that would use Russian sanctioned assets for the reconstruction of Ukraine. Croatian experience with post-war reconstruction can also be used as a reference, with all the successes, but also the flaws. The reconstruction of Ukraine will only be fully successful if it is conducted in a transparent and socially inclusive manner, with a comprehensive reconstruction of state institutions.

Dear Chairman, first of all, my deepest condolences to the families who lost their loved ones in last week's armed attacks. Tragic events are a reminder of the chronic problems of Serbia, the personal power of one man, the occupation of the state and its institutions, the glorification of war criminals and the toxic media scene. Key democratic indicators confirm that Serbia is stagnating, stagnating on the European path. Continuous financial support to the regime of Aleksandar Vucic through investment projects does not bring Serbia closer to the European Union nor does it move it away from Putin's Russia. The transparent tactics of outsourcing internal problems, unfinished Serbian transitions and the export of conflicts to the neighbourhood should cease to surprise. So much expected progress in dialogue with Kosovo, which is not in practice, must not be an alibi for the lack of a more effective EU policy towards the Serbian authorities. But full support for citizens who obviously want a different one in a better, European Serbia, a non-violent Serbia. They prove that there is a capacity for change. Without them, the permanent crisis with negative impacts on the entire region will continue, and the EPP, of which Vucic's party is a part, has a special responsibility for communicating European values to the official Belgrade.

Mr President, of course it’s of great importance to address this revealing topic today. We continue to witness horrendous war crimes executed by the Russian forces as well as continuously forced deportations of thousands of Ukrainian children. Officially, 16 000 Ukrainian children were abducted, but the true number might be even higher. We had a resolution on the special tribunal for the crime of aggression in January, and we strongly welcome the ICC arrest warrants of 24 March too, but in reality, this is the only one way to end these horrific practices: to end the war by defeating the Russian invaders. Therefore, with the upcoming Ramstein conference, we cannot lose the momentum to continue our full support to Ukraine. Forceful abductions cannot change the identity of the nation. Whenever the war ends, it must be imperative that all those responsible are held accountable for their actions. Only full justice can bring healing and enable the recovery of Ukraine.

Mr President, the key question today is, what is our common position on China? We witnessed weekly visits of Member States’ and institutional leaders to China, but we certainly lack coherence. Our relations with China should not become another issue that creates internal divisions. One does not prove strategic autonomy by being autonomous from other Member States, and institution leaders should think twice before providing EU cover for individual visits. Our relations with China also reflect our global ambitions. We have some strategies and Global Gateway, but we are lagging in practice. We are the number one world donor, but China is the number one trading partner for 120 countries worldwide. Moreover, in the last 20 years, more than 40 countries reverted to semi-autocratic or autocratic regimes. Therefore the European Union cannot simply walk away from traditional alliances that define the future of democracy. And only a united Europe is a strong Europe.

Madam President, Commissioner, Minister, we are all aware of our long-standing problems in defence: duplication of resources, lack of coordination and collective action, and low speed of developing them jointly. For a long time, there was no real need nor political will. Now there is a both but we have institutional obstacles that prevent us from doing it at the needed speed. The inability of the allies to supply Ukraine with sufficient resources would be a decisive factor in this war. We should do all possible to avoid this scenario. Our political goal should be clear: we should not only help Ukraine to resist Russian offensive actions, we need to supply Ukraine to win this war. More resources allocation and reorientation of existing defence production to meet the current needs are essential. In the past year, we have shown that we can act together. Let us not make our efforts go in vain. Slava Ukraini!

Mr President, the European Parliament will remain a strong supporter of all of the reform processes in Moldova. With a change of political context following the Russian invasion of Ukraine and pro-European orientation of the country, Moldovan efforts should be acknowledged in many ways. We should do more. We cannot forget that part of Moldovan territory has been under Russian occupation for a long time. Citizens of Moldova have been enduring this Kremlin—fuelled separatism which has cost them dearly. It would be irresponsible and naive to think that Russia has now focused exclusively on Ukraine. On the contrary, we need to be very careful in our immediate neighbourhood. That is why it is highly disturbing to witness these attempts to destabilise political leadership in the country: a well—known scenario set by corrupt pro—Kremlin oligarchs and their parties seeks to misuse the dire economic situation to divert the country from its European Union path. It’s a hybrid warfare of cynicism developed by the Kremlin to destroy our European House, our values and our democracy. The defenders of democracy and our values are nowadays our neighbours, and we should not overlook this, but give them strong support.

Mr President, Commissioner, colleagues, the only positive element about the political situation in Georgia is that the law on the transparency of foreign influence is withdrawn. Copying wrong solutions is never a good practice. Citizens did the right thing by standing up to it. It’s good that their pressure had a positive outcome. The similarities with the original law in Russia are as evident as the Russian interference in Georgia. It’s unfortunate that the Georgian Government is threatening the EU perspective of the country. It gives the argument to all those who advocated the unjust separation of Georgia from Ukraine and Moldova last year. Instead of working to fulfil the list of conditions to advance on the EU integration path like other two countries, the Georgian leaders are doing the opposite. There can be only European progress with European commitment and values. The dream of the Georgian people is Europe.

My second question is related to the fact that we are days away from very important presidential elections in Montenegro, following almost three years of political instability and no progress on their European Union path. How much is the US involved in fixing instability concerning the Montenegrin Government, fighting disinformation and external influence and trying to get the country back on track with reforms? Would joint EU—US mediation similar to the joint mediation called the Prespa process in North Macedonia maybe an option for Montenegro?

Mr High Representative, welcome to the House. It is very timely that we met and discussed our global cooperation with the USA today in the deteriorating security environment at our borders and with a number of security challenges arising across the world daily. EU Member States have stood by Ukraine throughout Russia’s war of aggression with every means possible, including through military support, with experts estimating that EU Member States individually and through the European peace facility have donated approximately 12 billion in military aid in this regard. However, the war has put under pressure European defence industry production capacities, which already faced strong competition from American companies which have dominated the market in Europe for years. How do you envisage future collaboration with the US in the field of the defence industry in light of both European industry production capacity shortages and strong preference over the years to procure American—made defence products? What steps are being taken to develop the European defence industry adequately to ensure Member States begin procuring more interoperable equipment?

Madam President, Madam Commission President, Mr High Representative. The ongoing political crisis in Moldova shows us that Russia is not limiting its assertive actions only to Ukraine. Through disinformation and foreign interference, Russia is trying to provoke a political crisis within the European Union and along European borders. With one year since the start of the Russian aggression, what are the lessons to be learned? There are a couple of them – we need to continue supporting Ukraine as long as it takes to defend itself; we need to make our sanctions more efficient and close all the gaps that enabled their evasion; common foreign, defence and security policies cannot remain the soft spots of our integration; we need to be strategically autonomous when it comes to essential industries and services; we need to continue working together on reducing our energy dependence; prioritising trade and economic relations without insisting on our political values leaves Europe exposed to crisis, and we need more Europe to address all these challenges. Slava Ukraini!

I would like to remind the Commissioner that I also asked about the ‘Open Balkan’ initiative, about your stance on it – what’s your take on the ‘Open Balkan’ initiative?