Debate contributions by Terry REINTKE

Madam President, Madam Commission President, Mr Council President, dear colleagues, Greenland is not for sale. The Greenlanders have made that abundantly clear and Europe will defend an international rules‑based order and stand by Greenland and Denmark. Colleagues, let's be honest, this is not yet another diplomatic dispute between the White House and the European Union. Trump wants to destroy the foundation on which we built peace and cooperation, freedom and democracy over the past decades, international law and international institutions. Why does he attack Europe and the European Union head-on in this? We are democracies. We are close economic partners. We are even NATO allies of the US. It is because the EU can be a global force for democracy and rule of law if we can work together. Colleagues, we have a single market, a force of global strength. We have a social model which might need reforms but delivers universal health care, mandatory rest days and workers' representation to our citizens. Because we have a European Court of Justice that stands firm even in difficult times. Trump does not attack us because he thinks we are weak and irrelevant. He attacks us and tries to destroy the European Union because we have the potential to be strong in this world. So colleagues, let us be strong. Let us use our tools in this crucial moment by not giving in to blackmail; by using the Anti‑Coercion Instrument; by becoming world leaders in green technology; by enforcing our digital rules also against the tech oligarchs in the US; by finally introducing a proper taxation on digital services so that these tech oligarchs can pay their fair share; by building a strong and independent European defence sector. It is true: Europe can no longer afford illusion. Against chaos, we defend a world order based on rules. Against egoism, we choose cooperation based on mutual respect. And it is true. It is not only Europe, it is Canada, it is Australia, it is South Korea, it is Japan, it is countries across the world that want to work together with us. And against brutality, dear colleagues, brutality that we can see every day on the news at this time, we stand united in the defence of our values. This, colleagues, is the European way and this is the way that we have to defend right now.

Mr President, colleagues, women are dying. They are dying preventable deaths in the middle of Europe because they are being denied life-saving abortion care when they could be saved. The initiative 'My voice, my choice' can bring an end to this. And it is perfectly in line with subsidiarity and the different provisions in national law. Still, it has been subjected to an unbelievable wave of disinformation. This has to stop. Saving lives should be our common goal. Stop bringing fake arguments, stop spreading disinformation. Let us vote in favour of this life-saving initiative. Let us fight for a Europe that trusts women, a Europe of self-determination and freedom. It is about time. And to you, colleagues, I am a Catholic – a Catholic for choice. And all I want for Christmas is for this vote to pass tomorrow.

Madam President, colleagues, this continent will only be free until we are not dependent on the fossil fuels, oligarchs and autocrats anymore. The Commission in their work programme has called for a European independence moment. And the step we are taking right now is crucial. And I want to thank the rapporteurs, especially the rapporteurs, but all the people who have put so much work into this, because we are finally ending our painful, decade-long and damaging dependency on Russian gas imports. We should have done this much earlier, colleagues. We should have never started building Nord Stream 2. Period. But let me say this as well, we will not become free in Europe by simply replacing Russian gas imports by another dependency on, for example, imports from the US. Only massive investments into renewable energy and energy efficiency will make that happen. More wind, more sun, more peace, more freedom and more European sovereignty. That's what we need and that's what we should work for.

Madam President, Minister, dear colleagues, I know you cannot say this here, but I believe it has to be said: what was published last week – whether it was a plan or a concept or whatever else – was a disgrace not only in the making of it – without Europe and without Ukraine at the table – but also in the content, because what was written in this plan was a de facto capitulation plan for Ukraine. This, colleagues, would not mean more peace in Europe; it would mean a more insecure Europe and eventually more war in Europe, while at the same time Putin is bombing civilians and has so far declined every single path for peace. But I get that we cannot dwell on the past and that we have to look ahead now. So first, for me, it took too long for Europe to be there, but it is good that right now we are sitting at the table, and that we are speaking with a strong and with a united voice. And I can only support that it should be you, Madam von der Leyen and Kaja Kallas, who are speaking for Europe there. Secondly, yes, we are the strongest allies of Ukraine. That has become very clear over the past week. But we are not just sitting there for Ukraine and in solidarity with Ukraine. We are sitting there because this is about Europe's future, it's about Europe's security, so it is also the battle for our freedom and for our democracy that is being fought there. And lastly, moving ahead on the frozen assets issue will be even more important now. Putin should pay for this war, not European taxpayers. And no matter what happens, colleagues, let's make Ukraine an EU member as soon as possible. This will make them and us much more safe.

Madam President, colleagues, every third woman in Europe experiences violence at least once in her life. We have heard it before: hundreds of femicides in Europe every year. We all know the numbers. We all give empathetic speeches – and rightly so – for special occasions. But, colleagues, we have to act. We have to do something about the situation. For me, the key issue – and this Parliament has fought for it for years – is still to fully implement the Istanbul Convention. We still have Member States in the EU that have not ratified the Istanbul Convention and in all Member States we still lack a full implementation. This is absolutely key to changing the situation on the ground. We even see in some of the EU Member States, for example in Latvia, attacks on the Istanbul Convention. Let's stand together and fight for full implementation of the Istanbul Convention. Lastly, colleagues, and this goes to the far right: for you, this topic of violence against women only matters when you can use it for your racist agenda. Then you scream and you shout. But when we are actually voting in this House to better protect women from violence, you always vote against – every single time. Stop being this hypocritical. Stop being this pathetic. We can see right through you.

President Metsola, President von der Leyen, Minister, you have rightfully said it: we have now taken the first steps on a very long journey together. And I realised when you were speaking, President von der Leyen, that it was actually the first time that you presented this budget proposal here in the Plenary, per se. And I think that this is about time, because we have already had a number of discussions and after the proposal by the Commission came out in July, it was right for the European Parliament to strongly react to what was proposed there, because we have an institutional role to play. We are asserting this role, and we sent you a letter with the four groups and putting forward criticism on key issues, like, for example, the key role of the European Parliament in the governance of the European budget; the role of regions, that has already been mentioned by some of the colleagues; but also demanding more clarity on key policies, like, for example, the common agricultural policy. Now, if you ask me, what we have seen from the Commission, am I fully satisfied with what you have come up with? I can tell you: no, and probably most people here in this Chamber are not. But to me it is a first step in the right direction. And it is a first step showing that the different institutions have to engage in order to make this long budgetary process a success. For me, the key question is now how will the Council relate to this? You had the meeting on Monday, and we hope that also the Council will show commitment to the direction that we have now put the ship on course, because the European Parliament, at the end of the day, has a lot of muscle in this process. We are happy to constructively engage, but we are also ready to show our muscle again if need be.

Madam President, dear Commissioner, dear colleagues, almost 70 years ago, tens of thousands of courageous Hungarians rose up for freedom and democracy. They wanted to break free from the bloody Soviet regime in Moscow. That uprising –with actually many hundreds killed – reminds us of how precious freedom is and how important it is for us to defend it. But autocrat Viktor Orbán has other plans. He's dragging Hungary back into dark times. He's building a hybrid regime of electoral autocracy. Orbán is, in fact, choking democracy in Hungary. And now this: multiple European media outlets report an alleged spying network within Hungary's EU representation in Brussels. The aim: to get sensitive information. It sounds indeed like a Cold War novel. We urgently need to clarify whether these reports are true. Were Parliament and the Council also targeted? Was data maybe even passed on, for example, to other autocrats, like those in Moscow or Beijing? And what role did Commissioner Várhelyi play? Is it possible that this close ally of Orbán did not know about all this in his own unit, under his own watch? And how did the Commission services react? Did they realise the seriousness of the situation and protect their officials, or did they choose to avoid a conflict with a Member State? Colleagues, we need clarity on this. We need to have a full inquiry committee also here in this House, and we need it now. Because if spying did take place and sensitive data was leaked, this poses a severe security risk for us in the European Union. Then the Commission and Member States must decisively act not only within the Commission, but also in the Council, and immediately suspend Hungary's voting rights. Enough is enough, colleagues. It is time for Europe to stand up to this autocratic bully.

Madam President, dear Commission President, dear Minister, dear colleagues, the European Union is built on solidarity, so first and foremost, I want to say that we stand with all the people who are at the moment feeling the Russian threat the most. These are the people living in the frontline states, in the Baltics, in Poland and Finland. It has to be clear – when one of us gets attacked, we all get attacked, and we will be at your side in these difficult times. For that, we need European strength right now, because Putin will not succeed in weakening Europe by spreading fear. That's exactly the aim of all the things that are happening right now. This will only forge a stronger solidarity between European citizens. We will resist this threat together. This means that rightfully, at the eastern flank, we need a drone defence network, and across all of the European Union, we need better protection against drones, whether it's at our airports, power plants or other critical infrastructure. This means we finally have to phase out dirty Russian energy imports. In August 2025 alone, EU Member States still spent over EUR 1 billion on Russian fossil fuels. Colleagues, this has to stop – they are using this money to wage war against Ukraine and threaten the rest of the European Union. This means it is not European citizens that should pay for Putin's war, but Putin himself. It is high time that we make full use of the frozen Russian assets – make Putin pay for the damage he has done in Ukraine and all of Europe. Finally, colleagues, Ukraine belongs in the European Union. In the past years, it has become more than crystal clear that there is actually no place in Europe where people long for our vision of freedom and democracy more than in Ukraine. So let's make it happen as soon as possible. I want Ukrainian colleagues to sit here in this chamber and to discuss and fight with us for a stronger Europe together.

Madam President, dear Commission President, dear Commissioners, dear colleagues, it is true, many European citizens feel a lack of leadership coming from this Commission. After a mandate where we were really fighting for the climate, where we were moving forward the social agenda with the Minimum Wage Directive, where there was the first ever LGBTIQ equality strategy, we are now confronted with unclarity regarding where you are actually leading us. The simplification agenda, for example, has become an entry point for headless deregulation, not only endangering our climate goals, but also making it impossible for our companies to plan ahead. They rightfully ask themselves: will the Commission stand by the commitments made or will they throw them under the omnibus? This is toxic for our businesses and it creates distrust in our decision‑making processes. Urgency procedures and delays of implementation have become widespread and poisoning. The latest example is yet another postponement of the implementation of the deforestation legislation. This has to stop. On the US, dear Madam President, many people felt humiliated over the summer because instead of clearly standing up to the bully in the White House and his tech bros, we have rewarded his erratic attacks on international law. Also, and this has been said before, your late reaction to the atrocities committed in Gaza have created anger and distrust all across the European Union. Colleagues, all of this criticism demands clear words and a change in the way we do politics here. For this, we need to see action in the Commission work programme, on climate, on social. We have a housing crisis raging all over Europe. The deterioration of rule of law and fundamental rights. And yes, also stronger action, as has recently been started, on the devastating war in Gaza. We will hold this Commission to account to deliver on your promises. At the same time, colleagues, we cannot discuss any motion of censure without looking at the geopolitical situation that we are in: brutal attacks in Ukraine, the far right gaining ground and the dismantling of democracy in the United States. Do we really, in this crucial moment, want an institutional crisis of the European Union? What exactly would it solve for us, for Europeans, not to have a Commission right now? To go through a long process of reappointing Commissioners with exactly the same majorities here in this House and even worse majorities in the Council? Would the Member States magically, suddenly change their political affiliation and move us into a better direction? No, that is wishful thinking and what we need right now is a clear political strategy because we have to change course, yes, but we have to pick our instruments wisely. You can never take the Greens for granted. We demand to move forward on our issues, but we are ready to engage, to solve all of these problems that are ahead of us. In the end, Madam Commission President, the European Union is not weakened by yet another motion of censure – even if some people find it ridiculous – that will very likely be unsuccessful. Our biggest problem right now is that your own political group is very often not clear on which side of this Parliament they stand on. Do they want to work with a pro‑European majority of the centre or do they want to go with the far right that hates Europe and liberal democracy? That is the question where we need clarity to move forward on our issues.

Mr President, dear colleagues, wildfires in Europe have reached a new terrible record this summer. More than one million hectares went up in flames in the European Union this year. One million hectares. Our thoughts are, of course, first and foremost with the people in Portugal, in Spain, in France, in Greece, Bulgaria and actually so many other countries across Europe, and a very special thanks goes out to all the firefighters who have risked their lives across Europe to help their neighbours, also from my home region in North Rhine-Westphalia. That is real European solidarity in action, and we must further step up exactly this solidarity in the future. But we must also finally tackle the problem at its root. Last year, at this time, people's homes were drowning in massive floods. Now, they are burning in flames. Climate change is here. To mitigate its destructive consequences, we finally need an ambitious climate adaptation law. And what doesn't help in this crisis is an EPP that is trying to kill the forest-monitoring law while forests are burning all across Europe – because nature is a powerful ally in the fight against these wildfires. We need to protect and restore it. Wetlands, healthy forests and soils will help us to reduce the risks in the future. And yes, colleagues, let's also talk about money, because we all know that disaster prevention costs much less than dealing with the consequences, and prevention means nature-based solutions and nature restoration. But dear Commissioner, how is this reflected in the next European budget without a LIFE programme, for example? We need a dedicated and meaningful budget for this. And finally, and most importantly, after 2024, the summer of 2025 was again the hottest summer ever recorded. The time for inaction is over. What we don't need is an EPP gambling away our future. What we don't need is Paris killing the Paris Agreement. We need to cut emissions, colleagues. We need a strong EU climate law. Let's act now.

Dear colleagues, last week, 300 000 people took to the streets in Budapest for Budapest Pride – amongst them, 70 MEPs of this House. The message, colleagues, was clear: a peaceful Pride march is not illegal, but banning it is. It was a beautiful display of the power of love, of freedom, of democracy and rule of law. And colleagues, there is one man who was essential to making this possible: the Mayor of Budapest, Gergely Karácsony. He's here with us today in the tribune. I want him to take this message back to Budapest. The European Parliament stands at the side of all people in Hungary who are fighting for democracy and freedom. Thanks for coming, Gergely. (Sustained applause)

Madam President, Madam Minister, dear Commissioner, dear colleagues, the EU budget should actually start from the consideration of what the people in Europe currently need and what their concerns are. Starting, for example, with the dire situation of last week's immense heat wave. For our survival on this planet, for our well-being, for our economy, we have to act faster. That is why we have to make sure that at least half of our budget is spent on green objectives in the next funding period. Not only should we spend money on the right objectives, we should actually stop spending money on the wrong ones. No money for fossil fuels, for example, or environmentally harmful subsidies. Pollution in the European Union should not be encouraged, but instead we should also fight with our budget for fertile soils, clean air and drinkable water. Regarding the cost-of-living crisis, let's take citizens' concerns seriously. We see it across the European Union, in every single Member State. Housing is a key concern for our citizens, so let us introduce a dedicated housing fund to meet these concerns of our citizens. What we also see across the globe, including in the European Union, is that NGOs are under heavy attack, not least here in this House by the far right, together with the EPP. That is why, for us, it will be key that this budget defends the strong role of civil society for our decision-making, for our democratic standards. We need a strong voice from NGOs, and we will defend that. Finally, who should pay for all of this? Those who do not pay their fair share yet – the big tech bros in the US, the best friends of Donald Trump. We should, in our own resources, introduce a tax for digital services so that we can pay for the needs of this budget. We need the EU to step up her game. We also know, Mr Commissioner, that we can only have a majority for this budget in the centre of this House. So let us work together and let us make....

Madam President, dear colleagues, dear Commissioner, the ban of this year's Budapest Pride is completely outrageous. And let me be clear: I will not accept living in a Europe where peaceful Prides can simply be banned and nobody speaks about it. The right to freely assemble is a cornerstone of all of our democracies. Attacking it means attacking human dignity. And the Commission must act now, and also the Member States – because I'm tired of watching EU ministers basically hiding behind the Commission instead of speaking up and acting by themselves on what is happening in Hungary. This Parliament, for one, will not stand and watch while queer people are being threatened and slandered. Viktor Orbán, you can ban also all sorts of things, but you cannot ban the existence of people. You cannot ban freedom and you cannot ban love. So let us send a strong message of solidarity to queer people in Hungary and all across Europe, and support Budapest Pride on 28 June.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, Schengen is a promise – a Europe without walls, neither on the streets nor in the minds. Forty years ago, we decided together: All Europeans should be able to move freely. My generation and the people who are even younger, honestly, can't remember another time at all. There was always a Europe without borders, a Europe of freedom, and Schengen was a promise we could rely on. I would like to say this in the past, because it is precisely today that there is one or the other government – and I would like to mention in particular the German Federal Government under Chancellor Merz – which must be reminded of this: Anyone who reintroduces border controls, who invents emergencies and ignores court rulings, who damages Schengen and thereby damages European integration, who harasses people on their way to work, complicates trade and deliberately strains relations with our neighbouring countries, and who breaks this European promise at the end. As someone who grew up without borders in Europe, I say: Stop it! We do not want to go back, not to the small state of barriers and not to the past of barbed wire. If we are celebrating 40 years of Schengen today, we should be serious about that – and not just by making big speeches, while right next door here on the border with Kehl, border jams are paralyzing entire regions. The Schengen Agreement is our reality and our future. Let us celebrate that we grew together 40 years ago, and today promise that this Europe will remain a Europe of freedom!

Madam President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, the situation of democracy in Hungary is unbearable. And this is actually not news, because already in 2018, the European Parliament triggered the Article 7 procedure to protect the rule of law, democracy and fundamental rights in Hungary. Almost seven years have passed since then and things have continuously gotten worse in this period of time – and they are still getting worse as we speak. Hungary recently banned Pride marches in an attempt to make queer people disappear. Well, here's to you, Viktor Orbán! We exist: we exist all over Europe and we also exist in Hungary. And we will not go away! Now there is the Hungarian draft bill on foreign funding, if adopted, that will take control and, in effect, suspend the work of independent NGOs and media. And, actually, I think what this shows is that, ahead of the election, Orbán is already trying to transform Hungary into more and more of a Russian-style autocracy. And the reason for that is that he's scared. Colleagues, we cannot let this happen. We call on the European Commission, as the guardian of the treaties, to act and to do more, to accelerate the already existing infringement procedures, to finally apply interim measures against the Hungarian Government, and to close any loophole that could be used by Hungary to re-channel frozen funding without having implemented reforms. The time to act is now – in fact, it is long overdue. We have to stop Orbán and his friends from silencing Hungarian voices, from discriminating against Hungarians, from stealing money from Hungarian citizens. We stand with the Hungarian people and Hungarian democracy, and that is why we stand up against Viktor Orbán, also on 28 June at Budapest Pride.

Mr President, Commission President, Minister, dear colleagues, tomorrow on 8 May, we will celebrate the 80th anniversary of the end of World War II in Europe, a day that gave the European continent the precious gift of peace. A peace that meant freedom and democracy for parts of Europe, and the freedom and democracy that eventually spread all over our continent with peaceful revolutions in the south and east of Europe over the following decades. It is exactly this peace and this freedom and democracy that Putin feels threatened by. So, to defend our peace, we have to defend freedom and democracy. A freedom that people died for, a democracy that was fought for, and a freedom that people still today are dying for, a democracy that cannot silently be exchanged for oppression. And this fight is currently happening in Ukraine. And that is why we must make Ukraine strong now. Any hesitation encourages Putin, any delay weakens Ukraine. And that, of course, means continued military support, but also the political support to moving ahead on the accession process to the European Union. And to make one thing absolutely clear, while we are standing by Ukraine's side and we are finally phasing out – long overdue, by the way – Russian fossil fuels for good, far right Members of this House have just signed an agreement with Putin's party – the party of a dictator, of an autocrat, of an aggressor – at this crucial moment for Ukraine's future. And I ask myself, 'honestly, what else has to happen so that all parts also of the EPP family will understand that these people on the far right of this House are dangerous?' The far right is not a political force that you can collaborate with when it pleases you. These people are a threat to our democracy, our peace and our freedom. They are a threat to all Ukrainians who want to live in freedom. They want Putin to win this war. And we, as democrats, in this House have to resist this. Eighty years after the end of World War II, it is time for Europe to rise above itself once again, to defend freedom in Ukraine and against the people sitting on the far right of this House.

Madam President, Commission President, Council President, dear colleagues, what a world we are living in. I was born two years before the fall of the Berlin Wall, and I must admit to you that when I grew up – and you can call me naive – I somehow thought that democracies in this world would become more numerous just with time, and that there would be a basic understanding between these democracies that we would cooperate with each other on fair terms, with the sincere agreement that we are stronger together, that we work together and that we base our conflicts on facts and try to find compromise between each other, not only to better the lives of the citizens living in our respective countries, but to better the lives of everyone living on this continent. Now, after the brutal invasion of Russia in Ukraine, the US President, let's be honest, has not only turned his back against the bravely fighting Ukrainians, but against Europe as a whole. And I take note of the fact that the loud cheering of the far right that we heard when Trump was elected has significantly calmed down over the past weeks, because it has become far too obvious what Donald Trump in the White House means for European citizens. He's not only attacking our – and actually his own – economy by imposing unfair tariffs, but he's attacking our democracies by attacking our sovereignty and decisions that have sovereignly been taken also here in this House. Now, the incoherence of the far-right colleagues, that is no surprise to me. What I found more surprising were the latest turns by the German EPP, where suddenly prominent voices from the CDU are discussing moving back to Russian gas or even resurrecting Nord Stream 2. Colleagues, what a grave mistake that would be. In a world where we have Donald Trump on the one side and Vladimir Putin on the other side, we have only one way to survive as Europeans, and that is to stand strong together. Now you can tell me, colleagues, but this is very hard in a situation when we have one Member State that is not following our commonly agreed rules, when we have Hungary constantly trying to undermine the strength of the European Union. But the solution to this is obvious. Over the past years, we have gathered evidence and proof that Hungary is not a functioning democracy anymore, that rule of law has been undermined. And so, the Article 7 procedure is long, long overdue. What else needs to happen? Viktor Orbán is attacking the very foundation of his own democracy and of our Union. Let's finalise the Article 7 procedure, take away voting and veto rights from Orbán to protect Hungarian citizens, to protect Hungarian democracy, but also to fight for a strong and sovereign European Union.

Madam President, dear colleagues, dear Prime Minister Tusk, welcome to the European Parliament. I think a lot of us are quite happy about this change in Council Presidency, especially because we live in times where Europe has to act. The new US President has started the year 2025 with a series of threats against our common European interests. In the east of Europe, Putin is still waging an illegal war of his great power fantasies, only held back by the outstanding courage of the Ukrainian people. And the signs of hope – we know this, colleagues – in the Middle East are still extremely fragile. So Europe united has to be our answer to the challenges of our time – a united European Union as a harbour of security and strength for the people in Europe. And after the disastrous Hungarian Presidency, Prime Minister Tusk, now a great responsibility lies on Poland, because we need to see action. You have made security the key issue of your Presidency, and I can only tell you 'well done'. We also think this should be a priority. But when we, for example, talk about defence – you have spoken about it – actually you don't really need to convince this House because the European Parliament has been at the forefront of fighting for a defence union in the past. You actually have to go to the capitals and tell them not only to use European defence in their Sunday speeches, but to actually put action into their words and to move forward on this, because we have heard enough words. We need to see action on this. But, Mr Tusk, I also have to tell you that security also goes hand-in-hand with environmental security. Because what security is there if floods are endangering our people and are destroying our homes, droughts are killing our crops, and masses of water and wildfires ruin entire infrastructures or economies of the whole region? Protecting the climate is ultimately about protecting humans. Investing in the ecological transition on the European continent is making us more independent, protecting our energy security from the threatening powers of dictators and autocrats. Fossils mean dependency; renewables mean freedom. We have to see this also in the Polish Presidency. Lastly, Prime Minister Tusk, it's been a while, but I think you know, not only in the streets of Poland, people were celebrating when you won the election. All across Europe, there was a sense of hope and relief that Poland, as a strong partner, is back at the European table – a strong Poland that will defend the rule of law, our democratic values and uphold human rights. You won because people wanted change. You won because people put hope in you who had been stripped of their rights, who were silenced and who were denied freedom. These people count on you, and they count on us right now. You also managed by unifying the political forces of the centre, including the Social Democrats, the Liberals and the Greens. And for me, this leads the way in Europe. But honestly, Mr Tusk, here in this House, the only majority that can secure a strong and ready-to-act Europe – the majority of the centre – is in danger. Also by dangerous games of your own political party who have been voting with the far-right in not only one occasion in this House. So you have a responsibility here, Mr Tusk. We want to see a strong Polish Presidency, but also remind your own political group of how important it is – in this crucial moment – that we do sensible politics in the centre in Europe right now.

Madam President, Commission President, dear colleagues, in these times of tectonic geopolitical changes, this European Council must send a clear signal. The European Union is a reliable and a strong partner for all those people in the world that are longing for democracy, for peace and for freedom. It is an honour that President Zourabichvili addressed the House this morning at such a crucial moment for Georgia, and I expect also this clear signal of solidarity from the European Council. We stand by the side of all Georgians who are fighting for freedom, for democracy and for a European future. Because Georgia's future lies within the European Union, and we strongly condemn the recent attacks on democracy, election violations and repression against peaceful protesters and independent media. And the President said it here: it is very often EU flags that are in the streets when people are protesting for their European future and for democracy. So it is on us not to let these protesters down. And this is why the EU must introduce targeted sanctions against leading political figures that were responsible for the repression. Georgia needs new elections with international election observations, and we call on the EU to introduce a special envoy for Georgian European relations. And at the same time, we will not forget the people of Moldova, who also seek peace and freedom within the European Union and who are facing a difficult winter ahead of them. The European Council should also reassure the Syrian people. The EU will help to turn your hope for a free and safe Syria for all into reality. A peaceful transfer of power is now most urgent, and we must provide acute humanitarian aid for Syrians because the difficult times are not over yet. We have to hold mass murderer Assad and his torture masters accountable for their crimes against their own people. Syria is a real defeat for Russia by abandoning his protégé Assad, Putin demonstrated his own weakness before the eyes of the world. His great power ambitions have failed in Syria. And trust me, colleagues, these great power ambitions will also fail in Ukraine. We also see that, with the new US President coming in, the challenges also to the west of Europe are not becoming smaller. We want the European Council, especially against the backdrop of what is happening in January in the US, to deliver on our promise towards Ukraine. We stand with Ukraine as long as it takes until Russia's invasion fails, until peace on Ukraine's terms becomes reality. Whether we look westwards to the US, to the Middle East or to Eastern Europe, the only certainty right now is uncertainty. And the European Union can and has to be an anchor of stability, of democracy, of human rights, and of the hope of all those people who want to live in a peaceful world. Let us be with this Parliament, the beacon of hope for those who are longing for democracy, peace and freedom.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, Madam President of the Commission! I think it's clear to all of us, and if we take a step back, we'll see even more: We are facing huge geopolitical challenges. A demagogue and anti-European has just been re-elected to the White House. Ukraine is currently witnessing the bloodiest clashes since the beginning of this war, and we are seeing more and more how brutally climate change is already hitting us – not in the future, but today. As great as these tasks are, so great is our responsibility. We need a European Union that can act right now, and that includes a European Parliament that can act. But, frankly, in recent weeks, the European Parliament has dwarfed itself with an unworthy process of hearings that was not about qualifications, but about power poker – with a brutal end last week that also saw the far-right candidates win through committees – unfortunately also with votes from the Conservatives, the Social Democrats and the Liberals. We Greens voted against it, with full conviction, because we are sure that a European Union can only work with pro-European common majorities in the middle. This central opportunity to build precisely these majorities has been missed. Because united with pro-European majorities, we could have agreed on a strategy that would have strengthened the European Parliament and ensured clear majority decisions in the future. To be honest, the EPP is unfortunately showing more and more openly that it wants to keep its cooperation with the far right open, to the danger for the entire European project. But we Greens say very clearly: Precisely because we care so much about this European project, we have negotiated until the last moment. We have not done this out of vanity, we have not done this because we want to make it easy for ourselves, we have done this because we want to support the European Union. In the overall balance, we have received commitments from the President on the Green Deal, on the rule of law and also on pro-European majorities. I can tell you that the debates in our group were not easy. This decision is extremely difficult for us, and not all Green MEPs have come to the same conclusion. I have great respect for the different decisions of my colleagues. In the end, a narrow majority of our group will vote in favour of this Commission. We will always be both critical and constructive in this Parliament. We want to build pro-European majorities against right-wing extremists, because this is the only way we can protect this European project.

Madam President, dear President of Ukraine Zelenskyy, dear colleagues and, most of all, dear friends in Ukraine, it has been a thousand days since Putin's illegal and unprovoked full-scale invasion of Ukraine, which brought utter destruction and unbearable suffering to the people of Ukraine. A thousand days, a sad milestone and at the same moment a reminder of our promise. We stand with Ukraine for as long as it takes: as long as it takes until peace finally becomes reality for Ukraine again. Trust me, it is us who are longing for peace, but the people who are longing for peace the most are the people in Ukraine. A peace on Ukraine's terms which allows the Ukrainian people to live in freedom and safety and not under the oppression of Russia's brutal colonial shackles. Warmonger Putin will not stop this terror. He will send more soldiers to their death. He will use more weapons to bomb infrastructure, hospitals and schools. He will use the cold winter to try to freeze the Ukrainians into submission. Putin does not obey international law. He is actually trying to move back to a time where Europe was ruled by empires, starting by building a Russian empire, threatening all those who want to live in peace and freedom in Europe. It's a weak man's big phantom pain of Russian tsars and Soviet rulers. Putin only recognises the right of the strongest, so we have to show him Europe's united strength. The re-election of President Trump into the White House is another wake-up call for the European Union in this regard. We must move forward with renewed vigour. We have to step up our military support for Ukraine. Ukraine urgently needs credible security guarantees. Also, the EU has to be able to defend itself and must become independent from dictators in terms of energy supply. We have paid a very high price on this continent because of our own short-sightedness in this regard. This is not just in our interest, but also in that of Ukraine. I'm speaking to our Ukrainian sisters and brothers, who are still suffering and who are not only defending their own freedom, but also our freedom here in Europe. It might have been a thousand days, but be reassured: Europe will not let you down.

I'm trying here now, but the voting device didn't work. I just want to say it for the record. If other people are affected, I don't know, but it didn't work. Sorry.

Madam President, dear colleagues, the morning after the US election, Europe woke up in a new world. Let me say it straight away: I do not welcome the election of Donald Trump as US President, nor do I congratulate the person who will do massive damage not only to the citizens in the US, but across the world and also in Europe. Actually, there was a lot of jubilation on the far-right side when Trump was elected. Honestly, I ask myself if you even know what damage this man is going to bring to the European Union and also to the citizens that you are going to represent. As far as the announcements of a liar can be trusted, Donald Trump's policies are going to bring a very hard time to Europe. But just because he poses aggressively, it doesn't mean that he can scare us. With a strong European Union, we will be stronger than propaganda and lies. So let's work together as Europeans to invest massively in the future of European industry, for European competitiveness, domestic jobs and European independence from autocrats. Let's work together as Europeans to stay strong in our fight against climate change and its destructive consequences, as we currently see in Spain. For the benefit of our common future here in Europe and this planet, let's work together as Europeans to strive for peace in the Middle East, and also for the people in Ukraine who defend our freedom against a brutal aggressor, for all those who are suffering there, but also for European security and freedom in Europe. Let's work together as Europeans here, and let's advance the cooperation with our dear friends in the US in our common fight for women's rights, democracy and human dignity. We send them our full solidarity. We know how difficult it must be right now, but be assured: the large majority of European citizens and the European Parliament stands by your side.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen! I myself come from the Ruhr region, and for decades this wonderful region has been shaped by steel – just like the whole of Europe and, frankly, the whole world. Steel creates tens of thousands of jobs, steel makes us economically strong, steel is the basic material of the ecological transformation. We need it for wind turbines, for rail transport, for almost everything that makes our future climate neutral. Above all, we need steel for our independence and ability to act as a European Union. Who, if not us? And especially coming from Germany, you can just sing a song about what a high price you pay for becoming economically and industrially dependent. That is why our message from this Parliament today must be unified and clear: We will continue to need steel in the future. Made in Europe. That is why we need lead markets for green steel, we need contracts for difference to compensate for the initially higher price of green steel, including through investments from the EU budget. And we need to make CBAM better and apply it to finished products, for example. And yes, we need to take better action against unfair competition and dumping steel e.g. from China. Colleagues, we must not waste any more time. Honestly, the time for talking and thinking about what we should do is over, because the future of European steel is also in our hands here in this Parliament. This is why the Commission needs to convene a European Steel Summit – not to chat around, but to work with industry, trade unions and politicians to ensure sustainable steel production in Europe. We need a signal of departure now. I myself was in Duisburg a few weeks ago and spoke to my colleagues there. And many people who work there in the steel mill feel forgotten, they don't feel seen by the European Union. That is why, Madam President of the Commission, you are making the issue of steel a top priority! Call a European steel summit now, and finally act before it's too late!

Madam President, dear colleagues, last Friday, an Italian court invalidated the detention of 16 asylum applicants sent to Albania by the Italian Government. Italy is a democracy, with an independent judiciary and courts that can freely rule on existing cases, also to stop illegal actions by the government. Still, members of the ruling far-right coalition, including members of the government, attacked this independent judiciary and the judges that ruled in this case. Colleagues, we cannot stay silent on this: rule of law, including separation of powers, is a key fundament of the European Union. We have waited for far too long regarding Hungary to speak up. We cannot make the same mistake again. That is why my group requests a debate with the following title: 'Commission statement regarding the ruling of the Italian court related to the agreement between Italy and Albania on migration'.